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WORKS ISSUED BY
The JO UR3^AL of WILLIAM LOCKERBY
SANDALWOOD TRADER in
THE FIJIAN ISLANDS
1808-1809
SECOND SERIES No. LII
ISSUED FOR 1922
G
I 6,1 H*.
COUNCIL
OF
THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY (1922.)
SIR ALBERT GRAY, K.C.B., President.
SIR JOHN SCOTT KELTIE, LL.D., Vice-President.
ADMIRAL OF THE FLEET THE RIGHT HON. SIR EDWARD HOBART
SEYMOUR, G.C.B., O.M., G.C.V.O., LL.D., Vice-President . BOLTON GLANVILL CORNEY, ESQ., I.S.O. M. LONGWORTH DAMES, ESQ. WILLIAM FOSTER, ESQ., C.I.E. EDWARD HEAWOOD, ESQ., Treasurer. ARTHUR R. HINKS, ESQ., C.B.E., F.R.S. SIR JOHN F. F. HORNER, K.C.V.O. SIR EVERARD IM THURN, K.C.M.G., K.B.E., C.B. T. ATHOL JOYCE, ESQ., O.B.E.
LlEUT.-COLONEL SIR FREDERIC G. KfiNYON, K.C.B..P.B.A., LlTT.D.
SIR CHARLES LUCAS, K.C.B., K.C.M.G.
ALFRED P. MAUDSLAY, ESQ., D.Sc.
BRIG.-GEN-. SIR PERCY M. SYKES, K.C.I.E., C.B., C.M.G.
H. R. TEDDER, ESQ.
LlEUT.-COLONEL SlR RlCHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BART., C.B.,
C.I.E., F.S.A.
SIR BASIL HOME THOMSON, K.C.B. SIR REGINALD TOWER, K.C.M.G., C.V.O. J. A. J. DE VILLIERS, ESQ., Hon. Secretary.
-21
= --
X.
it
£
The JOURNAL of
WILLIAM LOCKERBY
SANDALWOOD TRADER in
THE FIJIAN ISLANDS
DURING the YEARS
1808-1809:
With
AN INTRODUCTION & OTHER PAPERS CON- NECTED with THE EARLIEST EUROPEAN VISITORS to the ISLANDS.
Edited by
SIR EVER ARD IMTHURN,
K.C.M.G., K.B.E., C.B.,
and LEONARD C. WHARTON
LONDON
PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY MCMXXV
PLATES, CHARTS AND MAPS
PLATE
I. Fijians visiting H.M.S. "Providence,"
Captain Bligh in 1792 . . . FRONTISPIECE
1 1 . A Fijian Fort TO FACE PAGE 27
III. A Fijian War Canoe (Ndrua) . . „ 41
IN POCKET AT END
Chart of the Feejee Islands constructed from original docu- ments by A. Arrowsmith, 1814. With amendments and additions (shown in red) by H.M.S. "Victor" in 1836.
Sketch Maps (i) of part of 'Tocen Roba,' or 'Sandalwood Island* (Vanua Levu). Place-names as in 1804-16. (2) The same. Equivalent Place-names as in 1922. (3) The Fijian Islands, as on modern charts.
Sketch of part of the Pacific Ocean, to illustrate the sandal- wood trade to the Fijian Islands.
INTRODUCTION
TILL the end of the eighteenth century very little was known of the Fijian islands except from the scanty reports of the few seamen who in exploring the un- charted waters o'f the South Western Pacific had sighted, and even in very rare cases touched at, one or other of the smaller outlying islands. During the first ten or fifteen years of the following century, however, many British and American ships visited one part of the coast of one of the larger Fijian Islands, for the sake of the sandalwood which accidentally had been found to grow there abundantly. But surprisingly little record of these visits has survived, buried for the most part in the Shipping Gazettes of Australia and the East Indies. By 1815 the sandalwood had been exhausted, and for the next twenty years, though several strangers who had been brought by the sandalwood ships remained there — the so-called 'beach- combers,' the island folk were little visited from outside, unless by an occasional American ship in search of beche de mer. Then, in 1837, Wesleyan missionaries gained a footing in the islands; and about the same time other Europeans began to establish themselves as traders among the native folk.
In 1830, and again in 1841, the French Captain Dumont D'Urvile, and in 1845 Commander Charles Wilkes, of the United States Exploring Expedition, published such in- formation as to the history and state of the Fijian Islands as they picked up during their respective visits. But it was the Wesleyan missionaries, Thomas Williams, in 1858, and Joseph Waterhouse, in 1866, who made the first considerable attempt to tell the story of the islands, especially from the first advent of Europeans. The Wesleyans reconstructed their story only from local tradition ; but it is rather surprising that they make so little mention of the sandalwood trade. Williams, moreover, is responsible for one erroneous statement, as to
x JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
the first coining of white men to Fiji, which has been copied by almost all writers on these Islands, and has thus given rise to a misunderstanding now to be corrected by the papers published in this volume. Williams wrote:
About the year 1804 a number of convicts escaped from New "South Wales and settled among the islands. Most of these "desperadoes lived either on Mbau or Rewa, the chiefs of which "allotted them whatever they chose to demand, receiving, in "return, their aid in carrying on war."
Two considerable errors were here involved; the arrival of the first whitemen is wrongly described, and it was not to the islet of Mbau nor to the Rewa River, both of which are on the island of Viti Levu, but to Mbua Bay, on the Vanua Levu coast, that the new comers first resorted1.
In 1915, my attention was first called, by Mr T. Athol Joyce of the British Museum, to an unpublished manuscript journal in the possession of one of his colleagues, Mr Leonard C. Wharton, also of the British Museum, which was said to have been written in Fiji during the time of the sandalwood trade, therefore, many years earlier than any other known account by an eye-witness of personal experience in those islands. A brief investigation soon showed that the manu- scripts— for there are two very slightly divergent copies — re- vealed an interesting and obviously true story of the first entry in historical times of western folk into the islands ; and it was a great pleasure to me when Mr Wharton, who is the great-grandson of William Lockerby, the writer of the journal, gave me the chance of editing the papers for the Hakluyt Society, and undertook to assist me as far as necessary in deciphering his ancestors somewhat crabbed handwriting2.
Mr Wharton states that, as a child he first heard the family tradition that his great-grandfather, one William Lockerby, had disappeared, shortly after his marriage to a Miss Anna
.ilso Sir Basil Thomson's Fiji and the Fijians, p. 27, note 2. 1 I greatly regret that the war, my health, and other considerations, have prevented me from completing the work till now. The delay has. however, been of some advantage in that it has allowed me to append several other papers which illustrate and confirm Lockerby's story.
INTRODUCTION xi
Curran, that it was supposed he had been taken, in Liverpool, by a press-gang — the date of his disappearance being about the middle of the Napoleonic wars and on the eve of the American war of 1812-14; and that after a time most of his relations and friends assumed that he was dead, but his wife refused to wear mourning and expected his return. The tradition continued, that Lockerby did return, after several years, and accounted for his absence by saying that he had been marooned in the Fiji Islands, then not an uncommon way of disposing of troublesome pressed men. It was added, probably not by Lockerby himself, that a dusky princess of those parts had there fallen in love with him, had married him, had helped him with her people, and that eventually he had got away quite amicably.
The young people of the family knew that Lockerby had written a long account of his experiences in Fiji ; but the elder members, under the influence of old fashioned prudery, were very shy of allowing access to this narrative, so that it was not till almost a century after it had been written that Leonard Wharton was allowed even to see the true story of his great- grandfather's adventure.
Meanwhile, somewhere about 1850, Lockerby 's original manuscript had been deposited with a publisher of the name of Rainsford, with a view to possible publication; but, Rainsford dying shortly afterwards, all trace of these papers was lost. Fortunately, however, William Lockerby had at an early period made a copy — said to have been somewhat con- densed— of his manuscript, for the information of his parents ; and at some later period, a second copy was made by another member of the family. Both these copies have now been inherited by Mr Leonard Wharton. The version here printed follows Lockerby 's own copy; but the second copy, which differs in no very material respects, has been used to help in deciphering Lockerby's obscure passages.
Some account of William Lockerby's life before and after his Fijian adventure seems desirable; but it is not easy to piece together any connected story from the few available sources of information.
\ii JOIRNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
The following is an extract from an autobiographical account of his ancestry and birth.
Memoir of the ancestry of William Lockerby, who was born tlu- r>th of January in the year 1782, at a place called Ash- " bridge, near by the town of Lockerby, in the district of Annan- "ihi: iinty of Dumfries. He was the eldest son of John
' I.«K-kerh\ , by his wife Jannet Crighton. The said John was the "lineal descendant of the Lockerbys of that ilk, who were from (.-arly period the proprietors of considerable lands and "holdings in that neighbourhood. They were the masters of " Lockerby castle, which was a place of note during the Border "\\ars, and in the chronicles of which many acts and deeds of "valour are recorded of its Chieftains and their followers.... In "1715, the Lockerbys having taken part with the exiled family "of the Stewarts, their lands and holdings were forfeited, and of "the Castle of Lockerby at the present time only a small portion " of its walls remain. . . .The mother of William Lockerby, as before "stated, was Jannet Crighton. She was the daughter of George " C'righton, of Bengal!, a village on the banks of the river Annan. " He was the descendant of the Crightons of that ilk, and he is "said to have been a man of spirit and enterprize. It is related "of him that in the year 1745, when the Highlanders and Prince ' C'harlie were proceeding to the south, and were making bone "prize and levying blackmail upon friends and foes, that he, " George Crighton, with his dependants and the men of the village, " having driven their horses and cattle to the top of Halliday Hill, "did there manfully defend their property against a host of " Highlanders, and that in revenge the Highlanders set fire to the "village, and George Crighton's house was burnt to the ground, "and that his wife, Jannet Halliday, with her infant daughter 11 with difficulty escaped from the burning edifice. The latter was "the mother of the subject of the present memoir."
I ruler what circumstances William Lockerby changed his domicile from Scotland to England is not clear. But from certain fragments of correspondence which have been pre- served in his family it is evident that for some years previous to his Fijian adventure he regarded Liverpool as his head- quarters, but had certain business connections with London, and, moreover, had made several sea voyages. After the n from Fiji, and indeed to the end of his life, Liverpool nued to fee his home, though, as before, he absented
INTRODUCTION xiii
himself on several voyages. He must certainly have been to some extent successful in business. In the Liverpool Direc- tory for 1847 he appears as William Lockerby, Merchant, living at i Windsor Terrace, Liverpool; and, though absent from the issue for the following year, he reappears in those for 1849 to 1853 as William Lockerby, Shipowner, Fairfield House, Fairfield.
In the autumn of 1847, the last year in which he is shown as living in Liverpool, Lockerby bought the whole, or at any rate a considerable part, of the Fairfield Hall Estate, in the West Derby suburb of Liverpool. A plan of this estate, dated 1850, and signed "Mr Keightley," shows that part of the land had by that time been divided into building lots, applicants for which were invited to apply for particulars to William Lockerby, Esq., at Fairfield House, which was the name he gave to the house he had built for his own occu- pation on part of his land.
Fairfield House lay in the angle between Holly Road and another, named Lockerby Road, which joins the main London Road. The Fairfield Hall Estate has of late been much built over; but the original Hall was not pulled down till 1921, and Lockerby 's house still survives, as No. 3 Holly Road. Moreover, Lockerby Road still exists under that name, and at one side of it there is a church hall, known as Lockerby Hall.
At Fairfield House William Lockerby died on the 29th of June, 1853, m tne seventieth year of his age. His wife, Anna Curran, had died four years previously, presumably also at the same place. How soon after Lockerby 's death his heirs sold the estate is unknown; but it was certainly in the market, and was sold to a new owner on the i6th of September, 1858.
Lockerby and his wife had seven daughters and one son. The eldest child, Ellen, was born during her father's absence in Fiji; she died in 1845. Jane» born about a year after her father's return, 'married one Richard Gaskell. Jeannette Ann, born 26th of February, 1814, married Augustus Mongredien, and survived till the ist of December, 1884. Ann, born 29th
xiv JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
uigust, 1816, married George Perigal, son of a then well- known historical painter; she, after her father's death, was the custodian of the journal, till her own death on the ist of December, 1884. The only son, William John, born 26th of November, 1818, married Eliza Jane Curran, a relative of his mother, and lived in the Isle of Man, but seems early to have lost touch with the other members of the family. Next came a girl, in 1821, who died within a few hours of her birth. Another daughter, Crighton, born on the i5th of July, 1824, married Frederick Perigal, a younger brother of her brother- in-law George, and was the mother of a girl, Caroline, who married Henry Thornton Wharton, and was the mother of Leonard C. Wharton, the present owner of both copies of his great-grandfather's journal. William Lockerby's youngest child was Jemima, born i6th of December, 1825. She died unmarried, about 1900; and it was from this great aunt Jemima that Leonard Wharton inherited the journal, of which she had become custodian after Mrs George Perigal's death.
To obtain full value from Lockerby's journal, and the other notes brought together in this volume, it is necessary to consider in some detail the whole story of the unveiling of the Fijian Islands, and, incidentally, to set out the brief episode of the sandalwood trade which allows a glimpse of the Islands when first penetrated by Europeans.
Very seldom is it possible to trace the gradual approach of men of western civilisation into any, till then, secluded and quite unknown part of the world as minutely as is possible in the case of the European adventurers who during the iyth and 1 8th centuries first sighted, long afterwards set foot on, and eventually settled in the Fijian Islands. Unusual oppor- tunity is thus afforded of perceiving some of the early stages of contact between civilised and uncivilised but in their way highly cultured folk, wrongly dubbed 'savages.'
In 1643, Abel Janszoon Tasman, in the "Heemskerck," with the "Zeehahn" in company, having discovered the group now known as the Tongan or Friendly Islands, sailed
INTRODUCTION xv
to the north-west, and on the 6th of February found his ships entangled among some islets and shoals which he named 'Prins Wyllems Islands,' in honour of Prince William of Orange. This is the first recorded instance of western eyes seeing any of the Fijian Islands.
" In the morning (Tasman wrote in his Journal) we again saw "land, to wit three small islets, on all sides surrounded by shoals "and reefs; we tacked about to the south, and saw a large reef "off westward, stretching as far as the south, which we sincerely "regretted; this land is fully 8 or 9 miles in length; straight "ahead there were also breakers, which we were unable to pass. "Seeing that we could clear neither the reef straight ahead, nor "another which lay north of us, we observed to leeward a small "space about two ship's length wide, where there were no "breakers; for this we made, since there was no other way of "escape; we passed between the rocks in 4 fathoms, but not "without great anxiety; all about here there are reefs and 18 or "19 islands, but the shoals which abound here and are very " dangerous, render it impossible for ships to pass between them.... "We should have greatly liked to come to anchor near one of "these islands, but could find no road-stead, on account of the "numberless shoals and reefs that run out to sea from all these "islands. At noon we turned our course to northward, in order ' ' if possible to get clear of all these shoals in the day time ; to- " wards the north, too, we saw numerous shoals everywhere, "which it would be difficult to pass through; at length, however, "we found an opening, and sailed through between the reefs, "but to our great regret we had to leave these isles.... In the "evening we saw three hills, which we thought to be islands; "during 5 glasses of the first watch we again made for the land "in order to avoid the shoal ahead of us; the wind was blowing "from the east, and we sailed with our main-sail set; when "5 glasses of the first watch were out, we tacked to the north- " ward, and ran northward till daybreak, when we saw the island "which on the previous evening we had seen north by west of us1."
There can be little doubt that the islets and reefs of which Tasman caught a passing glimpse that day in the year 1643 were if not the Ringgold Islands but some other of the dan- gerous clusters which lie off the north-eastern point of Vanua Levu — Lockerby's Sandalwood Island — and that 'the hills'
1 Journal, Amsterdam edition, pp. 33 and 34 of translation.
xv, JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
which he saw in the evening, and again in the morning, when he thought them to be 'islands,' were the high ground on and beyond Undu Point.
No part of the Fijian Islands was again seen by European eyes for 131 years. In 1774 Captain Cook, on his way from the Friendly Islands to the New Hebrides, sailed north-west, and, on the 2nd of July, sighted a small island, and sent the master to sound.
" At the time four or five people were seen on the reef, which "lies about the island, and about three times that number on "the shore. As the boat advanced, those on the reef retired and "joined the others; and when the boat landed, they all fled to "the woods.... The master left on the rocks some medals, nails, "and a knife; which they, no doubt, found, as some were seen "near the place afterwards. The island is not quite a league in "length... and not half that in breadth. It is covered with wood, "and surrounded by a reef of coral rocks, which, in some places, "extend for two miles from the shore. It seems to be too small "to contain many inhabitants; and probably the few whom we "saw, may have come from some isle in the neighbourhood, to "fish for turtle, as many were seen near the reef, and occasioned "their name to be given to the island1."
The same afternoon the boats were hoisted in, and the ships made sail to the west.
Cook's 'Turtle Island' is the Vatoa of modern charts. It was surveyed by the "Porpoise," of the United States' Ex- ploring Expedition, on the 26th of August, 1840, at which time the island had "about 50 inhabitants, who have native "missionaries, and are Christians2."
Captain Cook, except as above, never saw any part of the Fijian Islands; but when at Tongatabu in July 1777, he there met some Fijians, from whom he learned certain details, and from the Tongans he heard much more, as to these islands, lying away in the north-west, of their fertility, and of the ability and warlike character of their inhabitants3. Cook's
1 Voyage to the South Pole... in the Years 1772, 1773, 1774 and 1775, ii, pp. 23, 24.
•'"ring Expedition, Vol. in, pp. 378-9.
* Voyage to the Pacific Ocean. ..in the Years 1776, 1777, 1778, 1779 and 1780, Vol. i, p. 374.
INTRODUCTION xvii
account of the incident must have been the first to reach the outer world.
In 1789, Captain William Bligh — ' Breadfruit Bligh' — after the mutiny on H.M.S. " Bounty," off the Friendly or Tongan Islands, having been set adrift in the ship's launch, with the loyal members of the "Bounty's" crew, was the next to see any of the Fijian Islands. From the scene of the mutiny, Bligh and his fellow refugees first made for Tofoa, one of the Friendly Islands, where they were ill received by the natives; thence they made sail for Timor, "a distance of full " 1 200 leagues, where there was a Dutch settlement." Leaving Tofoa at 8 p.m. on the 2nd of May, 1789, Bligh steered west- north-west; "for," he wrote, "I not only expected to have " better weather, but to see the Feejee Islands, as I have often "understood, from the natives of Anamooka, that they lie in " that direction. Captain Cook, likewise, considered them to "be N.W. by W. from Tongataboo." On the 4th of May eight islands were sighted: "those to the south, which were "the nearest, being four leagues distant from us, and at "6 p.m. three other small islands were sighted1."
Early the next morning, Bligh 'discovered two islands.' At daylight a number of other islands were in sight ; and at noon, Bligh wrote:
"a small sandy island or key, two miles distant from me, bore "from E. to | S. I had passed ten islands, the largest of which " I judge to be six or eight leagues in circuit. Much larger lands "appeared in S.W. and N.N.W., between which I directed my "course.... We continued steering to the N.W., between the "islands, which, by the evening, appeared of considerable extent, "woody and mountainous.... At dawn... we again discovered land "from W.S.W. to W.N.W., and another island N.N.W., the "latter a high lump of but little extent.
" The land to the west was distinguished by some extraordinary "high rocks, which, as we approached them assumed a variety "of forms. The country appeared to be agreeably interspersed "with high and low land, and in some places covered with wood. "Off the N.E. part lay some small rocky islands, between which
1 Bligh 's Voyage to the South Seas... in His Majesty's Ship "Bounty" p. 179 et seq.
xviii JOIRNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
an island to the N.E., I directed my course; but a lee ' current set us very unexpectedly very near to the rocky isles, " ami \ve could only get clear of them by rowing, passing close "to the reef which surrounded them. At this time we observed siling canoes coming swiftly after us along shore, "and, being apprehensive of their intensions, we rowed with . tul'y sensible of our weak and defenceless state.... "All the afternoon, we had light winds at N.N.E.; the weather - very rainy, attended with thunder and lightning. Only one "of the canoes gained upon us, which by three o'clock in the "afternoon was not more than two miles off, when she gave over " chase. If I may judge from the sail of these vessels, they are "of a similar construction with those at the Friendly Islands, ."which, with the nearness of their situation, gives reason to be- "lieve that they are the same kind of people. Whether these " canoes had any hostile intention against us must remain a doubt : "perhaps we might have benefited by an intercourse with them; "hut in our defenceless situation, to have made the experiment, "would have been risking too much. I imagine these to be the "islands called Feejee, as their extent, direction, and distance "from the Friendly Islands, answers to the description of them "given by those islanders."
On the following day Bligh noted :
"The land passed yesterday and the day before, is a group of "islands, 14 or 16 in number, lying between the latitude of " 16° 26' S. and 17° 57' S., and in longitude, by my account, 4° 47' "to 7° 17' W. from Tofoa. Three of these islands are very large, "having from 30 to 40 leagues of sea-coast."
Owing to the unpropitious circumstances under which Bligh observed them, it seems difficult exactly to identity the individual islands by which the "Bounty's" launch passed; but there can be no doubt that these were some of the Fijian Islands, and but little that it was from Yasawa Island that the canoes came out and chased the launch. Ac- cordingly, on the earlier charts, for instance, on Arrowsmith's great chart of the Pacific in 9 sheets, ' Bligh 's Islands,' \\ith the 'Prince William's Isles' of Tasman, and Turtle Island i plain Cook, represent the Fijian Group for the first time.
Mention must now be made of another visit, equally brief, of Europeans to the Fijian Islands in the same year (1789)
INTRODUCTION xix
that the "Bounty's" launch passed through the group. The following passage from the Bengal Hurkaru (No. 3590) for October the 2nd, 1826, suggest, with much probability, that the "Bounty" herself, after the mutiny and her subsequent return, under Christian, to Tahiti, actually touched at a Fijian island, and that this island, rather than Pitcairn, might have become the hiding place of the mutineers. It is part of a statement taken down by the missionary Nott, in 1826, from the lips of the Tahitian woman Jenny, one of those who had accompanied the mutineers on their final departure from Tahiti, in search of a safe refuge from the expected vengeance of the British Admiralty. The statement purports to have been written down in the presence of Captain Peter Dillon, when he called, in 1826, in his ship, the "St Patrick," at Pitcairn Island, and to have been given by Dillon to the Hurkaru.
The statement begins with the arrival of the "Bounty" at Matavai Bay (Tahiti), in possession of the mutineers. The woman Jenny went on board there, and the ship soon after sailed. The mutineers first attempted to settle at Tubuai, but, after a collision with the islanders, abandoned that plan, and returned to Matavai Bay, where several other Tahitian women went on board, and were carried off to sea against their intentions and wishes ; while all but nine of the mutineers left the ship and remained on shore. One woman swam ashore, and six others were landed by a canoe which came off to the ship from Mo'orea. Twelve women and four Tahitian men then remained on board. They sailed "to the <4 westward, and after many days a small island was discovered, "called by the natives 'Purutea'." After several days more they saw one of the Tongatabu Islands.
" Several canoes came off with abundance of hogs, yams, and "poultry. They said that Tuti (Captain Cook) had been there, "and that the horned cattle left by him were living. After two "days stay, they sailed away, still to leeward, and a few days "afterwards discovered a small low island. Here Christian pro- "posed to stop. ...Finding the inhabitants were numerous they "sailed away that night to windward. Two months elapsed before "land was again seen until Pitcairn's island was discovered in "the evening."
b2
xx JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
Sir Basil Thomson, in his edition of Captain Edward 1 A!\\ ards's recently recovered Reports of the voyage of H.M.S. "Pandora," which was sent from England to the South Seas to arrest the mutineers of the "Bounty" (1790-91), has recently called attention to the all but certain fact that certain of the crew of the "Pandora" visited and lay at anchor at one of the Fijian Islands, in 1791, which Sir Basil, though \\ith somewhat less certainty, would identify with Matuku, one of the southernmost of the Fijian group.
When the "Pandora" reached Tahiti, she found not only some of the mutineers but also a small schooner which these unfortunate men had built — as the old-fashioned sailor so often did when cast away — for the purpose of effecting their escape. Captain Edwards took possession of this small vessel and fitted it out to serve as tender to the "Pandora" on her further voyage, Mr Oliver, Masters Mate, Midshipmen Renouard, Quartermaster James Dodds, and six sailors being told off to man the boat. On the 22nd of June, 1791, off Upolu, one of the Samoan Group, in thick weather, the tender parted company with the "Pandora," and ran west- ward for the appointed rendezvous at Namuka in the Tongan Group, but reached Tofoa, which she mistook for Namuka. Not finding the "Pandora," on or about the ist of July, 1791, the tender continued on her western course, till, after two days, she came to an unknown island, where she remained for five weeks, always hoping for the arrival of the "Pandora," and meanwhile taking in water and provisions. Thence this little craft boldly ran for the Dutch East Indies; and, soon after passing through Endeavour Strait, she encountered a small Dutch vessel by which meeting the tender and her long- suffering crew were taken to Samarang, in Java, where the survivors from the "Pandora," which meanwhile had been wrecked on the Australian coast, were found.
Captain Edwards, no doubt rightly, at once identified the island at which the tender had lain for five weeks as "one of "the Feejee islands"; and Sir Basil Thomson, of his great local knowledge, has given good reason to believe that the island was really Matuku, and that Oliver and the crew of
INTRODUCTION xxi
the little schooner were thus the first white men to remain for any considerable time — i.e. five weeks — at a Fijian island. Unfortunately there is no record of what communication Oliver had with the natives, beyond the mere fact that stores were taken in.
But it is well here to note that Sir Basil Thomson's inci- dental suggestion that the Fijian tradition, as to the coming of the first white man's ship, refers to the visit of the " Pandora's" tender is doubtful. Internal evidence makes it much more probable that that tradition refers to the passing through the group, as will presently be told, of the "El Plumier" in 1801.
Thirteen months after this visit of the "Pandora's " tender, between the 5th and the nth of August, 1792, Captain William Bligh passed for the second time through the Fijian Islands, then better known as ' Bligh 's Islands.' Not long after he had reached England from his first but frustrated attempt to transport Breadfruit trees from Tahiti to the West Indies, he was, to his great satisfaction, commissioned to make a second attempt ; and, having secured a supply of the desired plant in Tahiti, he, not unnaturally, so directed his course to the West Indies as to pass over as much as possible of the ground so painfully traversed in the "Bounty's" launch. The journals which Bligh and his subordinate officers kept 'on this second occasion had been long overlooked, but have now been safely deposited in the Public Record Office, and have lately been published, in sufficient abstract and adequate annotation, by Mrs Charles Marriott ('Ida Lee'). From the Vavau Group of the Friendly Islands, he entered 'the ' Fejees ' at the south-eastern extremity, but somewhat to the north of the point by which he had passed in the " Bounty's " launch ; then, steering N.W. nearly as far as Taveuni, he next turned S.W., thus twice crossing the course of the launch, after which he rounded the southern shore of Kandavu, and made for the New Hebrides, on his way to pass through the Endeavour Strait. On this occasion Bligh sighted Fiji on the 5th, and last saw them on the nth of August, 1792, but never set foot on shore, and had, it seems, no communication
cm JOrRNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
with the natives, except once when two natives came out by ni^ht in a canoe from the Island of Mothe to the English ships. This incident, off Mothe, was roughly depicted in his journal by Lt. George Tobin, whose sketch forms the basis for Miss Gardner King's drawing which appears as the frontispiece to this volume.
In more than one of the now obsolete encyclopaedias of the first part of the i8th century, there is reference to the first sighting, in 1794, of certain Fijian Islands (undoubtedly the Yasawa Islands) off the N.W. coast of Viti Levu, by a Captain Barber of the snow "Arthur." The most detailed of these references is from George Alexander Cooke's Modern and Authentic System of Universal Geography, London, 181 1 ?, p. 103. It is as follows:
"The most western part of this group (Feejee Islands) was dis- " covered by Captain Barber, in the Snow 'Arthur,' 26th of April, " 1794, on his passage from Port Jackson to the north-west of "America. He saw six of the islands, the largest of which he "places in latitude 17° 30', 175° 15' east longitude. He anchored "in a bay on its western side, and some natives who came off in "a canoe were reluctant to come on board, and seemed to be "unaccustomed to trade. The next day a number of canoes at- tacked the ship, and two of the crew were wounded by them "with arrows. The savages attempted to board, but were re- " pulsed with the ship's swivels and small arms. The navigation "on this, as on every other side of the group, was found to be* " intricate and dangerous.
" It is uncertain whether these numerous and extensive islands "are connected together under a distinct government, or whether " they are independent of each other, or mostly subject to Tonga- "\aboo. It is certain at least that some of the principal islands "have been independent of its government and occasionally "hostile to it. They are also of a distinct race, and speak a "different language, and, beside spears and clubs, make use of "bows and arrows in battle."
Search for confirmation of this story has resulted in finding
only this: David Collins, Secretary of the Colony of New
h Wales records1 that on Monday the loth of March,
>!!ins, Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Vol. i (1798), pp. 352-63-
INTRODUCTION xxiii
1794, "at the critical moment when the doors of the pro- " vision-store had closed, and the convicts had received their "last allowance of the salt provisions which remained," the signal for a sail was made at the South-head, the brig1, was in sight. At three on the afternoon of the loth, the weather having abated, the "Arthur," Captain Barber, a small brig of about ninety-five tons, from Bengal, arrived, having on board some beef and pork, sugar, Bengal rum, and coarse calicoes. The small quantity of salt provisions was purchased on account of Government for £307. 16$.; the beef at five- pence and the pork at eight-pence per pound; and the re- mainder of her cargo was purchased by the officers of the civil and military departments2.
In a despatch dated 28th of April, 1794, Lt.-Governor Grose also noted3 that "a brig from Bengal (the 'Arthur') "has called here on her way to the coast of America. From "her I directed the Commissary to purchase some salted meat "she has brought for sale."
The snow "Arthur," Captain Barber, left Port Jackson on the 3rd of April, for the North West Coast. She was, as has already been told, in conflict with the natives of the Yasawa Islands on the 26th of the same month; and on the i5th of the following July, Captain Vancouver, who was at the time in ' Bering Bay ' (at the north-western corner of what is now British Columbia), saw the "Arthur," commanded by a Mr Barber, belonging to Bengal, but last from Port Jackson, run in and come to anchor near by. Captain Barber on the "Arthur" left Bering Bay on the 23rd of July4.
There are later references to Captain Barber as a fur-trader on the North West Coast, on the "Unicorn" in 1802, and again on the "Myrtle" in i8o75.
The next to pass through the Fijian Islands — but again without having any communication with the natives — was the missionary ship "Duff," which, after depositing the
1 There seems to be very slight difference between ' a brig ' and ' a snow.'
2 Collins, Account, Vol. I, pp. 353, 355 and 359.
3 H.R., N.S.W. Vol. in, p. 209.
4 Vancouver's A Voyage of Discovery in the North Pacific Ocean. Ed. 1801, Vol. v, p. 411. 5 Bancroft, Alaska, pp. 404 and 409.
xxiv JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
London Society's missionaries, including George Vason, at \arious islands to the eastward, finally left Tongatabu for China on the yth of September, 1797. The "Duff," Captain James Wilson, entered the Fijian Group, as so many of the previous ships had done, at the S.E. extremity, and at once got entangled in the maze of rocks and reefs which fringes the eastern side of the larger islands. Captain Wilson's Journal gives a vivid picture of the dangers through which the "Duff" passed.
On the 8th of September, 1797, Captain Wilson wrote1: " \\ e sighted two islands, the southernmost of which had a re- "markably flat top, on which account we called it Table Island. "•Before dark we could see other islands further to the westward, "and supposed them to be either the same, or very near to those, " Captain Bligh first fell in with after leaving Tofua in the launch. "During the night about six hours we lay with the ship's head "to the northward, then wore to the southward till daylight; in "which last space of time we must have passed close to a dan- "gerous reef, named in the chart Providence reef.... When the "day broke we thought we had a clear sea, and at 6 o'clock bore " away, and ran W.N.W. about half an hour, when we discovered "several islands besides those we had seen on the previous evening, " and perceived that extensive reefs surrounded every one of them. "In viewing our situation from aloft it appeared very critical, "and occasioned the island ahead to be called Danger Island. "A little from this island S.E. lay three or four small islets, and "a coral reef extended about 3 or 4 miles from these. On our "starboard quarter another reef trended to the N.E., further than "we could see, as the weather was hazy. Thus we were running "directly for Danger Island, and leaving those extensive reefs "upon each quarter, when the sight of many more islands gave "us reason to suppose that to attempt a passage through them "would be hazardous, if not impracticable."
Wilson therefore tried to work the ship out by the way it had come in, and eventually,
"after making a few tacks, at 9.30 a.m., we passed to the wind- "ward of the S.E. reef, and stood toward Table Island. ...As we " ran along we saw a large space to leeward free from reefs, which "almost tempted us to bear away; but proceeding further, the "islands to the S.W. appeared connected (by reefs)."
1 Wilson, Missionary Voyage. ..hi the "Duff" p. 286.
INTRODUCTION ncv
The "Duff" thereupon passed northward, keeping to the east of the whole group of isles and reefs, though Wilson supposed that in fine weather a passage might be found through them.
On the loth of September the ship passed Providence reef, and afterwards the " N.E. reef, where once more we appeared "to have a clear sea. Table and Danger Islands, of which we "had the nearest view, wore an aspect of fertility, having the "loftiest hills covered with trees to their summits."
As is evident from Wilson's chart, the "Duff" was now clear from the first group of Fijian Islands with which it had met, and was now running through open water, at first northward and then westward.
"On the 1 2th," Wilson's Journal continues, "we were in "latitude 16° 42' S. and 180° 30' E.; half an hour afterwards "we saw land bearing south, for which we hauled up, wishing "to have some intercourse with the natives." Unfortunately the wish was not fulfilled. In running southward, Wilson here "had a reef on the weather side, just in sight from the " deck, and a low island on the lee beam bearing W. by N."; and, still running south and a little west, the ship "just "weathered a reef lying eastward from a small but high ' ' island — which was thereupon named Bluff Island. ' ' Standing a little farther, Wilson tacked ship close to the N.E. reefs of what he called Sir. Charles Middleton's Island, and chose the ground between this and the before-mentioned reef (Bluff Island reef) to spend the night in, as he had the bearings of several islands by which to direct the ship clear of the surrounding danger.
At daybreak on the i3th the "Duff" ran along the north side of Sir Charles Middleton's Island. There appeared to be no opening through the reef, though, he thought, one might perhaps be found somewhere about the island, if diligently sought for; but on this side there is none. Leaving Middleton's Island he steered west by compass four or five leagues, and passed by what he called Maitland Island, or as he calls it elsewhere 'Isle of Direction.' There were natives on the beach (of Maitland Island) with spears in
xxvi JOt RXAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
their hands; and the island, which was moderately high, seemed to abound in the common produce; but, like those he had already seen, it was quite surrounded by a reef. Therefore sailing W.N.W. about six leagues further, he came near to the east end of another pretty large island, called Ross's Island, where vast numbers of the natives were seen, nbled upon the beach, and smoke was seen among the trees ; but they were quite secure, being, like their neighbours, strongly fortified with a surrounding reef. Many larger islands were in sight to leeward, which, from examination of Bligh's narrative, Wilson supposed to lie N.E. from the large islands which Bligh passed when the canoes chased him. From the mast-head a reef was observed trending to the N.I-]., to weather which the "Duff" was hauled to the north- ward ; and passing it, stood towards some small islands, which were named 'the Clusters.' As night approached, being sur- rounded with reefs and islands on all sides, the ship was put under an easy sail, and the clearest space short tacks were made till next morning.
"At seven o'clock (Wilson continues), a small island to wind- 11 ward bore E. by N., and the highest of the Cluster bore S.S.W.; "the wind was easterly, and the sea was smooth as a river. At "the above time we stood to S.E. by S. under the topsails; and "at nine o'clock, no danger appearing, we thought ourselves safe; "but we were presently alarmed by the ship striking on a coral "reef, upon which the sea hardly broke to give the least warning. "All hands were upon deck in an instant, and, as she stuck fast, "became under great apprehensions of being ship- wrecked ; a "misfortune which presented itself with a thousand frightful "ideas. We know that the Feejees were cannibals of a fierce "disposition, and who had not had the least intercourse with any "voyagers; consequently we could expect no favour from such. "Imagination, quick and fertile on such occasions, figured their " dancing round us while we were roasted on large fires. However, " it was no time to indulge thoughts of this kind, but to try what "could be done to save the ship. Judging it to be a weather reef were on, the moment she struck the sails were hove aback, "and within about five or six minutes we beheld with joy that "she came astern, and shortly afterwards was quite afloat; when "we were again delivered from our fears, and found the ship,
INTRODUCTION xxvii
"which had kept upright the whole time, seemed to have received "no injury. It was not possible to ascertain at sea what damage "had been sustained, as she made no water; but on coming into "dock we discovered how very wonderfully we had been pre- " served. The coral rock on which we struck was providentially "directed exactly against one of the timbers. The violence of "the blow had beat in the copper, deeply wounded the plank "and bent it to shivers. Had the stroke been between the ribs "of the ship, it must have gone through, and we had probably "never returned to adore the author of our mercies.
"When the day showed (on the i4th) the dangers which lay "hid on every side, it... made us very desirous to get clear of them "as fast as possible. With this view we steered N.N.W. betwixt "several small reefs not larger in circumference than the ship, "and with scarce a wash of the sea upon them. They seemed to "extend on both sides of us as far as we could see. When we had "passed these, and began to bring the islands astern, we thought "ourselves quite clear, and were regretting that we could have "no intercourse with the inhabitants, who, we had no doubt, "would have been willing to barter with us, had we found "anchorage for the ship; for with these people the Friendly "Islanders carry on a trade with the articles they get from us. "At nine a.m. another island came in sight to the north-west, for "which we shaped our course, to try if anchorage could be found "near it; and the weather side appearing on our approach to be "clear of reefs, it gave us hopes that the lee side would be the "same; but it proved otherwise. At noon the body of the island "bore south, distant one mile.... Along this north side, there "being no reef, the sea broke violently against the cliffs, which "are high, and from the face of them huge fragments have fallen "off, and lie scattered at their base. These cliffs, especially to- " wards the north-west end, have a less fertile appearance than "those we had already passed; but towards the east end the "island wears a better aspect; and at this part there were natives " and houses upon the top of the hill. Probably there is low ground " on the south-west side, where we intended to anchor ; but coming "to the north-west point, we saw a shoal close to us, and a large "flat ran S.W. off the island; and as this was the last we saw of "this dangerous group, it received the name of Farewell Island."
Wilson supposes these islands to be Tasman's 'Prince 'William's Islands' and adds
" however, it may be presumed that but part of them have as yet "been seen by Europeans, as it was evident that many large
\xviii JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
"islands lay to the S.W., the nearest of which1 we could but "faintly distinguish, and some were at a distance from the tracks "of Captain Bligh in the launch of the Bounty, and afterwards "in the Providence."
Captain Wilson also rightly assumed that these islands were 'the Feejees' of the people of Tongatabu. He adds that the islands generally appeared high, fertile, with con- siderable cultivation:
"When we passed close we saw many inhabitants, and have 'no doubt that they are all well peopled; and they must be an 'improved people in the savage state, for the natives of the ' Friendly Islands, who are unwilling to give place to any, ac- ' knowledge that the Feejees excel them in many ingenious works ; ' that they possess larger canoes, and are a brave, fighting people ; 'but abhor them for their detestable practice of eating their ' unfortunate prisoners. They use bows and arrows in war."
Only one other ship has to be mentioned as having ap- proached the group before the close of the i8th century. The incident has hitherto been known only from a mis- leading reference in Admiral Krusenstern's Memoir es Hydro- graphiques-, in which it is stated that "Captain Maitland of "the American ship 'Ann and Hope' (in 1799) saw a part ' ' of the Islands , to which he gave the name ' Land of Liberty ' . " The true story is recorded in the 3rd edition (dated 1808) of Laurie and Whittle's Oriental Navigator; or New Direc- tions for Sailing to and from the East Indies, China, New Holland &c. With considerable additions: lately revised and carefully corrected by John Stevens, of the Honourable (East India) Company's Service.
On pages 703-704 of this Oriental Navigator is given the following :
"Extract of the Journal of the American ship Ann and Hope, "Captain Christopher Bentley. This ship sailed from Rhode "Island, the Qth of August 1799, and arrived in China the i9th "of January 1800, which is considered as a reasonable passage; "as from the Cape of Good Hope, she came round New Holland "through the South and North Pacific Oceans, and went as far
1 It must have been Vanua Levu or Sandalwood Island. * p. 232.
INTRODUCTION
XXIX
"to the eastward as the ship1 whose discoveries we have just "described. She ranged along the north- westernmost extremity "of the Friendly Isles, and found several new islands.
"Thursday, December 5th, (says the Journal) at day-light, "£ past 4, saw land, apparently an island; the north-west part' "then in sight, rose in a very high peak, resembling a sugar- "loaf (A), tapering off to the S.E. to a low point, which bore E. "by N. the peak E.N.E. distance off the nearest shore 7 leagues; " it was named Hope Island (B).
"At 8a.m. saw land to the E.N.E. supposed to be another "island, but at a great distance (C). At £ past 8 saw land N.N.W., "a low level island, about 5 leagues distant. At 9 bore away "N.W. This island is full of trees: a vast number of cocoa-nut "trees overtopping the others, it received the name of Cocoa-nut " Island. It extends S.E. by S. and N.W. by N. ; and off the south- "east point saw dangerous breakers, stretching 4 or 5 miles: on "the south-west shore saw likewise several breakers, intermixed "with white sandy beach. We coasted along this island, on the "south-west side, at about 3 leagues off shore; it seemed to be "8 or 9 miles in length, and has the appearance of being good "fertile land. We saw several fires.
"At ii lost sight of Hope Island, the peak bearing S.E. saw " high land in the north-east quarter, and at the back of Cocoanut "Island: off the north-west end of this island about 2 miles lies "a small islet covered with trees.
" Friday 6th. At 3 p.m. descried an island bearing N.N.W. and "soon after saw land N.W. by N. |N. which we supposed to be "an island also; and perhaps there may be a continual range of "islands, from the land we first perceived, and what we see at 5, "which extends N.W. by N. as much as 100 miles. At 5 the "westernmost land in sight, which I call First or South Island, "bore N.N.W. £N. distant 6 leagues, and making like 4 sugar- " loaves.
"At 6 p.m. Seventeen small islands now in sight, at the back, "or N.E. of which is very high mountainous land. At 8 the "westernmost land bore North, when there seems to be a ter- "mination of the main high land or large island.
"Pleasant weather during the night; stood off and on under "single reefed top-sails and fore-sail. At 5 a.m. the westernmost "island bore N.N.E. made sail to the North. At 8, 18 or 19 "separate islands in sight, the same seen last evening; a long " range of high land extending at the back of them as far as E.N.E.
1 The "Hunter," Captain Fearn in 1798, l.c. 697-702.
JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
• At meridian the island which I call Second or North Island, "bore per true North N.E. by E. and First Island S.E. by E.
each about 6 leagues distant.
"Moiulav. December the Qth. At 6a.m. were alarmed by "seeing the bottom under the ship, apparently at no great depth, "speckled with very black and white spots; tacked immediately; "sounded and had 12 fathoms, black, white and reddish coral: "in half an hour went over the bank, and perceived round the "edges of it considerable rippling. It extends about 2 miles
I .N.I!, and W.N.W. and its extreme breadth is about a mile; "no breakers seen, and perhaps there may not be less than "fathoms on it."
The extract from the Journal of the "Ann and Hope" here ends. But the editor adds :
"The north-western extremity of the Friendly Islands, along " which the Ann and Hope coasted 1 20 miles per compass, and made "the discoveries above mentioned, was called by her the LAND "OF LIBERTY, and supposed to be the Isles of Hamsa, Vavao and " Fejee, to the southward of which Captain Bligh sailed in 1792. "The whole, except the small islets, appeared cultivated, and "seemed enclosed in many parts."
The 'very high land' first sighted from the "Ann and " Hope " was Nambukelevu, in recent times often called ' Mt. 'Washington,' the extinct volcanic cone at the western end of the island of Kandavu ; and it was to that island itself that Captain Bentley gave the name of ' Hope Island.' The island next seen ' at a great distance ' away to the N.E. was Mbenga. The "low level island... with a vast number of cocoa-nut "trees," lying to the N. or N.N.W., was Vatulailai; and to this Bentley gave the name of 'Cocoa-nut .Island.' The "high land in the north-east quarter, and at the back of " Cocoa-nut Island " was the south-western coast of the great Island of Viti Levu ; and the high land and supposed islands next seen, when the "Ann and Hope" altered her course to the N.\\ ., was the western extension of this great island, along which the ship ran till she reached, and passed along the chain of the Yasawa Islands, which fringe the whole of the N.E. coast of the main island. That was the last seen from the "Ann and Hope" of the Fijian Islands.
INTRODUCTION xxxi
It should be noted that the Editor of the Oriental Navi- gator, in his final comment, uses the name ' hamsa' for the Samoan Islands, also that he obviously regarded the Samoan group, Vavau with the other Tongan islands, and the Fijian group as one whole, which he called 'the Friendly Islands' (see p. 9, n. 3 post). It should also be noted that not only did Captain Bligh "sail to the southward of this group in " 1792," but that he had actually passed through the group and by the Yasawa Islands in 1789, when in the "Bounty's" launch; and that, as Krusenstern points out, the Yasawas had been visited by Captain Barber of the "Arthur" in 1794.
To sum up: Till quite the end of the i8th century the Fijian Islands were known only from the necessarily meagre reports of Tasman, who, in 1643, nacl passed through the maze of reefs and islets which fringe the eastern side of the group; of Captain Cook, who, in 1774, had sighted, and even had a boat's crew ashore Turtle Island (Vatoa) at the south- eastern extremity of the group; of Captain Bligh, who, in 1789, in the " Bounty's " launch, had passed in at the eastern side of the group, felt his way upward between the two great islands of Vanua Levu and Viti Levu, and had passed out by 'Round Island Passage,' and by the Yasawa Islands; perhaps of Christian and his fellow mutineers who, in the same year, probably visited one of the Lau group, in vain search for a safe refuge; of Mr Oliver, Master of the "Pan- " dora's " tender, who, in 1791, found, and lay for five weeks at one of the Lau Islands — perhaps Matuku — of Captain Bligh again, who, in 1792, on the "Providence," the "Assistance" in company, from Vavau had entered at the eastern side, seen several of the Lau Islands, and then made his way out to sea by rounding Kandavu; of Captain Barber of the snow "Arthur," who, in 1794, approaching from the west had seen the Yasawa Islands, and had even landed either on one of these or on the mainland of Viti Levu; of Captain James Wilson of the " Duff," which, in 1797, from the Tongan group, had entered and passed up through the eastern fringe of the Feejees, much as Tasman had done; and lastly of Captain Christopher Bentley, of the "Ann and Hope,"
JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
who, in 1799, had sighted Kandavu, the western side of Viti Levu, and the Yasavva Islands. But none of these had any lasting and effective communication with the natives of the islands which in most cases they only just saw. It was not till the first days of the i9th century that European influence began to take root in the islands, and at first feebly enough.
It can now hardly be doubted that the tradition of the native folk of Fiji, to the effect that the first white men to land and remain for any considerable time on any of their islands were the sailors of a ship which was wrecked 'long ' ago ' on the reef which they call Mbukatatanoa, that is ' the 'yangona bowl carved in fire- wood,' is true.
Early in the last century some chart-maker — which was the first to do so seems uncertain — attached the name of the ship, the "Argo," to the reef in question, which is a widely extending and very dangerous coral atoll, the south-eastern outpost of the Fijian Islands, abutting on the wide channel which separates these from the Tongan Islands. Nothing, however, but the name of the ship, the place and the sup- posed date (1806) of the wreck seemed discoverable.
Commander Wilkes, writing in 1845, savsl> tnat on the iyth of May, 1840, one of his ships, the "Porpoise," Lt.- Commander Ringgold, was "engaged in exploring the great "Argo Reef. Its native name is Bocatatanoa, and it is one "of the most extensive and dangerous in the group. Its "English name is derived from the loss (on its south-east "end) of the English brig 'Argo,' which happened in the "year 1806." Later writers have almost invariably followed Wilkes. Our own Hydrographic Department states2: "The "second name of the reef is derived from the brig 'Argo' ' ' which was lost in 1 806 on its south-east end . ' ' The missionary Waterhouse, in his King and People of Fiji, p . 22 , seems the only writer to give the correct date, namely, as will be shown, 1800.
Several vessels of the name "Argo" are mentioned in the early records of the settlement at Port Jackson, but the one
1 U.S.A. Exploring Expedition, Vol. in, p. 170.
* Pacific Islands Pilot, Vol. n (Central Groups), 5th edition, p. 440.
INTRODUCTION xxxiii
with which we are here concerned is the one of which Collins, in his Account of New South Wales, records that
"on the yth of July, 1798, a small American schooner, the ' Argo,' "arrived at Port Jackson, last from the Isle of France, having on "board a cargo of salt provisions, some French brandy, and other "articles, upon speculation; all of which was brought to a good "market. From the circumstance of this ship's coming from the "Mauritius, the Governor (Hunter) entertained some jealousy; "and, as it was not impossible or improbable but that, under "neutral colours, a spy might be concealed, he judged it necessary "to put the battery on Point Mafkelyne into a more secure and "respectable state, and to construct two redoubts in proper and "convenient situations1."
Not the Governor only but the settlers also were perturbed by the arrival of the "Argo." Collins writes of the danger to the settlers and others, and to the young colony generally, of the ready sale which the speculators who called here constantly found for their cargoes2.
The settlers themselves, in an appeal to the Secretary of State, dated 9th of January, 1800, in which they complain of "the iniquity and extortion" to which they were sub- jected, in that "when ships arrive at Port Jackson, the cargoes " are bought up by a few individuals who, in order to engross "the whole, will give an extravagant price," and, "seldom, "if ever, dispose of the same at less than 100 per cent, on "the purchase money, whatever that may be, and frequently "at 200 per cent."; and, as one example, say that "the cargo "of the 'Argo,' an American vessel, consisted chiefly of rum "and gin. The rum bought at 95. p'r gallon, afterwards sold "at 2os. to 8os. p'r gallon; the gin, in cases of 9^ gallons, "bought for £5, afterwards soldfrom £15 to £20 st'g p'r case3."
The "Argo," having disposed of her cargo, left for China on the 7th of October, 1798, the last occasion on which she is mentioned by Collins, or in any other shipping list4.
It may here be noted that the transport ship "Barwell," of which John Turnbull, afterwards the author of A Voyage Round the World, in the years 1800-1804, was at the time
1 Collins, Vol. n (1802), pp. 119, 120 and 318. 2 Ibid. p. 120.
3 H.R., A., Ser. i, Vol. n, pp. 442-3. 4 Collins, Vol. n, p. 131.
xxxiv JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
2nd officer, had arrived at Port Jackson, with convicts, on the 1 8th of May, I7981, and that she dropped down the harbour on September the i2th, and sailed for China on the i jth of the same month2. It was almost certainly on this occasion, while the two ships were lying together at Port Jackson, that Turnbull, as he afterwards claimed, made the acquaintance of the Captain of the "Argo" and his vessel3; though it is quite possible that the acquaintance was renewed either at Canton of on the way thither.
The later issues of Arrowsmith's Chart of the Pacific in nine sheets — certainly that published in 1832 (and probably some of the earlier issues) — give the track of the "Barwell" 'from Port Jackson to China in 1798; the ship ran, by what was then an unusual, if not unprecedented, course, first north-eastward, and then passed upward between the Tongan and the Fijian groups, but keeping well to the east of the Mbukatatanoa reef (afterwards the 'Argo reef). The "Bar- " well " and the "Argo " having been together at Port Jackson, and having left nearly at the same time for China, it is not unreasonable to assume that they followed the same course. If the "Argo" tried to return from China to Port Jackson by the same route, but got too far to the west, that is through the passage between the Tongan and Fijian Islands, her wreck on Mbukatatanoa reef (almost certainly in January 1800) is explained.
Xo actual reference to the arrival of the "Argo " at Canton has been found. But Captain Richard Cleveland, a very noteworthy merchant sailor of New England, who reached Canton in September 1799, from a successful fur- trading expedition on the North West Coast, having after his arrival satisfactorily disposed of his furs ("at the rate of twenty- three "dollars a skin, cash"), next disposed of his ship to "Robert "Berry Esq.," and also arranged with Berry "to ship to his " friends in the United States, as opportunities for freighting occurred , the remainder of the proceeds of his cargo of furs4 ."
1 Collins, Vol. ii, p. 318. - Ibid. p. 125.
3 Turnbull's Voyage, 2nd ed. (1813), p. 390.
4 Cleveland's Narrative of Voyages, p. 26.
INTRODUCTION xxxv
This must have been the owner of the " Argo" referred to by Turnbull, and possibly either himself the Captain of that ship or a relative of the Berry who was Captain. Possibly the remainder of the proceeds of Cleveland's cargo of furs was shipped by the "Argo" on her last voyage, and was lost at Mbukatatanoa reef.
The only contemporary references made by Europeans to the actual circumstances of the wreck of the "Argo" seem to be two; that by Turnbull, after his return to England, in the 1805 edition of his Voyage Round the World1, and that given in the Sydney Gazette (see p. 186 post).
While in China as 2nd officer of the " Barwell," Turnbull had learned that the Americans were doing a lucrative busi- ness on the North-West American Coast ; and after his return to England he arranged with certain merchants to fit out a vessel to those parts. He left Portsmouth in July 1800 in the "Margaret," of which John Buyers, formally ist officer of the "Barwell," was Captain, and reached Sydney Cove on the 5th of January, 1801 2. But the season for the North-West trade being far advanced, Captain Buyers left in March 1801 for that speculation, Turnbull himself remaining for a time at Port Jackson, to dispose of the cargo of the "Margaret." But, there being at the time no money in circulation at Port Jackson, he took passage in the whaler "Harriet," Captain Samuel Chase, which left Port Jackson on the 25th of August, 1 80 1, for Norfolk Island, where money was said to be plentiful and goods scarce3.
It was during this voyage that Turnbull first heard of the wreck of the "Argo," from the Captain of the "Harriet"4.
Turnbull writes:
"In conversation with the gentleman with whom I went pas- "senger to Norfolk Island, upon the subject of the inhabitants "of these islands, he chanced to mention the shipwreck of the "'Argo' from China, with a cargo to Norfolk Island and Port "Jackson. As I was acquainted both with the captain and the "vessel, I felt so'me interest to learn something more of this
1 Turnbull's Voyage, 2nd ed. (1813), pp. 390-2.
" Ibid. pp. 1-2, 72, 74.
3 Ibid. p. 102. * Ibid. p. 390.
xxxvi JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
"disaster, and how and where he had met with them. I had " before suspected that some accident had happened, as she ought "to have arrived at least a twelvemonth before. He informed me "that the only surviving man of the whole crew was then on "board the same ship with ourselves; and that he had at first "taken him on board very unwillingly, suspecting that he was an "impostor or fugitive seaman. But the poor fellow at length " convinced him of the truth of his story ; the particulars of which "were as follows. They had sailed with a cargo from China, had "met with adverse buffeting winds, which had thrown them very "far from their course. I think it is no improbable conjecture "to suppose, that as the captain had been so long at sea, it was "his intention to touch at some of these islands. The ignorance "of the sailor is no objection to this supposition, as commanders "do not always inform their men of their intention. The sailor "proceeding in his narrative added, that the ship one night struck "upon a reef of rocks to the north-west of these islands, and "shortly became a total wreck. After the accident the natives "plundered and destroyed everything they could seize, and their "plunder continued as long as any spoil remained for its object. "The captain and crew landed at Tongataboo; one of those wars "was at this time raging in the island, which, from the ferocity "with which it was conducted, must sooner or later exterminate " the people. If this man's story is to be credited, the captain and " the greater part of the crew fell the victims of this contest. This "however did not happen immediately on their landing; the "captain continued some time amongst them, and previously to "his death was wandering over the island naked and desolate as "a native. His late loss and present situation had almost deprived "him of his senses, and rendered him, according to the poor "fellows description, a truly pitiable object. He said that the "death of the captain, and the greater part of the crew, was "caused by their being discovered in an attempt to escape from "the island, but that some of them had been surprised and "overwhelmed by the adverse party. The fellow himself had "effected his escape in a canoe from which he had been taken "by the captain of our vessel."
The Sydney Gazette of the 4th of November, 1804 (see p. 186 post), reports, with reference to one Doyle, who \vas supposed to have been another survivor from the "Argo," that "the brig had sailed from Canton for this Colony and " belonged to Mr Berry of Canton "; that it " was unfortunately
INTRODUCTION xxxvii
" wrecked on some of the islands, between three and four years " since," and that its " people were distributed, and the major ' ' part of them afterwards inhumanly murdered by the natives." The Gazette adds that another survivor from the "Argo," named Slater, "had the good fortune to be brought away by " Captain Read, in the ship ' Plomer,' after a residence among "the savages of two and twenty months."
The chief apparent difference between Turnbull's story and that from the Sydney Gazette is that in the first named it is indicated that the sole survivor from the wreck of the "Argo" was picked up — as a sailor in distress — by Captain Samuel Chase of the "Harriet," whereas the Gazette de- finitely states that "one of the surviving hands" from the ship in question was picked up by Captain Reid of the "El "Plumier." But the apparent discrepancy is not real; for it may now safely be assumed that there was at least more than one survivor, and that the man rescued by the "Harriet," whoever he may have been was not Oliver Slater, who got away on the "El Plumier," to Manilla, and eventually be- came one of the two originators of the sandalwood trade.
After the "Argo," the next vessel to visit the Fijian Islands was the "El Plumier," a Spanish ship,
"a prize to three whalers which had captured her near Cape "Corrientes on the Coast of Peru. Her cargo, when she first "arrived at Port Jackson, on the 2nd of December, 1799, con- "sisted chiefly of bad spirits and wine — which were removed into "the 'Supply'; and the 'Plumier' was condemned by the Ad- "miralty Court as a lawful prize1."
The "Betsy," Captain Clark, with the prize in company, had called at Tongatabu, at the moment when the London Missionary Society's surviving representatives, who had been landed there by the "Duff" in 1797, were in extreme peril, owing to the hostility of the natives and, more especially, of the 'beachcombers' who had acquired great influence among the natives. Here the "Betsy" remained for a while2, in
1 Collins's Account, Vol. u, p. 318.
2 History of the London Missionary Society, 1795~I^95> Vol. I, p. i?3-
xxxviii JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
order to bring off the missionaries, except the renegade Vason1, while the "El Plumier," piloted by missionary Harris, went on to Port Jackson.
The " El Plumier," or " Ploomer " or even " Plumo " as she was often called, after her condemnation, was bought by Thomas Fyshe Palmer, one of the 'Scottish Martyrs,' who had been transported for alleged political offence but had by then served his time. Palmer was joined in this purchase by his friend James Ellis, by a Mr Boston, and by William Reid, who had reached Port Jackson in the "Sirius," had then been Captain of the "Martha," and now undertook the command of the "El Plumier." 'Reid & Co.,' as the pur- chasers called themselves, proposed to sail to New Zealand, there to pick up a cargo of timber, then to the Cape of Good Hope, where they intended to dispose of the timber, and thence to England.
Being a condemned prize, the ship had no proper papers, but proceeded ' by Governor's certificate ' 2. She cleared from Port Jackson, in ballast, as from the 5th of January, 1801, but did not actually get away till the 2Oth of that month. She made in the first instance for the Thames River, New Zealand, where she arrived on the 3rd of March (see p. 179 post).
A few weeks later, the "Plumo " was found by the " Royal "Admiral " in the River Thames, in trouble, owing to a serious accident the ship had sustained in coming into the river, by being driven on a sand-bank, and thereby breaking eight of her larboard timbers; which rendered it necessary that all hands should be employed for a long time to repair damages3.
The "El Plumier" was detained in New Zealand for twenty-six weeks, during which time the whole of her stores were expended, provisions for six months only having been taken on board at Port Jackson (see pp. nj-gpost). It seems then to have been decided to make for Macao, the ship
1 Narrativeof the late George Vason. Ed.bytheRev. James Orange, 0.43. 1 H.R., N.S.W. iv, 471.
3 William Smith's Journal of a Voyage in the Missionary Ship "Duff" in 1796-1802, p. 229.
INTRODUCTION xxxix
not being in a condition to undertake the voyage to the Cape. She sailed for Tongatabu on the 2Oth of August ; but, failing to get provisions there, she drifted on to the Fiji Islands, calling first at one of the eastern or Lau Islands, next at Koro, and then at Mbua Bay, or as it was a few years afterwards called by Europeans Sandalwood Bay. She was almost cer- tainly the first European ship to reach Mbua.
When going in to Mbua, the unfortunate ship got upon a reef at the mouth of the bay, whereby she was further seriously damaged, a part of her after-keep being knocked off, and her rudder unhung, so that she could not leave the place till bulk-heads had been erected in the after hold, and tightened with clay, in order to cut off the fractured part (see p. 179 post}.
It was almost certainly at Mbua, at this time, that Oliver Slater, twenty-one months after the wreck of the "Argo," was met with and taken on board the "El Plumier."
The ship, seriously crippled, and with a mutinous crew, next made for Macao, but in so great distress that she had to put in to Guam, where, to the great mortification of all on board, the ship was made a prize, and her crew detained as prisoners.
The following passage (quoted by R. D. Paine) from a manuscript journal, kept by William Haswell, ist mate of the American ship "Lydia," which, on the 5th of January, 1802, was the first vessel that ever flew the American flag in the harbour of Guam, tells the end of the "El Plumier." On the yth of January, Haswell wrote :
"We saw a ship heaving in sight and not able to find the "passage over the reef. I took a small boat and went out and "found her to be an English ship in distress. I piloted them in "and brought them to anchorage near the Hill Forts in thirty "fathoms of water1."
After hearing from those on board the "El Plumier" their story up to the time that the ship reached Mbua, exactly as it has here been told, Haswell continues : "they (the crew -of the 'El Plumier') got her off and stopt the "leak on the inside with clay as well as they could. Their men
1 Paine's Ships and Sailors of Old Salem, 2nd ed. (1912), p. 278.
xl JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
"then mutinied and insisted on carrying the ship to Macao, but "not being able to reach that place, they put in for provisions, "thinking the Spaniards would let them go out again. But their "ship was so bad that they never left this place. They could "not get at the leak any other way than by healing the keel out "and that was a work of time. I sent them some salt beef and " pork on board and took an officer and fifty Indians and a bower "anchor and cable with me to get her up the harbour which we "were some time about, but plenty of men made light work, " and I warped her up abreast of the ' Lydia,' and there moored " her. Next day eight of the English ship's men took a boat and "went to town to the Governor to enquire how much he would "give them to carry the ship to Manila, but he ordered them to "be put in irons for mutiny."
Haswell, after telling that the "Lydia" was so bountifully supplied, all at the King's expense, with fresh provisions, beef, pork, fowls, that three-quarters of it was given away to the English ship, which had nothing allowed it but jerked beef and rice, adds that
"about this time Captain Barnard came on board and went, "accompanied by (Haswell) himself and the second officer, to "make a survey of the hull of the English ship, her hull, rigging, "sails, etc., and found her not fit to perform a passage without " some new sails, a new cable and a great deal of new rigging, and "a new boat, as hers were lost. The leak we thought could be "reduced on the inside, but all the seams were very open and "required caulking. A report of our opinions being drawn out, " I was sent to town with it. The Governor hinted that it was "impossible to get what was required, but yet wished to send "the ship to Manila. The poor owners hung their heads in "expectancy of the condemnation of the ship."
The death of Thomas Fyshe Palmer at Guam, after the seizure of the " El Plumier," and something of the fate of the other owners, and passengers, on that ship, is recorded in both the Monthly Magazine and the Sydney Gazette (see pp. 178-9 post).
As to the crew, with which was Oliver Slater, nothing is recorded, except that they were in a state of mutiny, and, on that pretext, had been imprisoned by the Spanish Governor of Guam. But there can be no doubt that Slater in some way
INTRODUCTION xli
reached Manila, he revealed to a Captain Farrell the abund- ance of sandalwood growing at Mbua.
By a stroke of rare good fortune, some of the impressions made on the natives by the coming of the "Argo" and the "El Plumier" may still be gathered from fragments of their mekes — traditional songs generally associated with dramatic action — in which; owing to the fact that each ship introduced a new, portentous, and devastating disease, have been pre- served the ideas of the Fijian folk whose astonished eyes actually saw the coming of the two vessels.
One such fragment was printed in the issue for October, 1893, of the vernacular newspaper Namata, which is provided by the Government for the information of the Fijians. The translation which follows is by Captain Kenneth Allardyce, late Native Commissioner. It obviously refers to the "Argo," and was told by a woman named Lavenia, who was the sole living representative of the village of Vatutuva, which, as mentioned by Commander Wilkes, formerly stood on the north-east side of the island of Oneata, lying over against the south-eastern extension of Mbukatatanoa reef.
Lavenia is reported to have said :
" On waking one morning and looking toward the islet of Loa1, "situated about a mile to the eastward of Vatutuva, they say it "was covered with flags, clothes and blankets. This sight on "Loa caused great astonishment. They thought that the actions "of the white men on the top of the islet denoted the presence " of a god. Two Levuka men were sent to see what it was. They "launched a canoe and sculled towards the place, and saw what "appeared to be men, but they thought they must be gods, as "they were biting live fire and had their ears wrapped up. This "was because they had never before seen pipes smoked nor the "red caps the men were wearing.
" It was reported by the two messengers that the vessel was a
1 Loa islet, the Observatory Island of Wilkes, 140 feet high, lies rather less than two-thirds of a mile from the N.E. point of Oneata Island and is within the same' reef. The N.E. point of Loa is at no great distance from Mbukatatanoa. It is readily conceivable the white men had reached Loa in one of the ship's boats during the night from the actual site of the wreck.
xlii JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
"man-of-war, and then a double canoe called the Taivalata set "off for Loa and brought all the people ashore.
"Now only one of them was buried there and the cause of "his death is not clear. He may have been killed or he may have "died of the lila (wasting sickness). After they had been taken "to Mbau by the Levuka people, the Oneata people were affected " with the lila. The hair of those attacked dropped off and they "suffered from diarrhoea. No medicine wras of any use. Some "of the people from the ship died ashore, and it is said that the "Levuka people killed them. I do not know whether they were "eaten or buried. No Fijian medecine was of any use, and some "of the sick were strangled1 as they had been sick for a long time "and had become offensive, and some were buried before they "died. When the Levuka people arrived at Mbau they took the "white men's property as an offering to the chiefs at Mbau.
"The Mbau chiefs first learned the use of fire-arms from the "people of the ship who explained to them the use of gunpowder " and also how to shoot. Some old men of Oneata hid some casks "of gunpowder, to use as black paint for their bodies, and some "ramrods to use as scratchers for their heads. The Mbauans "first learnt the use of tobacco from these foreigners."
The traditional song as to the coming of the second ship may here be sufficiently represented by two fragments, in vernacular, which were given some ten or a dozen years ago to Dr T. R. St Johnston, then Medical Officer of the Lau Islands, respectively by Seru, widow of the late Mbuli Savenatha of Moala, and by Nemani Ndausinga. The trans- lations here given are by Mr Glanvill Corney in both cases.
Seru's fragment is as follows :
"At dawn, at dawn, a foreigner appeared again,
Anchored she lies off Nukuthangina2,
They of Nawarowaro run towards her,
Board a canoe and go off to her.
We two (i.e. the ship and the canoe) traffic while the sun is up.
You snatch the magic frame (i.e. trade mirror)
And hold it in hand before your eyes to look into.
1 With reference to this custom of strangling the sick, see p. cix post.
* Nukutlunixinu means literally "the place of blown sands," and
-ts that the ship was anchored off a sandy shore, such as that on
'hi- south-east side of Oneata Island, though not often found elsewhere
in these reef-girt islands The word w<inucar<i means 'peaked' and
seems here to be used as the name of some village off which the ship lay.
INTRODUCTION xliii
'Tis true, the sickness that is reported, The people are wasted by it on all sides, The men are wrecks, and bent, They droop like the dainga1, They go down to nai thimbathimba 2 ;
Oh, alas, alas !
"When it is full daylight (or, When the weather has cleared) The foreigner sails right away, And they pass into empty space. Then speaks their chief: A look-out man climbs aloft, To be quite sure how the ship must steer. Nairai lies right ahead, Koro is away to leeward,
And the ship is sailing down the wind towards Vuya3. The foreigner is a wide-awake-person, And takes care to follow the open channel Oh, alas! alas!"
Nemani Ndausinga's version differs chiefly in the interpo- lation after the fourth line of a passage telling that the trading intercourse between the people of the ship and the natives was for a time interrupted by an attack from the ship on the land. The incident is told as follows:
" She is a trading vessel that has come, And (they) are looking this way at the land. The guns are aimed, Sir-e ! To shoot earthly people : They fire Sir, until darkness covers the land-e And Nukurembua is shaken by an earthquake ; They go off to finish at Mburoto and Vuya,
Alas! alas!"
1 Dainga is Amorphophallus campamdatus (see Seemann, Flora Viti- ensis, p. 273), an arum, the uncannily fleshy flower of which, when quite mature, melts away rather than fades, meanwhile emitting a most offen- sive smell. The use here made of the dainga: to figure the strange and abnormal deaths of the plague-stricken natives is as apt and picturesque as could be given in. any language.
2 Nai tkimbathimba, or, as others have it, Naithombothombo, is "the place of departed spirits."
3 Vuya is here used for Mbua (see p. 97, note i post).
xliv JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
A much longer, but yet avowedly fragmentary, version of this tneke — which must have been of portentous length — was contributed by one Ilai Motonithothoka, who was Native Magistrate of Mbau in 1893, to that little-worked mine of Fijian folk-lore, the "Report of the Commission appointed " to inquire into the Decrease of Native Population (of Fiji)."
Ilai evidently refers to two ships which, with no great interval of time between them, were the first European vessels to open intercourse with the natives of some of the Fijian Islands; and in his own mind he distinguishes these by the circumstance that, both introducing new and terrible diseases into the islands at which they touched, the disease . brought by the ship which came first was the lila mbalavu or 'wasting sickness,' that brought by the second was the thokandra or 'dysentery.' He also gives some other clues which help to determine the date of the coming of these ships.
"Only two things (he wrote) are known about the year in which ' the lila mbalavu attacked our ancestors ; it was the year in which ' the first European ship came ; and it was the year in which the ' comet with three tails appeared. Our ancestors knew that the lila ' mbalavu attacked them at the time they saw the first European ship . ' This was the first ship they saw, but a number of others came later."
Again he writes :
"Now some time after the lila, the Great Sickness, another 'great visitation of sickness — a bloody flux — attacked our an- ' cestors of the old time. . . .It is said that a European vessel, sailing ' from the direction of Lau brought the dysentery ; and the places 'at which the vessel called are known from the meke which I 'give... ; from this you may know at what islands the vessel that 'brought the dysentery touched."
Ilai says that the ship came "from the direction of Lau " ; which the "El Plumier" must certainly have done, as it is known from other sources that she approached the Fijian Islands from Tongatabu. All the variants agree that this second ship anchored at Nukuthangina — the Place of Blown Sands — and that she sailed thence between Nairai and Koro towards Vuya (the south-eastern point of 'Sandalwood ' Island.') Ilai adds that on approaching Vuya she nearly ran on a coral reef but was held off in time; that she then
INTRODUCTION xlv
"turned towards the Tongan Ocean" (which merely seems to mean that she turned eastward), till she just sighted Lauthala — at the eastern end of Taveuni — passed through the Makongai passage, then sighted Naithombothombo point, and reached the village of Mbua.
In other words, it was a ship in distress — it can hardly have been anything but the "El Plumier" — drifting about, partly in the hope of picking up provisions from the natives, and also to find a convenient spot at which to repair her damaged hulk, and partly to find a way out from the maze of unknown islands in which she had become entangled.
Sir Basil Thomson has put on record that he heard from the people of the Island of Moala that the crew of this dysentery-carrying ship mutinied at Mbua, and left there one of her crew, known to the Fijians as Theodore, when the ship sailed for Manilla. This, also, agrees with what is known about the "El Plumier" from other sources1. »
A further point as to the exact date of the wreck of the "Argo," and the coincident introduction into the islands of a devastating disease, remains to be noticed, namely the date of the appearance of the comet which is asserted to have been seen at this particular time. Professor H. H. Turner of Oxford, having been supplied with all the available cir- cumstances of the story, picked out the second of the two comets which were seen in 1799 as appearing the most likely to be the one in question ; but he suggested further reference to Dr Andrew Crommelin of the Royal Greenwich Ob- servatory.
After very kindly giving the matter full consideration, Dr Crommelin has given the opinion that, as far as records available in Europe show, the comet first seen, in Europe, on the 26th of December, 17$, coincides with the data which had been supplied. This
"second comet of 1799 (he writes) was found on December 26; "it was seen only for ten days by Europeans; but it ran south, "and would have been well placed for the Fijians for a longer
1 This Theodore is said to have survived for many years, and to have died in Fiji as lately as about 1870.
xlvi JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
"period, and it may well have become brighter when it went "south.... If the Fiji comet was not the second one of 1799, then "it is a comet that is not on our catalogues."
In a note appended to the letter from which the preceding is extracted, the writer adds that
"The fact that comet 1799 II drew much closer to the earth "after being lost to view in Europe makes an increase of lightness "quite reasonable. If this is the right comet, the 37 days (during "which the Fijians say that the comet was visible to them — "though it was visible in Europe for only ten days) would be " reckoned, say, from Christmas 1799 to the end of January 1800."
The date thus assigned accords closely with two incidents .which have been recorded. The "El Plumier" left Port Jackson in January 1800 but did not reach Guam till January 1802. In the meantime, she had been detained for twenty-six weeks in New Zealand, was next for a time at Tongatabu, then, in dire* need of provisions and of an opportunity to repair her much damaged hulk, drifted about in the Fijian Islands, till — this must have been towards the end of 1801— she reached Mbua (Sandalwood Bay), where she remained sufficiently long to effect the most necessary repairs. Here, too, she picked up Oliver Slater, a survivor from the wreck of the " Argo " — " after a residence1 among the savages of two "and twenty months," that is, since quite the beginning of 1800.
Turnbull, we now know, was mistaken in supposing that the sailor he met with was the only survivor from the" Argo " ; but from a comparison of dates, his statement that he had (before the end of 1801) suspected that some accident had happened, as the ship ought to have arrived at least a twelvemonth before, supports the suggestion that the wreck was in the beginning of 1800.
Even the fact that the date has been given as 1806 by almost all the authorities (see p. xxxii ante) (apparently Arrow- smith was the first to do this — on his 1814 Special Chart of the Feejee Islands) helps to confirm the theory that the "Argo" was wrecked in 1800 — on the reasonable assumption
1 See p. 1 86 post.
INTRODUCTION xlvii
that, as so often happens, a 6 was accidentally substituted for a badly written nought — 1806 for 1800.
On the 28th of May 1804, Captain J. Farrell, with his ship the "Fair American," reached Port Jackson from Manilla, with a cargo of general merchandise. With Farrell came Oliver Slater, last heard of as having been picked up by the "El Plumier," who, no doubt, was intended to serve as guide and as intermediary with his old Fijian acquaintances. But at Port Jackson, the news of the exist- ence of sandalwood in Fiji having been spread, Slater left the "Fair American," and threw in his lot with one James Aikin, who, at a loose end, was looking out for a job on which to employ the twenty-six ton schooner "Marcia," formerly the "Cato's" launch, but which had been "rose "upon at Sydney, and had latterly been employed in Bass's "Straits, and the Hawkesbury and Coal Rivers1."
Whether other of the crew of the "Fair American" de- serted at Port Jackson, or whether reports there current in- duced a wish to strengthen the crew of that vessel, Captain Farrell tried to get additional hands through the agency of the Captain of another American owned vessel then lying at Port Jackson. Captain Isaac Pendleton of the " Union," one of the foremost American trading Captains of the time, after a successful sealing cruise on the southern coast of New Holland, was then at Port Jackson, during the off-season for seals. Pendleton, who had already determined
"to start in search of islands placed on some ancient charts, and "said to have been discovered by Tasman, with other early " navigators ; thus improving the time till the sealing season should "return... was induced by a Mr Lord, merchant at Sydney, to "discharge those skins already on board, amounting to 14,000, "collected at Border's Island, and place them under the care of, "and in the said Lord's store. An agreement was entered into " between them by which the brig (the Union) was to proceed on "joint account to the Feejee Islands, to procure a cargo of sandal- "wood for the Canton market, the merchant rinding the requisite "means for trading, by which the wood was to be purchased2."
1 H.R., N.S.W. Vol. v, 311.
2 Fanning's Voyages Round the World, pp. 318-9.
xlviii JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
This being so, Captain Farrell arranged with Captain Pendleton that the Union should call at Norfolk Island, and there ship several additional hands for the "Fair American," which ship she was to meet at sea.
Clearing from Port Jackson 'for China' on the 2Qth of August i8o41,the "Union," after recruiting at Norfolk Island, next called at Tongatabu, as the anchorage, itself barely known, from which the still less known Fiji Islands might be reached. Here, however, the ship met with very serious misfortune, at the hands of the natives but largely instigated by the alien 'beachcombers' who had made their homes among them. The mischief was especially due to some of the survivors from the American ship "Duke of Portland," Captain Lovat Mellon, which, on or about the ist of June, 1802, had been itself seized by the natives, at the instigation of one Doyle, believed to have been a survivor from the "Argo."
The morning after the "Union" arrived, at the urgent request of the natives, "among whom was a Malay that spoke "broken English, "one of the ship's boats went ashore, manned by six armed men, in which boat the Captain and Mr Boston, the super-cargo, went. After the boat had gone ashore, the natives on and about the ship became yet more troublesome, and were eventually turned off by the mate, Daniel Wright. About four hours later, the mate, through his spy-glass, saw the ship's boat lying broadside on in the hands of the natives. The ship was then put in such order for defence as was possible ; but no natives came off till the next morning, when two canoes came in hail, the natives in which made offensive gestures which were understood by those on the ship to mean that the boat's crew had been murdered. The following day the natives returned with the Malay and with a Euro- pean woman, Elizabeth Morey, who spoke to them in English, as did also the Malay, inviting them to go on shore; but the white woman made signs for them not to do so.
The next morning, the third, several canoes again came off, from one of which the Malay again urged the mate to 1 H.R., N.S.W. v, 534.
INTRODUCTION xlix
go ashore, while the white woman stood up at the head of another of the canoes, crying out that those on shore were murdered by the natives, and then, leaping into the water, sprang towards the ship, the men on board presenting their muskets and thereby deterring the natives from picking her up. The woman, being taken on board the "Union," said that the captain and the boat's crew had been murdered; upon which information the mate Wright ordered the natives to be fired upon, and then at once directed the cables to be cut, put out to sea, and reached Port Jackson in nineteen days without further incident — i.e. on the 23rd of October, I8O41.
The "Fair American," which had been at Port Jackson, since the 28th of May, and the "Union," Daniel Wright being now in command, dropped down the river on the nth, and sailed on the igth of November, both being nominally " inballastfor China2." Thatthe" Fair American "reached Fiji and there secured sandalwood is clear from Aikin's memorial (see p. 1 post), and also from a note in the Sydney Gazette of the I5th of May, 1808 (see p. 192 post), it is evident that Captain Farrell got back to Manilla, and that he at least con- templated a second expedition to Fiji. As to the " Union," the only news of her after she left Port Jackson for the second time is the report brought by Captain Aikin of the "Marcia" that she had been totally wrecked on Koro Island (see p. 190 post).
Meanwhile Aikin and Oliver Slater had not been idle. On the 30th of September, 1804, two months before the "Fair "American" got away, they sailed in the "Marcia" "for the "reefs and west side of New Caledonia, in quest of Trepang "or Beche de Mer " ; and they got back to Sydney Cove from this expedition on the 2yth of April, 1805.
On the i3th of May, two or three weeks after his return, Aikin addressed a memorial to Governor King in which he stated the position, especially his own position, as to the pro- posed Fiji sandalwood trade3. Aikin, after explaining that he had reached the colony eleven years previously, as master mate of H.M.S.." Supply," and had subsequently been for six years in command of the Colonial schooner "Francis,"
1 Seep. iSipost. 2 See p. 189 post. 3 H.R., N.S.W. V, 620-2.
1 JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
from which command the Governor had been "pleased to "supersede him," continues as follows:
" That memorialist then saw himself, with an increasing family, "destitute of subsistence in a country remote from home, and " .nailed himself of an offer made him to engage in a speculative "voyage in a small schooner to Wreck Reef to procure beechley "mar, &c., from whence, after having been exposed to extreme "hazard and imminent danger, memorialist returned unsuc- "cessful and disappointed.
"That memorialist was thereupon induced to engage in another "expedition in the same employ1, and sailed from this port in "the schooner Marcia the latter end of September last in order "to discover and procure in certain islands that sort of sandal- "wood which is reputed to be in high requisition at the China "market. Memorialist had also ' beechley mar ' and other objects in " view likely to turn out to the advantage of himself and his owners.
"That memorialist, after a long, hazardous, and fatiguing
voyage, exposed not only to dangerous reefs and rocks, but also "to the risque of holding uncertain intercourse with natives, was "at length so fortunate as to discover one of the principal objects "of his pursuit, and made such arrangements and provisions with "the natives to obtain and secure the articles he was in quest' of, "by barter and otherwise, that it was only necessary for him to "repair there again with all possible celerity to crown his expec- tations with success.
"That this celerity was all the more necessary, inasmuch as "the ship Fair American had been let into some of the advan- tages of memorialist's discoveries, and had proceeded forward "to China with a cargo of the articles, from whence, so soon as " information should transpire of the situation of the islands where "so valuable a commodity was to be procured, there is no doubt "but vessels would be dispatched thither, and other persons, "indifferent and unconnected, would reap the fruits of me- "morialists labour and exertions, which would bear peculiarly "hard upon memorialist and his owners, who have embarked so "deeply in this undertaking, and who have reason to fear they "shall suffer considerably (to an amount of upwards of £3,000) "by the reputed loss of the ship Union, employed in a similar "expedition.
"That memorialist's owners have used every means in their "power to purchase a ship or vessel for memorialist to repair to "the islands in question to reap the fruits of his discoveries, and 1 Kable and Co.
INTRODUCTION H
"at last entered into a contract with the master of the ship " Harrington to proceed thither; but this contract (tho' embracing " concerns to the amount of several thousand pounds) some subse- "quent circumstances unexpectedly prevented being carried into ''effect. Memorialist's owners then endeavoured to purchase the " Sophia for this express purpose, or to freight or charter her in "the concern, but were unsuccessful.
"Thus deprived of the power of obtaining any conveyance to "the islands where his interest so immediately centred, me- "morialist applied to the commander of the American ship " Criterion to receive him as a passenger to China (touching on "his way thither at the islands in question), which was agreed to, "and memorialist made the customary application for his name "to be announced in the Sydney Gazette as intending to take his "departure from the colony.
"Your Excellency, however, was pleased to refuse memorialist "permission to depart, and your acting-secretary referred him to "the Orders of nth August, I8O41.
"And memorialist here submits that the circumstances of "persons coming free to this colony do not virtually apply to the "local restrictions of prisoners, and that memorialist, having no "debts or incumbrances to detain him, is at liberty to take his "departure in any ship wherein he can, by friendship or through "interest, obtain a passage, and particularly when that ship is "bound to a port in His Majesty's dominions; nor, memorialist "presumes, does the circumstance of a person becoming a pas- "senger in an American ship bear any reference to treaties or "contracts of commerce, to which memorialist supposes the "Order of nth August is calculated to apply.
"In the present case the memorialist has unreservedly com- "municated to the commander of the Criterion such information "of the situation of the island as will leave him liberty to proceed "thither, and avail himself of memorialist's discoveries, to the "obvious injury of himself and his owners.
"Whereupon, taking into consideration the circumstances under "which memorialist respectfully makes this remonstrance to your "Excellency, memorialist humbly hopes that the serious and im- "portant object he has at stake, in which the present interests of " himself, his family, and his owners, are so immediately involved, "will induce your Excellency to remove any obstacles to your "memorialist's departure, and to permit him to proceed in the "American ship Criterion, to China."
1 See p. 180 post.
ds
lii JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
The Acting Secretary Blaxcell answered promptly on the back of the memorial to the effect that "His Excellency will "not allow of any British subject under this Government "embarking from hence on any American ship, whether on "commerical speculation or otherwise," but that Aikin, in accordance with a request he had previously made, had been "advertised to go to England in the 'Harriet'." Blaxcell had previously stated that "Oliver Slater being an American sub- ject had the Governor's permission to go by the ' Criterion V
Moreover, Governor King had already, in a despatch dated 3©th April1, sent to Earl Camden his views as to Aikin 's adventure on the "Marcia." He had stated, King wrote in this despatch,
'the circumstances of a small vessel belonging to an individual 'being sent in quest of the Beche-de-Mer. That vessel is re- ' turned, and altho* they failed in that object, yet they acquired 'another of not less value, namely, Sandal Wood, which is of 'such great request with the natives of India and China. It has * long been known, from the intercourse with the Friendly Islands, ' that Sandal Wood was a production of some of the Feejee Islands, 'which are a group hitherto not much known. The proprietor ' of this vessel was induced to make the trial from the information 'of a person who professed a knowledge of the place where it ' was to be obtained, but who, unfortunately with several others, ' were cut off at Tongataboo, one of the Friendly Islands. After 'going to several of the Feejee's, and finding much difficulty ' and not a little apprehension for the safety of their small vessel ' from the Natives' attack, they accomplished their object by pro- ' curing fifteen tons of Sandal Wood in exchange for pieces of 'iron at a place called by the Natives Vooie. Whether it is 'plentiful or not is doubtful, as the people belonging to the ' vessel could not land, and that carried on board by the Natives 'was in small quantities, however, should it prove abundant and ' become more easy to obtain, it may hereafter be an advantageous 'object of commerce with China."
Aikin, having thus been refused permission to leave by the "Criterion," and baulked in his alternative scheme of revisiting Fiji on the "Harrington," which vessel was at the moment detained at Port Jackson on a very grave charge of
1 H.R., A., Ser. i, Vol. iv, pp. 322-3.
INTRODUCTION liii
piracy, cunningly effected his purpose in yet another way. The American ship " Criterion" of Nantucket, Captain Peter Chase, had entered at Port Jackson on the 24th of April1, from the Crozet Islands, with a cargo of seal-skins, and left again on the zyth of May, avowedly for further sealing, but taking her seal-skins with her. The " Harriet," British whaler, Captain Thaddeus Coffin, which had entered on the 25th of April, "from the-coast," with 1160 barrels of sperm oil, left the same day as the "Criterion," but for England, round Cape Horn2. Aikin left by the "Harriet" — Governor King having carefully taken bonds from Captain Coffin against allowing him and such of his associates as were British subjects from transferring to the "Criterion," "or other " foreign vessel on this side of Cape Horn3." Notwithstanding this, Aikin and his associates, Oliver Slater, and one James Bailey, were transferred from the "Harriet" to the "Cri- "terion," at sea, four days after the two ships had cleared from Port Jackson.
Aikin thus reached 'Sandalwood Island' for the second time, on the "Criterion," and there a cargo of sandalwood was procured and carried to Canton.
The "Criterion," with Aikin still on board, boldly re- turned to Port Jackson on the 26th of May, 1806, but was not well received. As penalty for Captain Chase's collusion with Aikin, no part of the ship's cargo was allowed to be landed; "and," Governor King wrote to Lord Castlereagh on 3Oth of June4, "to the credit of the Generality of the " Inhabitants they could not be prevailed on by the interested "to Petition for a pound of Tea or other China produce to "be landed from that Vessel, Altho' it is exceedingly scarce "and not to be got." On the 2Qth of July the "Criterion" sailed back for her home port of Nantucket5; and their is no record of this ship ever again having meddled with the sandal- wood trade to Fiji.
Aikin himself had not been allowed to land for some time, notwithstanding a very serious report on the state of his
1 H.R..N.S.W.V, 745-6. 2 Ibid. 746. 3 H.R., A., Ser. i.v.p.yao. 4 Ibid. gig. 5 H.R., N.S.W. vr, 125-6.
liv JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
health, made to the Governor by Surgeon Luttrell, who certified that in his opinion Aikin was in such a debilitated state "that a removal from the impure air in a crowded cabin "ot a small ship to a healthy situation on shore is absolutely "necessary, as a principal means, joined with proper medical "treatment, of again restoring him to health1."
Much attention was after this attracted from Port Jackson to these still mysterious islands lying away to the east. The memorial of John Macarthur to Governor King, dated loth June, i8o62, is a clear indication of this. The writer began by stating that he having established himself in the Colony
"for the express purpose of uniting such commercial objects with •"his agricultural undertakings as might best enable him to "prosecute the latter with vigour and effect, he for some time had "entertained an idea of sending a vessel among the Feegee "Islands, the Friendly Islands, and others within the limits of "this territory, to collect the various valuable articles of trade "with which they are said to abound."
He said that for that purpose he had lately purchased a brig — it was the "Elizabeth" — and had engaged an intelligent and respectable young man — it was William Shelly, formerly of the London Missionary Society — "who, having resided " many years amongst these islands, was well acquainted with "the language, customs, and manners of the inhabitants." Macarthur next called attention to the then recent success of Captain Chase, of the American vessel "Criterion" in ob- taining one hundred and twenty tons of sandalwood from the ' Feejee ' Islands, and expresses the fear "that other Americans "and foreigners may follow his example and reap the first "and last fruits of so profitable a trade unless speedy and "energetic methods were adopted to secure it exclusively to " British subjects." For these reasons he asked that his ad- venture should be supported by the Government, and espe- cially that he might be allowed to purchase the necessary supplies from the naval stores. He added that he had been informed that it had been Captain Flinders 's intention to survey the 'Feejee Islands,' and that, if the Government still
1 H.R., A. v,735. -U.K.. N.S.W. vi, 92-3.
INTRODUCTION lv
desired to have this done, he would be glad to provide accom- modation on board his vessel (the "Elizabeth") to any officer or person that might be appointed to make such a survey.
Governor King replied approving the sandalwood scheme, and permitting Macarthur to obtain such supplies as could be spared from the Government Stores, but deferring reply as to the proposed survey of the Fiji Islands till the then expected arrival of Governor Bligh.
It may here be noted that the plan of Mbua Bay, and some further nautical detail, which Arrowsmith inserted on his chart of the Fiji Islands published in 1814, are said to have been derived from the "Elizabeth " • but no record has been found as to the appointment of a qualified surveyor to the ship.
In the shipping returns Aikin is shown as having again cleared from Port Jackson to Fiji on the ist of March, iSoy1, this time in command of the ' colony ship ' 2 " King George " ; and there is no record of this vessel's re-entry till on the 2ist of July, 1808 3, some weeks after the encounter with the "Jenny" at Mbua Bay. But there is a note in the Naval Officer's Returns for 1807 of sandalwood having been im- ported in that year by the "King George "4, from which it is evident that Aikin must have revisited Port Jackson and re- turned to Fiji in the interval.
Another of these 'colonial vessels,' the brig "Elizabeth," Captain Stewart, is shown only once as having cleared for Fiji, as late as the yth of February, 1808 5. But in this case also the Naval Officer's Returns show that this vessel brought sandalwood to Port Jackson in (September) iSoy6, so that she must have been in Fiji in that year.
The "Elizabeth " was the second of the "two Port Jackson " ships " that Lockerby, on arriving in the "Jenny," found at Mbua Bay; and she and the "King George" were "the " Colonial Vessels," to which Governor Bligh referred as being "employed in going to the Islands within the limits of the
* H.R., N.S.W. vi, 272.
- I.e. a ship built and owned in the Colony. The "King George," the earliest of these 'colony ships,' was launched on the igth of April, 1805 (Heaton's Australian Dictionary of Dates, p. 257).
3 H.R., N.S.W. vi, 818. 4 Ibid. 622. 5 Ibid. 819. 6 Ibid. 622.
hi JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
"Territory, trading with the Natives for Sandalwood for 'exportation in transient Ships, which have authority to "proceed home by way of China."
\Yhile these two ' colony ships ' were gathering sandalwood in Fiji, the "Duchess of York," Captain Austin Forrest, reached Port Jackson, on the 6th of April, 1807, with an ample supply of rice, from Calcutta1. A month later, on the 6th of May2, this 'British vessel' (i.e. neither colonial nor American) cleared outwrard, nominally for Bengal, but really for Fiji, whence she returned to Port Jackson on the 26th of the following October, with sixty-five tons of sandalwood3. Probably Captain Forrest there disposed of this first lot of sandalwood. At any rate, the ship was cleared out again ' in 'ballast' on the 24th of November for Canton4 — just three weeks after the "Jenny," Captain Dorr, had reached Port Jackson. On this occasion Captain Forrest had increased his crew from twenty-five to forty men. He completed his cargo of sandalwood by the 3Oth of March, 1808, on which day he left Sandalwood Bay for Canton, meaning to go "by the "Eastern Passage" but, owing to stress of weather, he was obliged to go by the Straits of Malacca, and fetched up at Prince of Wales' Island (Penang) only on the 2Qth of July, 1808. There he sold his wood, and left again for Bengal5.
On the 2nd of November, 1807, three weeks before the "Duchess of York" finally left Port Jackson, the American ship "Jenny," Captain William Dorr, with Lockerby as mate, reached that port, but, on suspicion that she was smuggling, she was first ordered out of port, and then, the ship having been secretly run into Broken Bay, was seized and tried before the Vice- Admiralty Court6. It was during this detention of his ship that Captain Dorr heard so much of the scramble that was going on for Fijian sandalwood that he determined to engage in that business himself.
Something must now be said as to the attitude of the New South Wales authorities, at this time, towards the trade to the Islands. Captain William Bligh, formerly of H.M.S.
K.. A. vi, 185. * Ibid. 192. * Ibid.6iS. « Ibid. 616 and 619. * See pp. 198-9 post. * H.R., A. vi, 218 and 534.
INTRODUCTION Ivii
"Bounty," had succeeded Gidley King as Governor, on 131)1 of August, 1806. Throughout his short tenure of that office — he was summarily deposed on the 26th of January, 1808 — the new Governor met with constant opposition to the reforms which he tried to effect, not merely from the settlers but even more from his own officers. One main cause of the friction was Bligh's suspicion, more or less well-founded, as to the unlawful introduction of wines and spirits by almost all foreign, and many British, ships arriving at the port, and the illicit trade in these liquors which, as he thought, was carried on by some of the prominent colonists and officials. Another of the troubles of this undoubtedly autocratic Governor was connected with the sandalwood trade, the ad- vantage of which he clearly recognised, and wished to use for the greatest possible benefit of the Colony, even while, because of the above-mentioned illicit importation of spirits, he deprecated the calling of foreign ships at Port Jackson on the way to and from Fiji.
His position was most difficult to maintain. He did not certainly know whether the still uncharted — indeed barely known — Fijian Islands were included within his jurisdiction — under the terms of the original Commission to the Governor of "the new settlement at Port Jackson"; and he was also uncertain how far it was his duty, as representing British Sovereignty, to protect the assumed rights of the East India Company against the encroachment of American vessels trading to the South Seas.
His method of dealing with his difficulties may be indi- cated, especially as to the sandalwood trade, from his des- patches to the Home Government. In October, 1808, after his deposition, he wrote,
"The Sandal- Wood has been procured with old iron, made "into a kind of Chisels, and Nails, Beads, and Trinkets of any "kind, and on very fair principles, which the Estimates shows. " I put a duty of £2 los. per Ton on exportation, which was paid "by the Purchaser, and not at all felt by the Merchant. I valued "the sandalwood at only £50 per Ton, while it sold here for "about £70, on an average, to Vessels going to China1." 1 H.R., A. vi, 881-2.
Iviii JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
The estimate above mentioned, which was supplied by Robert Campbell , who had been Naval Officer under Bligh is as follows :
ESTIMATE of the Cost, Expences, and Outfit of a Colonial Vessel pro- ceeding on a Voyage to the Feejee Islands for Sandal- Wood, &c.
Value of the Vessel fitted for Sea, with Boatswain, Carpenter, and Gunner's Stores ... ... 2,000 o o
Monthly Wages, viz.
Master
Chief Mate
Second Do.
Carpenter
Boatswain
1 5 Seamen at £4
8 6 6
5 60
£100 per Month for 6 Months is
Provisions and Trade 26 Weeks at i Ib. Pork pr. Man. pr.
600
Day, is 3,640 Ib. at is. 6d. 26 Weeks Bread per Man, is 3,640 Ibs.
at 365. per Cwt. ...
Flour, 520 Ib. at 6d.
Sugar, 520 Ib. at is.
Spirits, | Gill daily per Man, 45
Gallons at 15$. Trade
273 o
58 10 13 o 26 o
33 200
15 o
604 5
3.H5
I ,200
Premium of Insurance on £3,000 (Sea Risk) at 5 per Cent. ... ... ... ... ...
Total Amount ... £3.354
Cr.
Suppose 130 Tons of Sandal- Wood, being the Average of Four Cargoes already received1 at £50 per Ton ... ... ... ... ...
Deduct the Cost of the Vessel and Outfit with sailing Expences agreeable to the above Estimate 3,354 5 o
150
6,500
Add the Value of the Vessel on her return
Net Profit on investing a Capital of £3,354 5*. in
Six Months2 ... ... ... ... ... 4,435 15 o
1 The" KingGeorge "and the" Elizabeth "had each brought twocar^oes. * Lockerby's description of the sandalwood trade as "equal to coining "business" seems justified.
INTRODUCTION lix
The exact date of Bligh's order imposing an export duty on sandalwood has not been found, but it must have been before, or immediately after, the end of 1807; for this un- fortunate Governor was arrested and deposed on the 26th of January, iSoS1. The duty was abolished, or at least sus- pended, by "a seditious Advertisement in the Rebel Gazette " of the 25th (of September 1808) by Lieu 't- Colonel Foveaux." In the interim, the "Jenny," on leaving Port Jackson, on the I5th of March, 1808, took eighteen tons, and the " Eliza," which left on the 22nd of April, took nine tons of the wood which had been brought to the Colony by the "King " George " and the " Elizabeth," the "Jenny " paying £45, and the "Eliza" £23. los. od., export duty on this2.
But the sandalwood question was only one of Bligh's difficulties. More important was the squabble as to the alleged illicit purchase of spirits by military officers, and other prominent Colonists, from foreign ships, such as the "Jenny," visiting the port.
Writing to Lord Castlereagh, in his long defence of his actions, Bligh reported3 that,
"the 'Jenny' was in harbour, and I could not prevent her to sell " any spirit. She sailed on the 8th of February for China, but was "so suddenly sent out of the Port, on a pretended suspicion of "smuggling, that she could not stow her cargo, in consequence "of which she had to put into Broken Bay. This had no sooner "become known than Me Arthur asserted she had returned to "smuggle, and persuaded Acting Lieutenant Symons to seize her "as a Prize for the Porpoise — which he did — and brought her " back here on the i6th. On the 22nd a Court of Vice- Admiralty "was held, to decide the case, of which Captain Abbott was "Judge, Chas. Grimes, Register, Nicholas Bayly, Marshal, and "Garnham Blaxcell, the Partner in Trade with Me Arthur, acted "as Agent for the Prosecutor, Symons. In the course of the "Trial an altercation arose between Mr Blaxcell and Captain "Abbott, on account of which the former left the Court and "Me Arthur took his place and brought with him my private " Instructions from His Majesty's Ministers, reading aloud such "parts of these Instructions as related to the importation of Spirits "into the Colony; and also read that part which related to the "Americans with respect to Trade, and thereby impressing on
1 H.R., A. vi, 209. * Ibid. 622. 3 Ibid. 534.
Ix JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
"the American Masters and Men an Idea of the intentions of "His Majesty's Government being unfavourable to them. After "all, the Ship and Cargo were restored to Captain Dorr, who, "feeling himself much injured, has appealed to the High Court "of Admiralty, and left it with his Agent, to be sent to England."
Naval Officer Robert Campbell's report to Bligh on this matter is more detailed, and is interesting as throwing light on the proceedings of Captain Dorr of the "Jenny," while at Port Jackson. Campbell's statement1 is that,
" On Monday afternoon the yth of February, Mr David Bevan " informed me that, two days before Governor Bligh was arrested, "the Major authorized several Officers to get Spirits out of the "American Ship 'Jenny,' Captain Dorr, and that it was done at " Twelve o'clock at night, and carried round to Cockle Bay. That " on Thursday the 3rd of February, Captain Kemp sent an order "on board for one hundred gallons of Brandy to be carried to "Parramatta and it was delivered in Mr Dorr's absence by the "Supercargo; the following morning Mr Lay cock informed the "Major of this circumstance, and which was the cause of the "ship being so precipitately ordered away. That the last Spirits "was not paid for when the ship sailed, having been settled by a "Bill of Captain Kemp's, which Mr Bevan is to get consolidated "and remit the amount to Mr Franceur by the Eliza.
" On the 1 7th of February, after Captain Dorr had been brought "back with his Ship to Sydney, he related to me the following "circumstances. On the night of the Illumination2, the 28th of "January, Serjeant Major Whittle came to him at Mr Bevan 's, "where he lodged, and wanted two Pipes of Brandy, to keep up "the Night, for payment of which he offered a Paymaster's Note "of £173 i^s. gd., and said that he was sent by Mr Minchin for "that purpose. Capt. Dorr positively refused, and went on board "his ship to give strict orders to allow no Spirits to go over the "side, and returned on shore; but some time after Whittle went "on board, and with the Serjeant of the Guard went into Mr " Franceur's cabin, where he was asleep, and informed him that "he was come by order for two casks of spirits, and that there "was the payment — throwing into his Cot the before mentioned "Pay Note. The Spirits were then put into the Boat and carried "round to Cockle Bay.
"That about three weeks after his Arrival (and November
1 H.R., A. vi, 522-5.
2 This was the occasion on which Lockerby used the ship's candles to li^ht up the "Jenny" in honour of Governor Bligh 's arrest.
INTRODUCTION Ixi
" 1807) Kemp drove him out to the Major's, who they found with "Lawson; and that the Major said he was glad to see him and " asked him to sit down. That he was afterwards asked if he had "got leave to land his spirits, and on Kemp observing 'Do you " ' not intend to smuggle? ' the Major said ' By God, the Governor " ' must look very sharp otherwise we will take it from you in spite " ' of him.' Captain Dorr observed, that he had given his word to " Governor Bligh, and that the object was so trifling, he would "run no risks. That the general topic of conversation was re- ^'specting Spirits, and that in General Grose's time the Officers "were allowed to go on board of Ships when they pleased, and "purchase a cask or two from the Americans from three to four "shillings per gallon, and sell it afterwards for two and Three "pounds; that in those times the Officers could live, cultivate "their Farms, and make money, but at present they could do "nothing but barely exist."
With this report Robert Campbell submitted the following extract from a letter, dated 22nd of March, 1808, which he had received from Captain Dorr, who wrote that,
" In your time, I have not only been called upon, but pressed "against my inclination by the Officers of the New South Wales "Corps to enter into illicit practices against the Rules and Regu- lations of the Colony. Upon the Suspicion of such practices "you well know I have lately been brought before a Vice Ad- "miralty Court held for that purpose; and what is more sur- " prizing, by the same Man, Lieutenant Governor Johnston, who "gave his free permission to the Officers under him to undertake "the smuggling of my Spirits on shore, when William Bligh Esq. "was Governor, and only wished that his name might not be " mentioned. Captain Kemp came to me one day, while at dinner "with Mr Bevan and other Gentlemen, to take me out in his "Chaise to Major Johnston's Seat. I went with him, and found "the Major at home, and after being there a little while they took "a walk in the garden, and were there for some time. Captain " Kemp and myself returned to Sydney, and he informed me that "he had been talking with the Major respecting my Spirits, and "said that the Major had given his permission, but wished that "his name might not be brought in question. I have since that "been repeatedly called upon by the Gentlemen Officers to under- "take the business, and I have as repeatedly denied them... and " in that manner I have been continually harrassed by those Gentle- "men Officers, and men employed under them, to undertake the
Ixii JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
" Smuggling of Spirits; the temptation offered, and such frequent " applications, would be almost impossible for any man to withold. "Mr John McArthur and Garnham Blaxcell, the two Gentle- " men that pretended to adhere, at my trial, so strictly to the Rules "and Regulations of this Colony, and the private Instructions "from the Secretary of State to His Excellency Governor Bligh, "have forgot I presume, that they were ready in Governor Bligh 's "time to take and smuggle from Captain Corry of the American " Brig Eliza now here, all his Spirits at Twenty Shillings a Gallon, "which Captain Corn,- informed me was the case."
How far Captain Dorr was himself responsible for the troubles in which he was involved at Port Jackson remains uncertain, but he must have been glad to shake the dust out of the " Jenny's " sails when, having shipped more seamen, and taken additional guns, ammunition, and other necessary articles on board, he cleared from the port finally on the 1 5th of March, iSoS1.
Lockerby, whose Journal may now be followed, states that it was during the stay at Port Jackson that the news of sandalwood in Fiji was obtained, "which Islands," he adds, "were first visited by Europeans four years previously," obviously referring to the visits by the "Marcia" and the "Fair American."
Tongatabu, the southernmost of the Friendly Islands, at which the "Jenny" first called, was then regarded as the nearest known anchorage to the still less known, and quite uncharted, Fijian Islands; but it \vas certainly not a place at which ships could call incautiously. For since Captain Cook's visit, as the result of which he had given the name of "the " Friendly Islands" to the group, it had become a resort for passing ships engaged in whale fishing and seal hunting in that part of the South Seas ; and from these ships many un- desirable Europeans, the so-called 'beachcombers,' had in one way or another got ashore and had settled among the
1 Lockerby gives this date (see p. 9 post). The entry in the official shipping returns, mention is made of the clearance for Fiji of "The Jeannette" on the 2Oth of March; and the Sydney Gazette says only 'March, 1808' (see p. 202 post). The "Eliza," Captain Correy, cleared, according to Patterson, on the ist of May, while the Port Jackson Shipping Returns say the 22nd of April (probably the date at which the ship dropped out from Sydney Cove). H.R., N.S.W. vi, 819.
INTRODUCTION Ixiii
natives of the place. When Captain Wilson of the "Duff," in 1797, landed the first missionaries at that place, he found that these beachcombers, some of them at any rate, had already perturbed the former 'friendliness' of the natives, superficial as this may have been, towards white-skinned visitors; and subsequently, the increase in the number of passing ships which called 'to refresh/ and still later the scramble for the sandalwood which, as the Tongatabuans had long known, grew in considerable abundance in the ad- jacent but still almost unvisited ' Feejee ' Islands, soon turned Tongatabu into as dangerous a nest of wreckers as has per- haps ever existed. The Tongans have been stigmatised as "a nation of wreckers" but this was largely due to the in- fluence on them of some of the 'beachcombers.'
Within a very few years before the "Jenny" called there, the lawlessness of the place had been much increased by the incoming of more aliens, at a time when the natives of the several islands were fighting among themselves. In 1800 some at least of the survivors from the wreck of the "Argo" reached Tongatabu from Mbukatatanoa reef; and at least one of these is believed to have been active in instigating the natives to attack ships that called. Next, in 1802, the seizure of the American ship "Duke of Portland," and, in 1804, the attempted seizure of the "Union," accompanied in both cases with much bloodshed, were at the instigation of aliens. Two years later, in 1806, the seizure of the "Port au Prince," from which William Mariner got ashore, took place not at Tongatabu but at Lefuka, in the Haapai Islands, the central of the three main Friendly Island groups ; but there is little doubt that it belongs to the same series of incidents, all of which were due to the growing desire of the Friendly Is- landers to get the help of European men and arms for the prosecution of their own native wars.
On the other hand, the kindly hospitality experienced by Mariner1, after the seizure of the "Port au Prince, "during
1 Mariner's and Lockerby's experience of native hospitality were noticeably similar; if Mariner had told his story without the able assis- tance of Dr Martin, or if Lockerby had had the assistance of as able an editor, the similarity would have been yet greater.
Ixiv JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
the period of nearly four years, while living among the Friendly Islanders, seems to show that, away from the lawless conditions prevalent at Tongatabu, and away from the more evilly disposed alien beachcombers, the Islanders were not averse from living on friendly terms with Euro- peans.
Lockerby's suspicions of the evil intentions of the folk on shore when the "Jenny" called at Tongatabu were probably well-founded, and the precautions taken against the seizure of the ship were wise; but one wonders whether, when, at a later time, he had had personal experience of the hospitality of the so-called 'savages,' he remembered with any regret that from the "Jenny," when departing, "several swivels "loaded with grape shot were fired amongst (the Tongata- " buans), by way of wishing them goodbye, and leaving them "to lament over their bad luck, and perhaps some of their "dead friends."
From Tongatabu the "Jenny" was steered in a north- easterly direction, along the line of the Lau Islands, at several of which she called and had intercourse with the natives. This was approximately the course followed by all the ships which at that period approached Sandalwood Island from Tongatabu ; the actual track of the " Elizabeth " is marked on Arrowsmith's Chart of the Feejee Islands1, issued in 1814. At Mbua Bay, which the "Jenny" reached on 2ist of May, 1808, the two 'Port Jackson ships,' the "King George" and the "Elizabeth" were found at anchor.
After an altercation with the people of the two colonial ships, due, no doubt, to objection on the part of the colonists to trade by Americans in places then held to lie within the jurisdiction of New South Wales, the "Jenny's" people at once set to work to enter into friendly relations with the Mbuan Chief, from whom they hoped to get a cargo of sandalwood.
Lockerby's stay in Fiji may be regarded as divisible into three periods: firstly the time from his arrival to that at
1 Krusenstern (Mem. Hydrographiques , p. 232) says that this chart was originally published in 1811, but this is almost certainly a mistake.
INTRODUCTION Ixv
which the "Jenny" sailed away and left him; secondly that which he spent actually among the Fijians, as the guest of the Chief of Mbua ; and thirdly that, after the arrival of the "Favourite," while he was engaged in collecting sandalwood for that ship and for the " General Wellesley," on which last named ship he sailed for China.
As soon as the trouble with the two Port Jackson ships was at an end, and the "Jenny" had come to anchor at the mouth of the Mbua River, Lockerby went ashore, and began to establish his friendly relations with the Mbuan Chief. The next day that Chief came on board the "Jenny," and received a present of five whale's teeth and some ironwork. In return the Chief undertook to set his people to cut sandalwood, for which purpose he was provided with axes and saws. But as the sandalwood near the town of Mbua had already been cut, the "Jenny's" boats had to go for fifty miles, round the great promontory the southern neck of which is formed by Mbua Bay, to Wailea Bay, which is on the northern side of this promontory. The boats of the "King George" and the "Elizabeth" were already at Wailea, for a similar purpose; and the Port Jackson men did what they could to disturb the friendly relations which were growing up between the Americans and the Mbuans. The "King George," however, in a few days left on return to Port Jackson.
At the end of June the long-boat of the American ship "Eliza," Captain Correy, reached Mbua, bringing news that the ship had been wrecked off the island of Nairai — Lockerby, no doubt on the authority of Captain Correy, says this happened on the 23rd of May. The captain and, with one exception, the crew got safely on shore, at Nairai, and even contrived to save, for the moment, a large proportion of the silver dollars which had been on the ship. The Nairai folk had stripped the refugees of most of their clothes and all else that had been brought ashore, but without offering them further violence. Captain Correy, with the two mates and two other of the sailors, had even been allowed, after a week, to take the long-boat and go in search of the "Jenny,"
Ixvi JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
which they believed to be not far off. Six thousand of the dollars were collected from the natives, who evidently at- tached no very great value to such things, and were carried off in the long-boat.
The long-boat first reached Mbau, which lies almost directly westward, and at no great distance from Nairai. At Mbau, where a few beachcombers were already living among the natives, Captain Correy and his companions were further stripped of any possessions which the Nairai folk had left to them, but, after a detention of three weeks, were allowed to go on, in their own boat but without provisions except coconuts. At last the "Jenny" was found at Mbua, which lies north-west from Nairai, and at a much greater distance from that island than is Mbau.
A tradition as to the wreck of a ship called the "Eliza" at Nairai about 1808 — she has generally been supposed to have been a Spanish ship — has survived to the present day, both among Europeans and natives in Fiji, this being doubt- less due to the great hoard of coins which were thrown on to the island from the ship. Even now an occasional Peruvian or Chilian silver piece is found in the island. But by a strange chance the fairly full account of the wreck, written as long ago as 1817 by Samuel Patterson, himself a sailor on board the ship at the time of the wreck, has till now been over- looked.
Not the least interesting point in Patterson's story is his statement that Charles Savage, the most conspicuous figure in the vague picture hitherto known of the first coming of Europeans to Fiji, had been picked up by the "Eliza" at Tongatabu, and was on the ship at the time of the wreck. The fact that he could speak the language seems to show that he had been there before, though possibly it was in the Tongan language that he was able to communicate to some extent with the Fijians. On the other hand, it seems possible that, as has been said1, it was from the wreck of the " Argo," that Savage first landed in Fiji, whence he got to Tongatabu ; indeed, he may have been the very member of the " Argo's" 1 See p. 95 and n. i post.
INTRODUCTION Ixvii
crew who was interviewed by Turnbull1. At any rate it is certain that Savage was one of the white men who settled earliest at Mbau, and that he acquired very great influence among the Mbauans, and retained this until, in full sight of Peter Dillon from the rock, he was killed and eaten by the enraged Waileans.
Four days after the long-boat of the "Eliza" had reached "Jenny," two boats were manned and armed, in which Captain Correy and his men, and Lockerby with some of the "Jenny's " crew, proceeded to Nairai, to recover as much of the "Eliza's" money as they could. On arriving, it was found that the men left there by Captain Correy, had gone to the neighbouring island of Mbatiki, taking with them 'the greatest part of the money.' But during three days stay at Nairai, the salvage expedition had little difficulty in re- covering some nine thousand dollars from the natives, who seemed to set but little store by it. The natives seemed quite friendly until, on the afternoon of the day on which the boats were to start back to the "Jenny," Correy and Lockerby, being in the boat on which was the recovered money were suddenly seized and thrown into the water by some natives who had been on board with them. The sailors still on the boat were then attacked not only by the natives already on board but also by others who had been in two canoes lying alongside. With some difficulty, and at the expense of a serious wound to the 2nd mate of the "Eliza," the natives were driven off. Correy and Lockerby, who had got back into their boat, steered directly to a large native canoe which was seen coming towards them, evidently with the intention of attacking them. When within a distance of about a hundred
1 See p. xxxix ante. Again, there is a curious story, mentioned by the American Amasa Delano in his Narrative of Voyages and Travels, pp. 460-3, and told also in H.R., N.S.W. v, p. 521. Delano, then Captain of the "Perseverance," in August, 1804, was seal hunting at Kent's Bay, where a Port Jackson gang, in the service of Lord, Kable and Co., \yere doing the same. Delano complained that his men were being enticed from his service by the Port Jackson gang and took strong measures to get them back. The Port Jackson manager was stripped and flogged ; and after that the deserters returned to the American ship, with two excep- tions, one of which was Charles Savage.
Ixviii JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
yards, the Europeans fired their swivel and muskets at the natives, killing a number and causing the rest to jump over- board and swim ashore. That night the salvage party left "these unfriendly people," and made their way back to the "Jenny," which was reached on the nth of July.
On the iyth of July a boat belonging to the "Elizabeth," in which were three Europeans and two Tahitians, while passing up the coast to Wailea, met with a canoe belonging to the island of Tavea, some thirty miles beyond Wailea. The men in the "Elizabeth's" boat — Lockerby states that they were the aggressors — fired upon the canoe; the Tavea men retaliated, killing the three Europeans, whose bodies they carried ashore, and taking the Tahitians with them as prisoners.
As neither Captain Stewart of the "Elizabeth," to which ship the men and boat thus fallen into the hands of the Taveans belonged, nor Captain Dorr, who probably thought it was none of his business, proposed to take action in the matter, Lockerby, on his own responsibility, proceeded to Tavea, with three armed whale-boats, intending to recover the two men — the Tahitians — who were said to be still alive, if possible on friendly terms but otherwise by force. He had with him a man who had been sometime among the islanders and could speak their language. This interpreter — it was almost certainly Charles Savage — was sent ashore to invite the Chief of Tavea to come on to Lockerby 's boat. The ruse being successful, the Chief was detained on the boat; and the interpreter was once more sent ashore, to try to persuade the Taveans to send out the two Tahitian prisoners in ex- change for their Chief. The Taveans, suspicious of the pro- posal, detained Lockerby 's messenger as a hostage, but allowed him to send a message, written on a stone, telling that he would not be allowed to return to the boat until the Chief was sent ashore. A great deal more negotiation fol- lowed, in the course of which the Taveans sent out, first a large present of coconuts and other provisions, and then sent a canoe full of their v/omen to sing and dance; but Lockerby continued obdurate. At length, the Taveans sent
INTRODUCTION Ixix
out the interpreter and the two Tahitians; and Lockerby, according to promise, sent the Chief ashore. The Tahitians reported that the bodies of two of the three white men who had been killed had been cooked and sent as presents to other places, and with their own eyes they had seen the third body eaten. Lockerby says he did not think it prudent at that time to avenge the death of these men — of whom, by the way, he had already said that they were the aggressors in the fight which led to their death; but he did demand that the Taveans should give up to him the "Elizabeth's" boat, and, the Taveans refusing to give up the boat except at the price of a whale's tooth, he made his men back the boats near to the shore, and, when at a proper distance fired on the Taveans with swivels and musket, and then pulled hard away. Not unnaturally the natives gave chase in thirty canoes, for twenty miles, all the time under fire from the European boats, till night fell. Soon after Lockerby 's boats got into safety, in Wailea Bay.
These adventures, to Nairai to recover the "Eliza's" treasure and to Tavea to recover the Tahitian prisoners, were but interludes in Lockerby's normal work, which was the collection of sandal wood for the "Jenny." It had been found convenient to put up a hut on the beach at Wailea, as a depot for the wood brought in by the natives. The "Jenny" still lay at Mbua Bay; and from time to time the wood was transferred from Wailea to the ship, sometimes by Lockerby and sometimes by the supercarg9 Francker. To- wards the end of July a full cargo had been nearly completed. About this time also there was a quarrel between Lockerby and Captain Dorr. Lockerby gives somewhat divergent accounts of the cause of the dispute ; but there can be little doubt that the independent attitude which the mate had now assumed, and the consequent displeasure, justifiable or not, of the Captain, had given rise to strained relations between the two. As a consequence, Lockerby remained entirely ashore, at Wailea]
Quite at the end of July, Lockerby heard from natives that the "Jenny" had sailed for China; and, on going down to
Ixx JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
Mbua Bay, he found that the report was true. He and the six men of his boat's crew were left alone among the Fijians. Lockerby assumed that he had been purposely left by Captain Dorr; but the last named afterwards explained that his ship had been blown out by a gale, and that, having had only a jury-mast since the storm encountered before reaching Tongatabu, he was unable to return to pick up his derelict men and boat.
It was on the 2gth of July, 1808, that the "Jenny " left Fiji. The Port Jackson ship "Elizabeth," Captain Stewart, was, it is true, still in Mbua Bay ; but Lockerby's relations with the Captain and crew of that ship had long been so strained that he was unwilling to appeal to them for help. Moreover, this ship must have left Fiji soon after the "Jenny," for she re- entered her home port on the i6th of September1. Under these circumstances Lockerby determined to throw himself on the hospitality of the Chief of Mbua, with whom, and with whose people, he had always kept on friendly terms.
For the next nine weeks Lockerby lived with and as a Fijian, being well received and treated by the Mbuan Chief and his people, he himself being allowed the privileges of chiefly rank — though the sailors left behind with him were treated as commoners. His case is curiously like that of William Mariner, who at the very same time, though Lockerby did not know this, was living, at no great distance away and under very similar conditions, among the Friendly Islanders. Had Lockerby's stay among the Fijians been longer, and had he afterwards had the good fortune to meet with an editor as able as Dr John Martin, he might have given to the world a book of reminiscences as to Fiji as valuable as Mariner's account of the Tonga, or rather Friendly, Islanders. But, on the other hand, Lockerby's story, as far as it goes, seems to have some advantage over that of Mariner in the very fact that it came straight from his own hand, instead of having been elicited by the literary skill of Martin.
Somewhat similar interest, if less in degree, may be claimed for Samuel Patterson's narrative of his experiences 1 H.R., N.S.W. vi, 818.
INTRODUCTION Ixxi
when, but for several of his former messmates of the " Eliza," he lived alone among the Nairai and Mbatiki native folk. Less educated than Lockerby, and thus less fitted to observe and record, he lived from the time of the wreck of the "Eliza" to the day on which he was hoisted on board the "Favourite" at Mbua Bay, which was a few days before Lockerby left Fiji in the "General Wellesley," practically entirely alone among Fijian natives, differing only from Lockerby 's associates in that the Nairai community was more or less shut up in a small island, situated at some distance from the Mbuan head-quarters, and that Patterson's hosts had already been slightly touched by Tongan influences. It is, however, noteworthy that Patterson and his messmates from the "Eliza" were treated as commoners, whereas Lockerby, an officer of the "Jenny" was treated as a chief, while the members of the crew of the same ship were regarded only as commoners.
Lockerby's residence with the Mbuan Chief, during which, as he says, he "endeavoured to acquire the good-will of the "natives, and in particular of the King," was at a time of crisis in native affairs. The Mbuan Chief had, at the moment, acquired great power, owing to the wealth which the sandal- wood ships had brought to the Bay, and in consequence had incurred the jealousy not only of the independent Chiefs of the group but also of some of his own subordinate Chiefs. Probably never in the history of the Fijian people had there been lasting peace between their Chiefs, for it is certain that each Chief was always eager to extend his own territory at the expense of that of his neighbours. But while Lockerby was among them there was special reason for unrest; the other Chiefs saw no reason why they should not try to get a share of the good things which the ships of the white men had brought to Mbua Bay.
The Mbuan Chief was well aware that a combination of Chiefs from other islands, and probably of some from the more distant parts of the great island, over a part of which he ruled, was preparing to attack him.
It is especially interesting here to note that Mbau, which
Ixxii JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
had comparatively recently begun greatly to increase the predominating influence over the islands to which it after- wards attained — when Mbua, exhausted of its sandalwood, was no longer heard of — was among the assailants. It is certain that this increase of Mbaun power was partly due to the arrival at the Islet of exceptionally able Polynesian Chiefs, who pushed their way thither from a landfall at the south- western corner of Viti Levu, and partly owing to the congre- gation at the Islet of European sailors who had drifted thither from the "Argo" and other ships in distress.
The presence of Lockerby, and of the handful of white men more or less under his command, must, for this reason, have been especially welcome to the Mbuan Chief, who lost no opportunity of interesting his foreign guest in the methods of native warfare. The visit to the fort at Tathilevu, and the building of the similar fort at Mbua — which had never before been attacked, and had therefore had no need of such defence —were an important part of the old Mbuan Chief's strategy for meeting the expected attack.
While watching and recording the preparations for the defence of Mbua, Lockerby had exceptional advantages for seeing native life from a near point of view ; but at the same time he did not fail to make secret preparations, with the help of his white companions, for escaping from the islands, in case no European ship called and took them off. The work of adapting the boat which the "Jenny" had left behind for a long sea journey was put in hand, the Mbuan Chief's suspicions as to the purpose for which this was intended being lulled by the assurance that the boat was intended to help in the defence against the expected native attack.
On the 2nd of October, just as the boat had been launched and was all but ready to go to sea, and all preparations for meeting the native attack had been completed, the situation was suddenly entirely changed by the coming into Mbua Bay of the "Favourite," Captain William Campbell, in search of a cargo of sandalwood. From this time began the third period of Lockerby 's experiences in Fiji.
INTRODUCTION Kxiii
Lockerby, greatly helped by the experience he had gained of the Fijians and their ways, at once offered himself to collect wood for the "Favourite," as soon as the expected native fighting should permit ; and his services were readily accepted.
Partly to engage men to cut sandalwood and partly to glean information as to the coming attack, Lockerby, on the 6th of October, with a Mr Graham, "a gentleman passenger "(on the 'Favourite') who wished to see the interior of the " island," went to Na Korovatu, a town on a rock a few miles from Mbua town, the two places, however, being at that time separated by a jungle almost impassable except by natives. The Chief of this rock-fastness, whom Lockerby calls 'Gorobato' — after the name of his town Korovatu, readily engaged to cut wood "when the war should be over," but at the same time somewhat naively blurted out that he and the Chief of Tathilevu (Tatelepo), a fishing town on the coast close to the town of Mbua, both these Chiefs being vassals of the Mbuan Chief, had agreed to join the enemy, "in order to be revenged on the Chief of Tavea (Taffier), who " was the King of Mbua's nephew, for the many depredations "which the Chief of Tavua had committed on the various "islands." 'Gorobato' also said that he had heard that the enemy had already landed on some part of the coast, and asked Lockerby as to the truth of this rumour.
Lockerby and Graham, the business concluded, tried to get back to Mbua that same evening, but, being without guides, lost their way in the bush, and spent a most un- pleasant night among the ' serpents ' — snakes must have been more numerous in Fiji in those days than they now are — and eventually got out to Tathilevu, the fishing village, only at dawn. On getting back to Mbua town, they found that during their absence the " General Wellesley," Captain David Dalrymple, had arrived from Penang, having been a very long time, and lost many men from sickness, while coming round the south of Australia, or ' New Holland ' as Lockerby calls it. From that time the two ships, the "Favourite" and the " General Wellesley," worked in consort.
Ixxiv JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
Lockerby, with seven men, in the launch, and Thomas Smith, the 2nd officer of the "Favourite," with six men, in the whale-boat, next left for Wailea, hoping there to get sandalwood, but, after a stay of four days, found they could get none, all the Waileans being shut up in their fort, ex- pecting attack by the enemy. On the loth of October the two ships' boats, therefore, prepared to return to Mbua.
But, when running out from Wailea Bay, they saw at least a hundred and fifty of the enemy's canoes passing across the mouth of the Bay, on the way to attack the island of Tavea, which lay a short distance farther up the coast. It seemed hopeless either to run away or to fight; so both Lockerby, in the launch, and Thomas Smith, in the whale-boat, steered directly for the war-canoes, in the hope of establishing friendly relations. Luckily for himself, Smith came up with the canoe of the leader of the expedition, ' Bulendam ' (Mbuli Ndama, the Chief of the District next below Mbua), and was well and hospitably received by that Chief, and was even- tually returned to his ship, uninjured. Lockerby, on the other hand, unfortunately encountered the war-canoe from Mbau, and consequently fared much worse. His own account of what happened to him and his men at this moment is that as soon as the whale-boat got within reach of the great canoe, " one of the largest of the sort," several of the Fijians jumped from it into the whale-boat, plundered it of every thing they could find, and dragged him and his companions on to the canoe, where they were stripped to the skin and tumbled into the hold. Mate Smith says that the immense war-canoe ran down the whale-boat, cutting her in two, but picking up and making prisoners of the crew. The two stories are by no means irreconcilable ; the great canoe, unwieldy and diffi- cult to steer, probably did run the whale-boat down, either purposely or otherwise, and the Fijians, under orders from their Chief, did at once save the boat's crew, who, it was hoped, would help in the intended attack on Tavea. Lockerby probably owed his severe treatment to his truculent bearing. He and Mate Smith alike declined to fight with the natives, thus disappointing the hopes of the Fijians ; but Smith tact-
INTRODUCTION kxv
fully accepted his position as a prisoner, whereas Lockerby persistently resented this.
All the prisoners from both ships' boats were carried on, and became eye-witnesses of the siege and sack of that un- fortunate islet; and the story they tell of this, gruesome as are the details, provides probably the most full and trustworthy record that exists of the methods of native warfare, when unhelped by Europeans, of the ruthlessness of attack, and of the extraordinary equanimity with which a Fijian prisoner, having escaped death during the actual fighting, could accept the position of being killed and eaten for the next morning's meal of his captors.
The Fijian war-party, having utterly destroyed Tavea, next turned its attention on the proposed attack on the town of Mbua and its Chief, which, indeed, had been their original objective. It was certainly awkward for them that the two European ships, the "Favourite" and the "General Wel- "lesley," were lying in the Bay in such a position that these would have to be passed before the town of Mbua could be assaulted. The further fact that Lockerby and Smith, and their fellow prisoners, belonged to these same two ships must have further complicated the plan of attack. The prisoners, refusing to join in the fighting, were somewhat of an encumbrance, and in the opinion of some of the captors should be sent back to their ships, in exchange either for a ransom of whale's teeth or even for the coveted permission to pass by and attack Mbua.
Five days were spent in sailing back to the point on the western side of Mbua Bay. Here one of Lockerby 's com- panions got away, by night, and, having crossed the Point, found Captain Campbell, in the " Wellesley's" launch, off the town of Tathilevu, the people of which had carried out their intention of revolting from Mbua. Campbell had heard that Lockerby and his party had all been killed and eaten, and, in revenge, had fired on the revolted town and killed many of the inhabitants. It was then that he picked up the escaped prisoner, and from him learned the true facts, and that the whole of the enemy's fleet would be in Mbua Bay the next day.
Ixxvi JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
The next morning the fleet of canoes hauled into the Bay, but hesitated to pass the two ships, which, with their boarding nets up, had been moored together. The Fijians put all their prisoners into one canoe, which was sent forward towards the ships, Lockerby telling them that they would be well paid for their trouble, and even promising that he would help them in attacking the Mbuan Chief. Just as the canoe was being sent off the Fijians in it heard of the killing of the Tathilevu men by Captain Campbell. This caused further delay and argument; but eventually the canoe, with all the prisoners except Lockerby and one other, Thomas Berry by name, was allowed to start. On the way, the prisoners over- powered their Fijian warders, and carried the canoe to the ship's side. Once on board, the released prisoners treated their late warders roughly, and would have been still more severe on them but for the thought of what might be done to Lockerby and Berry in retaliation. When leaving the ship the Fijians used threats as to what they would do to the two white men still in their hands; and consequently Captain Campbell took twro chiefs from the canoe as hostages.
When the canoe got back to the Fijian fleet, without the expected ransom, and without the two hostages, the lives of Lockerby and Berry were for a time in great peril. But Albiili Ndama — the same Chief who had treated Mate Smith rather as a guest than a prisoner — together with the father of one of the hostage chiefs intervened, and ransomed Lockerby and Berry, for two whale's teeth, two tomahawks, and two pieces of iron, from the Chief of Mbau, who had proved so much sterner a jailer. Lockerby was then assured that he and his companion would not be killed if the two chiefs then detained on the ship were not injured.
The Fijian fleet having gone for that night to Mangrove Point, about seven miles distant from the ships, Lockerby, at midnight, attempted to escape by swimming, but was dis- covered and, his assertion that he was only washing himself not being believed, was more closely watched than ever.
Next day, the 24th of October, and the fourteenth day since Lockerby had been a prisoner, he and Berry were told, but
INTRODUCTION bcxvii
refused to believe, that the two chiefs had been killed on the ship ; and Lockerby, to prove his good faith, urged that Berry should be sent on board, on which one of the ship's hostages would be released, and that he himself should be detained until it should have been learned from the lips of the released chief what treatment he and his companion had met with on board. But the Fijians, anxious to begin the attack on Mbua, decided to deliver both their prisoners to the ships in exchange for the two hostage chiefs, who, as Lockerby assured them, were still alive.
But on approaching the ships for this purpose, the Fijians, as is their custom, broke into song; and Captain Campbell, thinking that this was a sign of intended attack, fired on the canoes and killed some of the men in them. Thereupon the canoes turned back; and Lockerby, who, with Berry, had been lashed to the deck, persuaded the natives to lash him, instead, to the mast of the canoe on which he was, and from this conspicuous position contrived, by his gesticulations, to attract the attention of Captain Campbell. A small boat, manned by four lascars, was, accordingly sent from the ship, with a large ransom, which, however, the Fijians refused to accept, but continued to demand their two chiefs.
One of the lascars, speaking in his own language, which the Fijians did not understand, told Lockerby that the two chiefs were really dead, having been shot while attempting to escape. In despair, Lockerby now sent word back to Campbell that he and Berry could now only be rescued by force from the Fijians ; and, at the same time, he persuaded the Fijians to make fast their canoes to a coral reef, and there to wait for their two chiefs, for whom, he said, he had sent the lascars back.
In compliance with the message by the lascars, Captain Campbell, in the ship's cutter, manned by fourteen volunteers and with two black men sitting in the bow, with their backs to the enemy, to represent the dead chiefs, at once put off and approached the Fijian fleet. When the cutter was within speaking distance, Campbell was advised by Lockerby to close up and fire, in the expectation that the natives would
Ixxviii JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
spring overboard, so that in the confusion Lockerby might untie himself, jump overboard and swim to the cutter.
Unfortunately the sailors, who had been instructed to lie hid in the bottom of the boat, got alarmed at their near approach to the reef, jumped up and fired prematurely. Lockerby succeeded in getting into the water several times, but each time was hauled back into the canoe by the Fijians. Berry, meanwhile, did get away and swam towards the ships. At last Lockerby contrived to remain long enough under water to swim to within ten yards of the cutter, but was then seen and seized by an especially powerful native, and was nearly drowned, until a ball from one of the cutter's guns put an end to his antagonist. Lockerby was then taken into the cutter, which, on the way to the ship, picked up Berry also. The Fijians followed nearly up to the ships, but were then driven off by the fire from the big guns.
The Fijian fleet, the leaders now quite disheartened, their own losses having been so great, without any advantage gained over the white men, and without further hope of being allowed to attack Mbua, now dispersed to their own homes.
Lockerby, after several days rest on board ship, landed and visited his old friend the Mbuan Chief, who, being still afraid that the enemy might land on some other part of the coast, and so take him in the rear, gladly still maintained at his fort a heavily armed guard from the " General Wellesley." The Chief, however, sent his followers to cut sandalwood, under protection of an armed party from the ships, and pre- sented each vessel with about ten tons of the wood, in gratitude for the protection he had received from the white men.
Two days later several of the petty chiefs who had been out with the enemy arrived at Mbua, to make submission to their old Chief; these penitents were so well received and pardoned that they went home singing and rejoicing. But there were still two centres of disaffection very near and therefore very dangerous to Mbua — and also to the interests of the sandalwood traders ; these were Korovatu — Lockerby
INTRODUCTION Ixxix
calls it Gorobato — the town on a rock but a few miles behind Mbua, and Tathilevu, the fishing town on the coast still nearer to Mbua. The Chiefs of both had been vassal to Mbua, and both had deliberately conspired to join the enemy. The Tathilevu folk had long been hostile to Euro- peans— not without cause; and their ill-will had not been lessened by Captain Campbell's action in firing on their fort and killing some of their number — in revenge for the sup- posed massacre of Lockerby and his party at Tavea.
On the 28th of October, a third vessel, the American ship "Tonquin," Captain Bromley, arrived in Sandalwood Bay, and joined the "Favourite" and the "General Wellesley."
That same day the ships' boats were fully armed, and in these Lockerby and the Mbuan Chief proceeded to Tathilevu, to make peace. Lockerby and the Chief alone landed, under cover of the boat's guns ; and the Mbuan Chief had nearly succeeded in making peace between the two towns when it was mentioned that the Europeans must be included in the pact. To this the Tathilevu people would by no means consent, saying that they would kill as many of the white men as they could. The negotiations then ended.
Then, as the hostility of the Tathilevu folk made the going on shore to cut sandalwood very risky, the Europeans agreed with the Mbua Chief, with Mbuli Ndama, and some other native Chiefs, to destroy or drive these obstinate folk from the island.
Before dawn on the appointed day, the 2nd of November, the Fijian Chiefs just named, with about 1800 of the fol- lowers, met Lockerby, who was in the " General Wellesley 's " launch, and had with him sixteen well-armed Europeans, at the landing-place for Tathilevu. Mr Brown, the chief mate of the "Tonquin" was also present in his ship's launch, with fourteen armed men; but, Lockerby adds, these Americans, their wages being small, did not engage heartily in the affairs of the day.
The operations against the fort of Tathilevu differed essen- tially from those against Tavea in that on this later occasion the natives were materially assisted by Europeans provided
Ixxx JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
with fire-arms. But the Tathilevu affair shows that even the walls of a Fijian fortress might afford some measure of de- fence. The final result was, however, as complete destruction of the besieged native folk as at Tavea. 'Wallabatoo,' more correctly Valevatu, the one-eyed Chief of Tathilevu, was killed, as were many of his followers ; and the rest were either made prisoners or were driven away to find refuge at, or beyond, the confines of the Mbuan area. Lockerby claims to have used his influence to render the cannibal orgies which took place after the sack somewhat less gruesome than those after the Tavea affair.
One European was killed at Tathilevu, Thomas Berry, the same who had shared Lockerby's recent captivity. The burial of this man, in presence of the ship's companies and of the Mbuan Chief and his people, was carried out with a curious mixture of European and Fijian ceremony.
The only reference by Lockerby to intertribal fighting after the fall of Tathilevu is where he mentions (see p. 68 post) being present at a great gathering of the Chiefs of the district round Mbua at Sawasau, at which the question of attacking "a small island to the westward" was discussed. The island referred to was almost certainly Mbau, the islet on the distant Viti Levu coast, the subsequent power of which over most of the western islands of the group was then beginning to make itself felt. But Mbau was far away from the sandalwrood country, and was not yet able to interfere greatly in Mbuan affairs.
All fear of attack by the native rebels living on or near the sandalwood coast being now at an end, Lockerby re- sumed his task of completing the cargoes of the three ships for which he was then working. But, the sandalwood trees having now been almost completely cleared from the im- mediate neighbourhood of Mbua Bay, he went, in the boats of the "General Wellesley " and the " Tonquin," farther than he had before been, and reached what he calls 'Lagota Bay,' or, as it is now called, Ngaloa Bay, into which the Lekutu River flows. Here he found a fresh supply of wood, and was soon able to complete a cargo for the "Favourite."
INTRODUCTION Ixxxi
The movements of the "Favourite" at this time are not very easy to follow. She must have left Fiji very soon after the sack of Tathilevu; for the shipping records of Port Jackson show that she reached that port on the aist of November, iSoS1. On that occasion the ship was under the command of the ist mate, Arnold Fisk, Captain Campbell having remained behind at the Islands (see p. 192 post). Captain Dalrymple of the "General Wellesley" had been a passenger on the "Favourite" from Fiji — purposing to en- gage extra hands for his ship — but had died just before reaching Port Jackson.
The "Favourite" left Port Jackson on the i4th of De- cember, bound "for Fiji and China2." Lockerby does not mention this visit of the "Favourite" to Port Jackson; but he does refer to the ship being in Fiji at a later date, appa- rently for the purpose of picking up Captain Campbell, who had remained on the " General Wellesley" during the absence of his own ship, and also for the purpose of taking in such further sandalwood as Lockerby had by then procured. Lockerby says he was handsomely paid for his services by Captain Campbell when the "Favourite" again left Fiji.
Meanwhile Lockerby who had gone backwards and for- wards between Lekutu and Mbua Bays, now engaged himself with Captain Scott, who had taken over the command of the "General Wellesley," and, after a careful inspection, took both ships with which he now had to do, the "General "Wellesley" and the "Tonquin," through what he calls 'the 'Ship's Channel3,' or as is now called 'the Monkey Face ' Channel,' from Mbua to Lekutu Bay. Here the two ships were anchored off the then existing town of Mbobo (Na Vovo).
On the 5th of March the "Tonquin" sailed, with a full cargo, for China; and next day Lockerby set off "to sail " round the island " — of the real extent of which he then and never had the slightest conception — "to see if sandalwood was " to be obtained- in any of the adjacent islands." He reached
1 H.R., N.S.W. vi, 818. 2 H.R., N.S.W. vi, 819.
3 Between Yanganga Island and the promontory of Naivaka.
T F /
Ixxxii JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
Xanduri — the farthest point in that direction to which he ever attained — and, though he found sandahvood plentiful there, he determined to return to the ship, the weather breaking badly, and got back to the ship on the i2th of March.
During the rest of Lockerby's stay in Fiji, he passed back- wards and forwards along the coast between Lekutu Bay and Xanduri, making at least two expeditions up the 'Emba- 'gaba,' that is the Dreketi, river. During this period he was very successful in collecting sandahvood, little of wrhich had there previously been cut. On the whole his relations with the natives in those parts were friendly, though once at least, up the Dreketi river, he and his men were threatened and barely escaped from attack. After a time he succeeded in getting the " General Wellesley " through the reef to Xanduri, the step being taken "on account of the abundance of sandal- "wood there."
It wras during expeditions from the ship at this time that he was an eye-witness of a case of widow-strangling, his record of which is extraordinarily full and complete. It was also at this time that he used the great knowledge which he had gained of Fijian customs and ways of thought to gain his ends by playing on the superstitious fears of the natives. It is, however, only fair to add that, having by these means got what he wanted, that was sandahvood, he seems to have paid for these goods in wrhale's teeth and other such currency as were of value to the Fijians.
Before the end of May, 1809, the "General Wellesley," having completed her cargo, was taken back to Lekutu, pre- paratory to leaving for China. It was from there that Lockerby paid a farewell visit, of an almost effusively affec- tionate character, to "the good old King of Mbua"; and it was from Lekutu Bay that, on the 2nd of June, 1809, that Lockerby finally left Fiji, in the "General Wellesley."
It is noteworthy that Lockerby only once records the arrival in Fiji of a sandahvood ship excepting those with which he was personally concerned. The one exception is the schooner from Port Jackson, which arrived, apparently in or about May, 1809, bringing from Haapai, in the Friendly
INTRODUCTION bcxxiii
Islands, one of the survivors from the "Port au Prince." The schooner was almost certainly the "Mercury," Captain Richard Siddons, and the event is especially interesting in that it was on this ship, at this time, that Peter Dillon first reached Fiji. The "Trial," Captain Kable, and other ships were certainly in Fiji taking in sandalwood at this time ; and the only suggestion that can be made why these are not mentioned by Lockerby, is that they all anchored and re- mained at Sandalwood Bay, whereas the " General Wellesley," with Lockerby on board, was some distance up the coast, at Lekutu.
Lockerby 's stay in Fiji coincided with the most active period of the sandalwood trade in which several other ships which he does not mention were concerned. One of these unnoticed ships was the "Harrington," Captain William Campbell, afterwards of the "Favourite," and still later of the "Hibernia." The "Harrington's" first, and indeed only actual visit to 'Sandalwood Island' was a little earlier than Lockerby 's arrival in the "Jenny." Captain Campbell, after he and his ship had been released1 from the detention conse- quent on his alleged piratical action on the Coast of Peru, cleared the "Harrington" from Port Jackson on the zyth of January, iSoy2, nominally for China, in ballast, but proceeded instead to the Fiji Islands3, whence he took a cargo of sandal- wood to China, where he procured a valuable cargo in exchange; but as he could not clear out (from China) for Port Jackson, he sailed to Malacca for that purpose, and brought the cargo to Port Jackson4. The "Harrington" (it was on this voyage that Samuel Patterson was picked up) arrived at Port Jackson on 3ist March, i8o85.
Next, the "Harrington" was equipped and made ready for another sandalwood venture, but was seized, on the i6th of May, 1808, and carried off by convicts6. The colony ship "Pegasus," sent in pursuit, first looked in at the Bay of
1 H.R., A. vi, 23. 2 H.R., N.S.W. vi, 272.
3 The track of the "Harrington" from Port Jackson to Fiji is marked on Arrowsmith's Chart of the Fiji Islands (1814). It is the only recorded case of a sandalwood ship approaching Mbua Bay from the north-west.
4 H.R., N.S.W. vi, 671. 5 Ibid. 818. ' Ibid. 671.
/a
Ixxxiv JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
Islands, in New Zealand; but, not finding her quest there, went on to Fiji. Two days afterwards, a brig, supposed to be the "Harrington," hove in sight, stood in, and then, hauling her wind suddenly, went off to the eastward. The "Harrington," now really a pirate ship, and her pursuer thus briefly sighted each other, somewhere off the Fijian Islands, very shortly after Lockerby had been abandoned by the "Jenny" and had taken refuge at Mbua1.
On the i2th of August, 1808, the "Dundee," Captain Peter Cummings, a vessel which had only recently arrived at Port Jackson with a cargo from Penang, cleared for Fiji and Prince of Wales2 Island, but when only two days out was wrecked on the bar of the Hunter River.
There is obscure reference to a vessel called the "Com- "merce" — no Captain's name or other particulars are given, nor is there any later news of her — which cleared from Port Jackson "for Fiji and China" on the 26th of September, i8o83. This was probably the 225 ton ship, owned by Birnie and Co., of London, and captained by one of the same name, which had for some years been sealing at the Penantipodes Islands. But there was another, much smaller vessel, also called the "Commerce" belonging to Port Jackson; and it is just possible that it was this which cleared in September, 1808, for Fiji.
In May or June, 1808, the smaller "Commerce," Captain Ceronio4, called in at the Bay of Islands, on her way from the southern seal-fishery, and intending to go on to Fiji. Whether this intention was carried out is uncertain ; but the master, Ceronio, was afterwards for a time a good deal in Fiji. His name appears in the Sydney Gazette of the 2yth
1 For the fate of the "Harrington" after she turned eastward, see p. 94, note 2 and 202 post . As to the " Pegasus," Mr T. Wright, Mitchell Librarian, has now very kindly supplied the information (from the Sydney Gazette of the 24th of July, 1808 — no copy of which seems to be available in England) that the ship returned to Port Jackson on the 2Qth of July, 1808, in great want of provisions, after an unsuccessful cruise of nine weeks in search of the "Harrington."
* H.R., N.S.W. vi, 818-9. 8 Ibid.
4 Adventures of British Seamen. (Constable's Miscellany.) Vol. iv, p. 330. The name Ceronio appears also as Ceroni and Cerenci.
INTRODUCTION bcxxv
of November, 1808, as among those permitted to leave the Colony in the "Trial," to join the "General Wellesley" at Fiji1. The "Trial " left for the Islands on the 1 2th of January, iSoQ2, but Ceronio seems to have sailed not by her but by the " City of Edinburgh," which left for the same destination on the 26th of January, and to have got back to Port Jackson by the "Perseverance" on the i5th of September3.
The voyage on which the "City of Edinburgh," Captain Alexander Berry, started at the end of January, 1809, taking Ceronio as passenger, proved both adventurous and disas- trous. The vessel went first to the Bay of Islands, to arrange for the cutting by the natives of a cargo of spars, which were to be carried to the Cape of Good Hope, and also for a thorough overhaul of the vessel. These tasks occupied the whole of March, April and May of that year. Captain Berry then took his ship to Tongatabu, where they were well re- ceived by the natives; and then sailed on to what he calls Opuna, or Prince Edward s Island) one of the Fijis. The name Opuna represents the native name Vuna, a district at the south-western end of Taveuni, the large island lying off the southern face of Vanua Levu ; Berry's alternative name of ' Prince Edward's Island ' is more puzzling, and was per- haps founded on a vague recollection that Tasman, a hundred and seventy years previously, had reported land in that direction to which he had given the name Prince William's Islands. At any rate, the island at which Captain Berry now called was undoubtedly Taveuni ; and Berry's is the first re- corded instance of any European having set foot on that island. He and Ceronio were landed, and were hospitably entertained by the King or Chief of the place ; so much so , that Berry insisted on landing again the next day, with the result that he and his boat's crew were on this occasion made prisoners, and held for ransom. However, the next day they were rescued, by Ceronio according to his own account. The ship was then taken to Mbua Bay, where, according to Captain Kierumgaard of the " Perseverance," the " City of Edinburgh " was engaged in taking in sandalwood in July and August,
1 See p. 193 post. 2 See p. 199 post. * See p. 203 post.
Ixxxvi JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
1809. Here Ceronio transferred himself to the "Persever- "ance," and so got safely back to Port Jackson. But Berry sailed back to New Zealand, reaching the Bay of Islands about the end of October. For two months he was busy taking in the spars for the cutting of which he had arranged . Then he heard that, at no great distance from his own anchorage, the natives had recently seized the English ship "Boyd," Captain Thompson, and killed the crew. Berry proceeded to the scene of the tragedy, and succeeded in rescuing a woman, a boy, and two children who had escaped death. At last, on the 6th of January, 1810, the "City of "Edinburgh" got away from New Zealand, with its cargo of spars for the Cape of Good Hope, but got caught in a storm, drifted near to the Straits of Magellan, and then up to Valparaiso, where it finished its voyage.
Quite at the beginning of 1909, the Colonial vessel "Per- " severance," Captain Kierumgaard, while returning from Tahiti, called at Sandalwood Island, approaching it by a track which she was the first to use; she approached the group from the north-east, and, after threading the reefs of? the north-western coast of Sandalwood Island, turned in at Mbua Bay. Having taken in a cargo of wood, she got back to Port Jackson on the 2Oth of February1. She cleared out again for Fiji on the zyth of March2, and was reported as taking in sandalwood there in July and till she left on the 8th of August, re-entering Port Jackson on the i5th of September3, bringing back Ceronio. The "Perseverance" does not seem to have visited Fiji after this.
Captain Kierumgaard reported that he had sailed from Mbua on the i8th of August leaving there not only the " City "of Edinburgh" but also the East Indian ship "Hunter," Captain Robson, both being still occupied in taking in sandalwood. The "Hunter," as Captain Kable of the "Trial" had already reported, had reached Sandalwood Island on the 3rd of July4. At a later time Captain Robson stated, according to Dillon, that he had been in the Fiji Islands twice before his notorious visit in 1813; this visit
1 Seep. 220 post. 2 Ibid. 3 Seep. 203 post. * Seep. 202 post.
INTRODUCTION bocxvii
in July, 1808, was one of these occasions, but there seems to be no record of another.
Later in this same year, and after the ships above men- tioned had all cleared away from the coast, the "Hibernia," Captain William Campbell, arrived, by way of the north- eastern route, which had been followed a short time pre- viously by the "Perseverance." In threading the reefs and islets which encumber this route, the " Hibernia " had struck on a rock and been somewhat seriously damaged; she was therefore taken to an island in Ngaloa, or as Lockerby called it Lagoto, Bay, and there hauled up for repair. Fortunately for Captain Campbell, the American ship "Hope," Captain Chase, also arrived about this time, and lay at Mbua Bay; and the "Hope's" peoples lent much aid in the repair of the "Hibernia."
During the repairs the party of London missionaries who had taken passage from Tahiti by the "Hibernia" were put on shore on the island, where there were traces of quite recent occupation 'by Americans,' or, more probably, by Lockerby and his men. The Wesleyan missionaries who reached Fiji many years afterwards, in 1835, from Australia by way of the Friendly Islands have, till now, claimed to have been the first of their profession to set foot on Fijian soil, and especially that their wives were the first white women seen in Fiji. In light of the facts now first disclosed this claim must be modified to some extent. It is true that the missionaries landed from the "Hibernia" in 1809 got to the Islands accidentally, and that during their brief stay there they had no opportunity of doing missionary work; but the fact remains, for what it may be worth, that they were the first of their craft to set foot in Fiji, and that with them were the first European women ever seen by the Fijians. The information which this party of missionaries has left on record is not very full, and not, it must be confessed, very appreciative ; but it is valuable as the only known account- other than that derived from the sandalwood traders — of the Fijians, especially those of Vanua Levu, in the first decade of the nineteenth century, before these particular natives
Kxxviii JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
had been much affected by Tongan influences but just after they had been irritated, as a swarm of bees is irritated, by the growing encroachments of European traders.
The "Hibernia," with the missionaries once more on board, left Fiji on the 23rd of January, 1810, and reached Port Jackson on the iyth of February — with only very little sandalwood on board. Captain Campbell, realising that the supply of sandalwood from Fiji was exhausted, reported that "the 'Hope,' though provided with all the necessary trade, "had no prospect whatever of obtaining any wood, which " appears to have been entirely cut down."
About the middle of November, 1810, the "Favourite," with Arnold Fiske as Captain, was again for five or six days at Mbua. In the Port Jackson shipping records there is no mention of this vessel having been at that port between the i4th of December, 1808, on which date she cleared for Fiji and China1, for the voyage on which she picked up Captain Campbell from Mbua2 and the 26th of August, 181 1 , when she is shown as having re-entered Port Jackson from China3. Possibly the shipping lists in which she should have been recorded are missing ; but more probably she was not trading to Port Jackson during the period in question.
The authority for the visit in 1810 is William Mariner, the cabin-boy of the "Port au Prince"4, who, since the destruc- tion of that vessel by the natives of the Haapai Islands, in November, 1806, had lived among the Friendly Islanders. Towards the end of 1810, Mariner, who had for some time been living, happily enough, on a plantation of his own, on the northern side of the island of Vavau, sighted a European ship. Nearly two years before, he had seen a ship pass by and had gone out to her. It was the " Hope," Captain Chase, of New York; an though from his canoe, Mariner saw Jeremiah Higgins and other beachcombers already on board , the Captain abruptly refused to take him, saying to Mariner: 'We can't take you, young man; we have more hands than "we know what to do with5." This time he was more for-
1 H.R., N.S.W. vi, 819. 2 See p. Ixxxi ante. 3 H.R., N.S.W. vn, 593. 4 See p. 201 post. 8 Mariner, and ed. Vol. I, p. 303.
INTRODUCTION Ixxxix
tunate, and was most kindly received on the "Favourite," which, having on board "about ninety tons of mother-of- -pearl, procured from the Society Islands, intended to make "up her voyage with sandalwood from the Fiji Islands, and "thence to proceed to China1." After three days of friendly intercourse, on the ship, between Mariner and his late hosts from the shore, the "Favourite" continued her voyage, calling first at the Haapai Islands, at the very spot where, just four years previously, Mariner had begun his Tongan experiences. Here again two days were spent in friendly intercourse with the natives; and then the ship, with Mariner as a passenger, made for, and "arrived at the island of "Pau," and anchored off a place called Vooiha2, famous for sandalwood, for which the Captain soon began to treat with the natives, and, before the ship's departure, laid in several tons3.
Mariner's use, in this passage, of the name 'Pau' for 'Sandalwood Island' (Vanua Levu) is interesting as pro- bably the first instance (Arrowsmith and the chart-makers of the following decade followed him in this) of the mistaken use of the name Mbau, or Pau, for Vanua Levu. Mbau is the islet off the eastern, or south-eastern, coast of Viti Levu ; but the name, in the form Ambau, was, at the beginning of the nineteenth century, somewhat indifferently used by European visitors for Viti Levu itself. At that time the islet of Mbau was only beginning to reach the importance to which it soon afterwards attained ; but, about the period of Mariner's visit, its name was already current in the mouths of passing sailors as the home of the most powerful group of Fijian Chiefs. It was thus that Mariner fell into the error of using its name, in the form Pau, for Sandalwood Island (Vanua Levu) which happened to be at the moment the most im- portant trading centre, and indeed the only part of the group at all well known to the traders.
Mariner went on shore several times during his stay of only a few days" at Mbua.
^ Mariner, ist ed. Vol. n, pp. 21-3. - Vooiha is obvious Mbua. 3 Mariner, ist ed. Vol. n, p. 69.
xc JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
"There were (he says) several Englishmen (or Americans) at " the island of Pau....It is much to be regretted that most of these "men were, from all report, but indifferent characters, and had "left their respective ships from no good motives; they had fre- "quent quarrels amongst themselves, in which two or three had
"got murdered The 'Favourite,' having laid in her store of
"sandalwood, after five or six days stay at Pau, weighed anchor "and resumed her voyage, and, in about five weeks, arrived at "Macao."
A certificate given to Mariner by Captain Fisk, dated December, the i8th, 1810, "at an early opportunity after " arriving at Macao," serves to fix the date of his visit to Mbua Bay at from about the i4th to the 2Oth of November, iSio1. In the following year the American ship "Active," Captain W. P. Richardson, of Salem, was in Fiji. She entered at Port Jackson, from Bourbon, with general merchandise, on New Year's Day, 1811, and cleared "for the Fiji Islands in "ballast" on the i8th of February2. Little further has been discovered about this voyage. But Ralph D. Paine, on the authority of the Salem records, states, in The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem3, that
"The first vessels of the East India Company to touch at the "Fijis made a beginning of that commerce a little more than a "hundred years ago4. No more than four years after their pioneer "voyage, however, Captain William Richardson in the salem bark "'Active' was trading with the natives and continuing his voyage "to Canton in 1811. During the next half century the untutored "people of the Fijis pictured the map of America as consisting "mostly of a place called Salem, whose ships and sailors were "seldom absent from their palm-fringed beaches."
In his index (p. 511) Mr Paine further refers to Captain Richardson of the "Active" as "the first American trader in " the Fijis." The statement seems to require some qualifica- tion, though it may be true that Captain Richardson, origin- ally going to the Fiji Islands in 1811, when the sandalwood trade was nearly at an end, was the first of the American traders
1 Mariner's Tonga (1817 ed.), Vol. n, p. 73. 1 H.R., N.S.W. vn, 518. 3 p. 406.
4 This seems to refer to the voyage of the " Duchess of York," Captain Forrest, in 1807 (see p. Ivi ante).
INTRODUCTION xci
who after the sandalwood was exhausted carried on occa- sional and desultory trade with the natives for beche-de-mer and other minor products of the islands.
Later in the same year (1811) the American ship "Sally," Captain R. C. Field, of Boston, entered at Port Jackson on the a6th of August, from the Isle of France, with General merchandise, and cleared two months later (zist of October) for 'the Feegees' and China, in ballast1. There can be little doubt that the "Sally" was in quest of sandalwood; for at that period no other commodity was known to be obtainable from Fiji, unless it was a few bags of beche-de-mer, the value of which for the Chinese market was beginning to be recog- nised. There is, however, a noteworthy passage in Otto von Kotzebue's journal of his voyage in the Russian ship " Rurik," in 1815-18, which can hardly refer to any other ship than the "Sally." Kotzebue writes2
"Captain Door (with the Jenny from Boston) touched at "Guahon (Guam) in 1808, after having taken in a cargo of " sanders- wood in the Fidji islands. He praised to Don Luis de "Torres the kind and hospitable reception he had met with from "the natives. In 1812 he made the same voyage in another ship. "On his return he told Don Luis how hostilely he had been "received this time, and that he had lost a mate and four sailors. "The natives told him that in the course of time they had become "acquainted with the whites, and had resolved to show no mercy "to them."
This second visit by Captain Dorr, formerly of the "Jenny," to Fiji was almost certainly on the "Sally," which was the only ship, American or other, to seek sandalwood in Fiji in i8i23; and his account of the attitude of the natives at the time of this second visit is obviously true. His alleged "loss "of a mate and four seamen" on this second visit must be
1 H.R., N.S.W. vn, 593.
2 Voyage of Discovery into the South Sea and Beering's Straits... in the Years 1815-1818 in the Ship Rurick (English translation, 1821), Vol. in, pp. 257—8.
3 It may here be noted that the Sydney Gazette (No. 663) of 3rd August, 1816, records the death of Captain William Dorr. " From Captain " Dorr of the ' Ontario,' whose arrival we last week mentioned... we learn " the death of the Captain of his own name who commanded the ' Jenny ' "in her voyage hither in 1808."
xcii JOURN7AL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
due to a misunderstanding either by Don Luis — at that time Governor of Guam — or by Kotzebue.
Lockerby's subsequent statement that after his time two ships were sent to the Fiji islands for sandalwood1 (cf. below) may not improbably refer to the two American ships, the "Active" and the "Sally," both from Boston.
The next year, 1813, is memorable for the visit of the East Indian ship "Hunter," Captain James Robson, having with him Peter Dillon; for this visit led to an affray with the natives of Wailea so serious that it finally put an end to the already dwindling chance of successful trade for sandal- wood with the Fijians. Sixteen years after the tragic event, Dillon told of it in the narrative of his discovery of the fate of La Perouse's expedition — which discovery resulted from this adventure at Wailea2. Moreover, only two months after the event Dillon, at Port Jackson, had made a formal de- position as to the facts of the case.
The " Hunter " left Port Jackson on the 24th of December, 1812, and after calling at Norfolk Island, where Dillon was found and engaged as 3rd officer3, reached 'Ilai' (which is Dillon's version of the name Wailea) on the iQth of the following February. Dillon recounts that he
"had before visited the Beetee Islands (commonly called Fejee "Islands) in 1809, on the Mercury, Captain Siddons, and re- "mained among them four months, associating very much with "the natives, and making considerable progress in learning their "language."
He also says that Captain Robson had been there twice before4,
"and had obtained considerable influence over the natives of a "part of the Sandal- wood coast, by joining them in their wars,
1 See p. 79 and note, post .
* Narrative and Successful Result of a Voyage in the South Seas, per- formed by order of the Government of British India, to ascertain the Actual Fate of La Perouse's Expedition. (London: 1829.) Vol. I, pp. 1-31. The deposition on the same subject is printed in the Historical Records of Australia, Vol. vm, pp. 103-7. 3 H.R., A. vm, 103-4.
4 No trace of any previous visit by Captain Robson to Fiji other than that in 1809 (see p. Ixxxvi ante) has been discovered; but it is possible that he was in the Islands in a ship of which he was not in command.
INTRODUCTION xciii
"and assisting them to destroy their enemies, who were cut up, "baked, and eaten in his presence. The native chief with whom " he was most intimate was Bonasar, of the town of Vilear (Wailea) "and its dependences in the interior."
Before reaching Wailea, the "Hunter" "grounded on a "reef off Louthou1; during the time of being so aground, "she lost her false keel, and sustained other material damage." On reaching Wailea, the ship was anchored at "a distance "of a quarter of a mile from a small river that led to the "town," which was about a mile or a mile and a half from the anchorage. The ground between the anchorage and the town of Wailea was thickly covered with mangroves except near the town, where the ground was slightly higher and clear of bush. This was the position of the ship during the whole of her stay, and such was the scene of the subsequent tragedy.
Before the anchor was well down, Chiefs and priests came on board, to welcome Captain Robson as an old friend, and bringing news that the neighbouring native towns which had been captured, with the Captain's assistance, during his previous visit had again revolted, and, "being joined by the "powerful tribes who resided on the banks of a large river, "called Nanpacab2, had waged furious war against Wailea." The visiting Chiefs added that it was impossible to obtain sandalwood till this powerful alliance was put down by force of musketry, and ended with the request to the Captain to join in a new campaign.
At first, Captain Robson refused this request; but, very little sandalwood having been brought in by the end of March, and the Wailea folk promising, in return for his help, to fill the ship with sandalwood within two months after their enemies should have been conquered, he at last con- sented. The expedition set out for the island of Nanpacab, situated about six miles up the river of the same name. It consisted of three armed boats carrying twenty musketeers, with a two-pound cannon mounted in one of these boats, and
1 "Louthou" must be the little bay three miles east from Suva, now called Lauthala.
2 "Nanpacab," Lockerby's 'Embagaba,' is the Ndreketi River (see p. 62, note i post).
xciv JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
forty-six large native canoes, carrying near a thousand armed Fijians, while three thousand more marched overland to the scene of action. The Nanpacab river was entered on the 4th of April, and for fifteen miles up its course the native folk were driven away, their crops destroyed, and their homes burnt. After this, the expedition returned to the "Hunter," which was reached on the eighth of April.
Early in May, the "Hunter" was joined, as had been ar- ranged, by her tender, the cutter "Elizabeth," one Ballard being master, and a few days later, the European and other beachcombers who had by then settled at Mbau, including Charles Savage, came over to the ship from Mbau, and were engaged by Captain Robson to wyork in his boats.
But, the Waileans bringing in sandalwood only very slowly, there was little work for the boat-hands to do on the ship, and these were therefore taken over and placed at "a place "called Camba, near the island of Bow, to procure beche-de- " mer1." Kamba Point is a narrow peninsula, though it looks like an island, three miles long and only half a mile wide, which runs out from the south-eastern corner of Viti Levu, not far from the islet of Mbau, and also not far from the Lauthala reef on which the "Hunter" had grounded just before she reached Wailea. It should be noted that the "Hunter" is the first European ship recorded as having approached and touched at the south-eastern corner of Viti Levu: also, that this camp of beche-de-mer hunters is the first known instance of Europeans, other than the few beach- combers who got to Mbau from wrecks on the Lau Islands, remaining, even for a brief period, anywhere on the main- land of Viti Levu.
From May to the end of August "only a hundred and fifty "tons of sandalwood," Dillon says, "were procured from the "natives — not more than a third of a cargo"; and when Robson grumbled he was told that the trees had all been cut down. After this the Wailean Chiefs kept away from the ship, and the rift between them and Captain Robson became more and more marked.
1 H.R., A. vin, 104.
INTRODUCTION xcv
Early in September Captain Robson went up the coast to ' Mudwater n, the tender ' ' Elizabeth," having heard that there was there a large quantity of sandalwood, cut and ready for the ship ; but on reaching the place he found only three boat- loads of the wood. While at Mudwater, he was overtaken by Charles Savage, who had helped in getting beche-de-mer at Kamba, and now came, in a Mbau canoe, with a message from Mr Norman, the ist mate of the "Hunter," which seems to have included a warning that the natives were plotting to seize the "Elizabeth." Thereupon, Robson sent seven of the Waileans whom he had brought with him back to the ship, in a canoe, with instructions to the Chief Mate Norman to keep them on board, as hostages; one other of these Waileans he kept with him. Soon after, he ordered the "Elizabeth," to be got ready for return to the ship. The return journey had hardly been begun, when a large number of canoes, all fully manned and armed, was encountered. These canoes were attacked from the "Elizabeth," one native was killed, fourteen or sixteen others were made prisoners, and the canoes were all destroyed, with the exception of four which were given up to a 'Mian Boor' (Mbua) Chief who was understood to have been innocent of the plot to seize the "Elizabeth."
Soon after this, Robson, while continuing his return journey, received a letter from Mr Norman, to the effect that on the day on which he wrote he had been ashore at Wailea, and had burnt part of the town and had killed some of the people.
About the time that Captain Robson got back to the "Hunter," two large canoes, on which were between two and three hundred natives, came across from Mbau, to fetch back the Europeans from that island who had been working with the "Hunter's" men since May.
Robson, thinking this a favourable opportunity, deter- mined to heave down the "Elizabeth," to repair damage to her bottom sustained during the recent expedition ; but, re- membering the increasing hostility of the Wailea folk, thought it well to guard against attack from the shore by seizing the
1 Mathuata.
xcvi JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
rest of their canoes. For this purpose, all the Europeans from the ships, and those from Mbau, were sent ashore, under command of mate Norman; the young Irish giant, Peter Dillon, being second in command. Some of the Mbauan Chiefs and their retainers were also included in the expedition.
Soon after landing, the armed party unwisely scattered, and were almost immediately ambushed by the Waileans, a few of whom, and almost dl of the party from the ships, being killed.
Peter Dillon, with the survivors of his party, including Charles Savage, a Chinaman named Luis, who, like Savage, had been in the "Eliza" at the time of the wreck, a German named Martin Bushart — these two last-named having come across from Mbau — and two of the "Hunter's" crew, con- trived to get up on to a small but steep rock, from which, across the little plain, now crowded with revengeful Waileans, they could distinctly see the "Hunter" lying at the anchorage.
"From this elevated situation (Dillon afterwards wrote) we "had a clear view of the landing-place, the boats at anchor, "waiting our return, the two Bow canoes, and the ship. The "plain which surrounded the rock was covered with the armed "savages, assembled from all parts of the coast, amounting to ' ' several thousands, who had been in ambush waiting for us to land ."
These 'savages,' Dillon adds, or such of them as were not engaged in parleying with the party perched on the rock, were busied in preparing ovens in which to cook the bodies of those already killed, and, as they boasted, of the party only momentarily safe on top of the rock.
Dillon, remembering the eight Wailea men who had been captured at Mathuata and sent on to the "Hunter" as hostages, persuaded the head priest, who was with the ' savages ' below, to allow Thomas Daffney, already wounded, to carry a message to Captain Robson, requesting him to release four of these hostages, and to send these four men, with a large present of whale's teeth and cutlery, and to promise to release the other four as soon as the party on the rock should have been allowed to return safely to the ship.
INTRODUCTION xcvii
After a time, while waiting for the result of this message, Charles Savage, seeing some former friends among the Wailea folk, and believing that these would not allow the threats of eating him which were being shouted up from the plain to be carried out, ventured down among them. Dillon saw that Savage was at first well received by the Chiefs, one of whom — it was 'Bonasar,' formerly mentioned as having been " the most intimate friend " of Captain Robson — called up to Dillon, "Come down, Peter, we will not hurt " you ; you see we do not hurt Charley." Dillon refused to be cajoled; but Luis, the Chinaman, less wise, crept secretly down from the rock, to join Savage. Instantly the Waileans raised a great shout, clubbed Luis, seized Savage by the legs and held him head-downward in a pool of water till he was suffocated. Dillon next saw the bodies of both victims cut up and put in ovens already prepared1.
Dillon, having now only Bushart and the sailor Martin with him, was again actively attacked from below.
"Having (he says) four muskets between three of us, two "always remained loaded; for Wilson being a bad shot, we kept " him loading the muskets, while Martin Bushart and I fired them "off. Bushart had been a rifleman in his own country, and was "an excellent marksman. He shot twenty-seven of the cannibals "with twenty-eight discharges, only missing once. I also killed " and wounded a few of them, in self defence. Finding they could "not conquer us without a great sacrifice on their part, they kept "off and vowed vengeance."
Just before dark, Dillon from the rock saw the boat which had taken his messenger to Captain Robson put off from the ship; and saw that, despite the warning sent to the Captain, all eight hostages were landed.
"I could not (he says) imagine how the Captain could have "acted in this strange way, as the only hope presented of our "being spared was by allowing a part of the prisoners to land,
1 The traditions as to Charles Savage's life at Mbau, in the form in which these were still current in Fiji about 1881 were gathered together in a scarce little book entitled Brett's Guide to Fiji (p. 37), printed at Auckland, N.Z., in that year. Sir Basil Thomson has also dealt, more seriously, with the subject in his South Sea Yarns (published in 1894).
xcviii JOURNAL OF WILLIAM LOCKERBY
"who would of course intercede with their friends on shore to " save us, that we might in return protect their countrymen when " we returned to the ship."
Abandoning all hope, Dillon and his companions determined to shoot themselves as soon as it was dark.
But the eight released hostages were now brought up to the rock by the priest, with a message from Captain Robson that he had sent his prisoners, and had also sent a present of cutler}', ironmongery, etc., to the Chiefs, and that Dillon and his companion were to give up their muskets to the priest, who would then see them safely on board.
Dillon promptly refused to part with his musket, and, while the priest was trying to persuade Bushart to surrender his weapon, made up his mind to practise the same stratagem as that by which Lockerby had got himself out of a similar difficulty on the 'Embagaba' river in 1809.
Dillon presented his musket at the priest's head, telling him he would be shot if he attempted to escape, and ordered him to proceed to the boat at the landing-place ; and warning him also that he would be shot if any violence were offered by the natives.
"The priest (Dillon says) proceeded as directed, and as we "passed along through the multitude, he exhorted them to sit "down, and upon no account to molest Peter or his countrymen, "because if they attempted to hurt us, he (the priest) would be "shot, and they of course must be aware that they would conse- "quently incur the wrath of the gods in the clouds, who would "be angry at their disobedience of the divine orders, and cause "the sea to rise and swallow up the island with all its inhabitants."
The ruse succeeded, all the natives sitting quietly on the grass, while through their midst passed the procession from the rock, the priest leading, "with the muzzles of Bushart "and Wilson's muskets at each of his ears, while Dillon's "muzzle was between his shoulders." In this way Dillon and his two companions safely regained the ship.
The next day, yth of September, 1813, after Dillon had pulled along the shore, trying vainly to bargain with the Wailea folk for the bones of some of his late companions,
INTRODUCTION xcix
the "Hunter" and the "Elizabeth," of which last named vessel Dillon was now placed in command, left for China. Martin Bushart and a lascar named Joe, unwilling to be left behind in Fiji after all that had recently occurred, were taken on to the "Elizabeth." The two ships sailed westward in company, till, on the 2oth of September, an island which the natives called Tucopia was sighted; and on this island Bushart and the lascar were left, at their own request. The next day, an island, which was afterwards identified as Mannicolo, or Vannicolo, was sighted. Here the ships parted company, the "Hunter" going to China, and the "Elizabeth" to Port Jackson.
Dillon heard nothing of Bushart after this till, in May 1826, when, as Captain and owner of the ship "St Patrick," he happened again to touch at Tucopia, where he again met his companion from the rock at Wailea, and from Bushart gleaned information which led to the