NRLF

GIFT OF

THE MAHAVAMSA

OR

THE GREAT CHRONICLE OF CEYLON

i 3Te.tt

THE MAHAVAMSA

•

OR

THE GREAT CHRONICLE OF CEYLON

TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH

BY

WILHELM GEIGER, PH:D.,

PROFESSOR OF INDOGERMANIC PHILOLOGY AT ERLANGEN UNIVERSITY

ASSISTED BY MABEL HAYNES BODE, Pn.D.

LECTURER ON PALI AT UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON

UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF THE GOVERNMENT OF CEYLON

OLonfcon

PUBLISHED FOR THE PALI TEXT SOCIETY

BY

HENRY FROWDE

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS, AMEN CORNER, E.C.

1912

M3

. . . .. : OXFORD

* I I'*: '..'PRINTED BY HORACE HART • • A* THE UNIVERSITY PRESS

EDITOR'S PREFACE

A PEW words are necessary to explain how the present work came to be written ; and one or two points should be men- tioned regarding- the aims it is hoped to achieve. Early in 1908 the Government of Ceylon were contemplating a new and revised edition of Tumour's translation of the Maha- vamsa, published in 1837 and reprinted in L. C. Wijesinha's Mahavamsa published in 1889, and were in correspondence on the subject with the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. The Society appointed a numerous and influential Committee, and recommended myself as Editor for Europe.1 By their letter of July 18, 1908, the Government of Ceylon requested me to undertake that post. I took the opportunity at the Congress of Orientalists held at Copenhagen in August, and again at the Congress on the History of Religions held in September at Oxford, to consult my colleagues on the best plan for carrying out the proposed revision. They agreed that the method most likely to lead to a satisfactory result within a reasonable time was to entrust the work to one competent critical scholar who could, if necessary, consult members of the Ceylon Committee, but who should be himself responsible for all the details of the work. I reported to Government accordingly, and recom- mended that Prof. Geiger, who had just completed his edition of the text, should be asked to undertake the task. The Government approved the plan, and asked me to make the necessary arrangements. Those arrangements have resulted in the publication of the present volume.

Professor Geiger has made a translation into German of his own revised critical edition published by the Pali Text Society

1 See the Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. xxi, no. 61, pp. 40-42, 70, 86.

4631^,;

vi Editors Preface

in 1908 ; and added the necessary introduction, appendices, and notes. Mrs. Bode has translated the German into English ; and Professor Geiger has then revised the English translation.

The plan has been to produce a literal translation, as nearly as possible an absolutely correct reproduction of the statements recorded in the Chronicle. It is true there is considerable literary merit in the original poem, and that it may be possible "hereafter to attempt a reproduction also, in English unrhymed verse, of the literary spirit of the poem. But a literal ver- sion would still be indispensable for historical purposes. For similar reasons it has been decided to retain in the translation certain technical terms used in the Buddhist Order. In a translation aiming at literary merit some English word more or less analogous in meaning might be used, regardless of the fact that such a word would involve implications not found in the original. Thus bhikkhu has often been rendered ' priest ' or ' monk*. But a bhikkhu claims no such priestly powers as are implied by the former term, and would yield no such obedience as is implied in the other ; and to discuss all the similarities and differences between these three ideas would require a small treatise. There are other technical terms of the same kind. It is sufficient here to explain that when such terms are left, in the present translation, untranslated, it is because an accurate translation is not considered possible. Most of them are, like bhikkhit, already intelligible to those who are likely to use this version. But they are shortly explained in foot-notes ; and a list of them, with further interpretation, will be found at the end of the volume.

The Ceylon Government has defrayed the expense of this, as it did of the previously published translations of the Maha- vamsa.

T. W. RHYS DAVIDS.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER PAGE

INTRODUCTION ix

Abbreviations Ixiv

I. The Visit of the Tathagata .... 1 II. The Race of Mahasammata . . .10

III. The First Council 14

IV. The Second Council 19

V. The Third Council 26

VI. The Coming of Vijaya . . . .51

VII. The Consecrating- of Vijaya . . .55

VIII. The Consecrating of Panduvasudeva . . 62

IX. The Consecrating of Abhaya ... 65

X. The Consecrating of Pandukabhaya . . 68

XI. The Consecrating of Devanampiyatissa . 77

XII. The Converting of Different Countries . 82

XIII. The Coming of Mahinda .... 88

XIV. The Entry into the Capital .... 91 XV. The Acceptance of the Mahavihara . . 97

XVI. The Acceptance of the Cetiyapabbata-vihara. 114

XVII. The Arrival of the Relics . . . .116

XVIII. The Receiving of the Great Bodhi-tree . 122

XIX. The Coming of the Bodhi-tree . . .128

XX. The Nibbana of the Thera .... 136

XXI. The Five Kings .... .142

XXII. The Birth of Prince Gamani . . .146

XXIII. The Levying of the Warriors . . .155

XXIV. The War of the Two Brothers . . .164 XXV. The Victory of Dutthagamani . . .170

XXVI. The Consecrating of the Maricavatti-vihara . 179 XXVII. The Consecrating of the Lohapasada . . 182

viii Table of Contents

CHAPTER PAGB

XXVIII. The Obtaining of the Wherewithal to build

the Great Thupa 187

XXIX. The Beginning of the Great Thupa . . 191

XXX. The Making of the Relic-Chamber . . 198

XXXI. The Enshrining of the Relics . . .209

XXXII. The Entrance into the Tusita-Heaven . 220

XXXIII. The Ten Kings 228

XXXIV. The Eleven Kings 238

XXXV. The Twelve Kings 246

XXXVI. The Thirteen Kings 256

XXXVII. King Mahasena 267

APPENDICES

A. The Dynasty of Mahasaramata . . . .273

B. The Buddhist Sects 276

C. Campaigns of Pandukabhaya and Dutthagamani . 288

D. List of Pali Terms occurring in the Translation . 292

INDEXES

A. List of Geographical and Topographical Names . 298

B. List of Terms explained in the Notes . . . 299

ADDENDA 300

MAPS

Ancient Ceylon ..... To face page 1 Anuradhapura „ 137

INTRODUCTION

§ 1. Literary questions concerning Dipavamsa and Mahavamsa.

THE LITERARY QUESTIONS connected with the Mahavamsa and the development of the historical tradition in Ceylon have been thoroughly discussed in my book Dipavamsa and Mahdvamsa.1 I believe that I have there demonstrated that the two Ceylonese Chronicles are based upon older materials and for this reason should claim our attention as sources of history.

Now, however, R. O. FRANKE has taken a decided stand against my inferences.2 He disputes the existence of an older historical work as foundation of Dip. and Mah.

The former appears to him to be only a botched compilation of Pali quotations from the Jatakas and other canonical works. But the author of the Mah. has merely copied the Dip. and the same applies to Buddhaghosa and his historical introduction to the Samanta-Pasadika. I have however, I hope, succeeded in combating the doubts and objections raised by FRANKE. 3

The defects of the Dip., which naturally neither can nor should be disputed, concern the outer form, not the contents.

1 Dip. und Mah. und die geschichtliche Vberlieferung in Ceylon, Leipzig, 1905. Translated into English by E. M. COOMARASWAMY, Dip. and Mah., Colombo, 1908. Quotations in the following pages follow the English edition. I may also refer here expressly to OLDEN- BERG'S remarks, Dtp., ed. Introd., p. 1 foil. (1879), as the starting- point for my own.

2 Dip. und Mah. in the Wiener Zeitschr. f. d. Kunde des Morgenl. 21, pp. 203 foil. ; 317 foil.

3 Noch einmal Dip. und Mah. ; Zeitschr. d. D. morgenl. Gesettsch. 63, p. 540 foil. I note that OLDENBERG in the Archivf. Religionswissensch. 13. p. 614, agrees with my inferences against FRANKE.

* Introduction

But that the author of the Dip. simply invented the contents of his chronicle is a thing impossible to believe.

Thus it is our task to trace the sources from which he drew his material. This is made possible for us by the Maha- vamsa-Tika, i. e. the native commentary on our chronicle which, under the title Vamsatthappakasini, was composed by an unknown author.

I will then here briefly sum up the principal results of my labours, referring, for confirmation in detail, to my earlier works.

1. In Ceylon there existed at the close of the fourth century A.D., that is, at the time in which the Dipavamsa was composed, an older work, a sort of chronicle, of the history of the island from its legendary beginnings onwards. The work constituted part of the Atthakatha, i. e. the old commentary-literature on the canonical writings of the Buddhists which Buddhaghosa took as a basis for his illu- minating works. It was, like the Atthakatha, composed in Old-Sinhalese prose, probably mingled with verse in the Pali language.

2. This Atthakathd-Mahdvamsa existed, as did the Attha- katha generally, in different monasteries of the island, in various recensions which diverged only slightly from one another. Of particular importance for the further develop- ment of the tradition was the recension of the monks of the Mahavihara in Anuradhapura, upon which the author of the Mah. Tika drew for his material.

3. The chronicle must originally have come down only to the arrival of Mahinda in Ceylon. But it was continued later and indeed, to all appearance, down to the reign of Mahasena (beginning of the fourth century A. D.), with which reign the Dipavamsa as well as the Mahavamsa comes to an end.

4. Of this work the DIPAVAMSA presents the first clumsy redaction in Pali verses.1 The MAHAVAMSA is then a new treatment of the same thing, distinguished from the Dip.

1 So far as language is concerned, the author's sources have been indicated, for numerous verses, by FRANKE ; and herein lies the merit of his work, although I cannot consent to his conclusions.

Introduction *i

by greater skill in the employment of the Pali language, by more artistic composition and by a more liberal use of the material contained in the original work. While the author- ship of the Dip. is not known the author of the Mahavamsa is known as Mahanama.1

5. It is also on the Dip. that BUDDHAGHOSA bases his historical introduction to the Samantapasadika ; 2 but he completes and adds to its information with statements which could only have been drawn directly from the Atthakatha.

6. The MAHAVAMSA-TiKA brings to the contents of the Dip. and Mah. further additions, taken from the original work. It was certainly not composed till between 1000 and 1250 A. D. But there can be no doubt that the Atthakatha- Mahavamsa lay before the author, as he also supposes it to be known to his readers and accessible to all.3 For this reason his statements as to the original work, its form and its contents, naturally acquire particular importance.

These conclusions are not in any way altered if I am now inclined to consider the relation between Mah. and Dip. as a closer one than in my first work. That the author of the former knew the latter and used it I have naturally never disputed. But I should now wish, in agreement with FLEET, to go much further and regard the Mah. as a conscious and intentional rearrangement of the Dip., as a sort of com- mentary to this latter. I also think now that the quotation of the ' Mahavamsa of the ancients ' in the prooemium of our Mah. refers precisely to the Dip. I have besides already indicated the possibility of this view in my Dip. and Mah., p. 17. FLEET 4 then translates the well-known passage of the later Culavamsa (38. 59) datva sahassam dlpetum Dipa- vamsamsamadisi in very illuminating fashion: fhe (king Dhatusena) bestowed a thousand (pieces of gold) and gave orders to write a dipika on the Dipavamsa/

1 See RHYS DAVIDS, Journ. Roy. As. Soc. 1905, p. 391.

a Edited by H. OLDENBERG, The Vinaya Pitakam, iii, p. 283 foil.

3 I have indicated in Z.D.M.G. 63, p. 549 foil., passages in the Mah. T. which undoubtedly bear this out.

4 J.R.A.S. 1909, p. 5, n. 1.

xii Introduction

The interpretation hitherto given : that this is an allusion to a public recitation of the Dip. must then be abandoned. But this dipika, which was composed by order of Dhatusena, is identified by FLEET with our Mahavamsa. Thus, at the same time, the date of its origin is more precisely fixed. Dhatusena reigned, according to calculations which are to be confirmed further on, at the beginning of the sixth century after Christ. About this time the Mahavamsa was composed.

§ 2. The Trustworthiness of the Ceylon Chronicles.

After these preliminary observations the Ceylonese Chronicles should now be judged particularly with respect to their value as HISTORICAL SOURCES, and the historical data drawn from them should be brought together.

In their character of historical sources the Dip. and Mah. have been very differently appreciated.

FRANKE goes the furthest in scepticism. If he did in the beginning at least admit the POSSIBILITY 1 that the author of the Dip. had some document or other before him, he has lately said most positively : * in the absence of any sources, the last- named work (i. e. the Dipavamsa) must be considered as standing unsupported on its own tottering feet/ 2 And there- fore according to him no historical value can be conceded to the Dip. nor to the Mah. nor finally to the Smp. FRANKE'S scepticism, to which I shall return in discussing the history of the councils, ceases to be well founded as soon as we accept the thesis that the Ceylonese Chronicles are based on the Atthakatha. With this the tradition recedes several centuries, and the probability that it contains historical recollections is correspondingly reinforced, and that thesis must, as I have explained above, be considered as confirmed.

KERNS too expresses himself with great caution on the historical value of Dip. and Mah. He indeed says in his Manual of Indian Buddhism, p. 9, ' ... the chronicles

1 Literarisches Centralblatt, 1906, No. 37, column 1275, 1. 2.

2 Journal of the Pali Text Soc. 1908, p. 1.

8 Buddhismus, German translation by Jacobi, ii, p. 283.

Introduction xiii

Dipavamsa, Mahavamsa, and Sasanavamsa deserve a special notice on account of their being so highly important for the ecclesiastical history of Ceylon.' But here, however, it is only admitted that the chronicles can be utilized as of value for the period from Devanampiyatissa onwards or perhaps only for a yet later time. For the most ancient times, when the history of continental India is also to be taken into consideration, KERN is hardly inclined to accept them as authentic sources.

A very trenchant verdict is pronounced by V. A. SMITH in his Asoka on the Ceylonese Chronicles. He says in the plainest fashion : ' in this work (i. e. in the Asoka) the Ceylonese chronology prior to B.C. 160 is absolutely and completely rejected, as being not merely of doubtful authority but positively false in its principal propositions/ l

Perhaps V. A. SMITH has since modified his judgement. For he says now: 2 f These Sinhalese stories the value of which has been sometimes overestimated, demand cautious criticism at least as much as do other records of popular and eccle- siastical tradition.' This sounds less cutting. The warning to handle critically, which the excellent historian considers necessary with regard to the Ceylonese Chronicles, is certainly justified. It applies to all historical documents, and I have no intention at all of disputing the justice of it.

The judgement pronounced by RHYS DAVIDS 3 on Dip. and Mah. sounds much more favourable. He says : ' The Ceylon Chronicles would not suffer in comparison with the best of the Chronicles, even though so considerably later in date, written in England or in France.' He also lays stress on the fact that, as is self-evident, those Chronicles contain no pure history. But they represent the traditions of their time and permit us to draw retrospective conclusions as to earlier periods.

Lately H. C. NORMAN* has defended the Ceylonese Chronicles, with complete justice as it seems to me, against

1 Asoka, the Buddhist Emperor of India, p. 57.

2 Early History of India (2nd ed., 1908), p. 9.

3 Buddhist India, 1903, p. 274.

4 A Defense of the Chronicles of the Southern Buddhists, J.R.A.S. 1908, p. 1 foil.

xiv Introduction

undeserved distrust and exaggerated scepticism. I draw attention expressly to this essay because it naturally has many points of contact with my own researches.

If we next consider the two chronicles as a whole, without any prepossessions, it is not easy to understand whence this widespread doubt of their trustworthiness. The presentation of the subject, taken as a whole, may be called modest and simple, indeed dry. True, there is no lack of fables and marvellous tales. But they appear as outward decoration which can be easily omitted. Besides, we always meet with such stories of miracles in connexion with events of a quite clearly defined category, namely, when it is a question of celebrating the splendour and majesty of the Buddhist Order.

Mahinda arrives in Ceylon in marvellous fashion, flying through the air; miraculous phenomena accompany the 'Establishment of the Doctrine', the arrival of the relics, the planting of the Bodhi-tree, and so forth. None of this can appear strange to us. The ornament with which tradition here decks out the victory of the Order and the true faith enfolds a deeper meaning. The facts in themselves are extra- ordinarily simple ; but to the pious sentiment of the believer they seemed great; and fantasy glorifies them with the many-coloured lights of miracle and legend.

I do not conceal from myself that this judgement of the situation lays itself open to the reproach that our method is simply to eliminate from the tradition all the miraculous stories and consider what is left over as authentic history.1 But I think WINDISCH 2 has shown admirably how, in fact, in the Buddhist tradition, around a relative small nucleus all kinds of additions have collected in time, by which events, originally simple, are withdrawn gradually into the region

1 V. A. SMITH, Asoka, pp. 45-46 : ' Most writers have been content to lop off the miracles and to accept the residuum of the story as authentic history. Such a method of interpreting a legend does not seem to be consistent with sound principles of historical criticism.1

2 Mara und Buddha (Abhandl.d. phil.-hist. Cl. der K. Sachs. Gesellsch. d. Wiss., xv, 4, 1895), Buddha's Geburt (ib., xxvi, 2, 1907), Die Kom- position des Mahavastu (ib., xxvii, 14, 1909).

Introduction *v

of the marvellous. 'But we must not therefore pour away the child with the bath. Here, too, the task of Science is to lay bare the grain of truth; not only this, but she must seek the meaning and significance of the mythical crown of rays that has gathered round the nucleus. For the mythical is often the covering of deep thoughts/ l

We shall, of course, be obliged to begin by removing the mythical additions. But we need by no means take the residue as current coin. Here we are concerned to examine how far the tradition is established as trustworthy, by internal or external evidence, and how far shaken as being untrustworthy.

If we pause first at internal evidence then the Ceylonese Chronicles will assuredly at once win approval in that they at least WISHED to write the truth. Certainly the writers could not go beyond the ideas determined by their age and their social position, and beheld the events of a past time in the mirror of a one-sided tradition. But they certainly did not intend to deceive hearers or readers. This is clear from the remarkably objective standpoint from which they judge even the mortal foes of the Aryan race. That certainly deserves to be emphasized. It is true not only of dominating personalities (such as, to all appearance, Elara was) but also of the two usurpers Sena and Guttika it is said, Dip. 18. 47 and Mah. 21. 11: raj jam dhammena karayum.

Besides, the obvious endeavour to make out a systematic chronology is such as to inspire confidence at the outset. Indeed, whole sections of the Dip. consist entirely of synchronistic connexions of the ecclesiastical tradition with profane history and of the history of India with that of Ceylon.

§ 3. External support of the Chronicles.

The above certainly are, in the first place, only general considerations, the value of which I myself would by no means estimate too highly. Meanwhile it is more important that the Ceylonese tradition has after all found support to a considerable extent from external testimony.

1 WINDISCH, Buddha s Geburt, p. 4.

xvi Introduction

1. First as to the LIST OF INDIAN KINGS BEFORE ASOKA/ the statements concerning Bimbisara and Ajatasattu as con- temporaries of the Buddha agree with the canonical writings and, in respect of the names, with those of the Brahmanic tradition.

The Jaina-tradition has other names ; this, however, does not affect the actual agreement. There can be no doubt that the nine Nandas as well as the two forerunners of Asoka : Candagutta and Bindusara, were altogether historical personages. Here also, in the number of years of Candagutta's reign the Ceylonese tradition agrees completely with the Indian. V. A. SMITH/ too, does not hesitate to accept the number 24 as historical.

Besides the renowned counsellor of Candagutta, the brahman Canakka (Skt. Canakya) is known to the Ceylonese Chronicles. In respect of the length of Bindusara's reign their statements differ from those of the Puranas by three years, in respect of that of Asoka by only one year. The Ceylonese tradition concerning Indian history since the Buddha is, therefore, not unsupported.

2. The CONVERSION OF CEYLON is, according to Dip. and Mah., and finally, according to the unanimous tradition of the country itself, the work of Mahinda, a son of Asoka, and his sister Samghamitta. V. A. SMITH calls the stories relating to this in the Chronicles 'a tissue of absurdities '.3 Asoka himself mentions Ceylon, as he explains, twice in his Inscriptions : in the Rock-Edict XIII, among the countries to which he despatched missionaries, and in Rock-Edict II, among those in which he provides for distribution of medicines.4 Since these Edicts belong to the thirteenth year

1 Cf. the tables to § 9.

a Early History of India, pp. 115-118. Cf. also Asoka, p. 95.

3 Asoka, p. 45. OLDENBERG also (ibid., p. 46) considers the tradi- tion a pure invention.

4 Cf. the translations in V. A. SMITH'S Asoka, pp. 129-133 and pp. 115-116. The expression cikisaka( = Skt. cikitsa, p.tikiccha)» which SENART translates remedes, is rendered by BUHLER (see Z.D.M.G. 48, 1894, p. 50) 'hospitals'.

Introduction

of Asoka's reign there appears to be an error in the Ceylonese tradition which puts the conversion of Ceylon as far on as the eighteenth year. On the other hand Asoka, in the opinion of SMITH, would, if he had really handed over his son Mahinda and his daughter Samghamitta to the Church, and had brought about the conversion of the king of Ceylon, certainly not have neglected to bring it into notice. The name ' Samghamitta ' is, he thinks, from its very meaning, suspicious.

I discuss the arguments in the reverse order. The name Samghamitta is of course that which she herself assumed on entering the Order. That, beside this name, under which she became a renowned saint of the Buddhist Church, the lay-name fell into complete oblivion can certainly not cause any surprise.

That Asoka makes no mention of Mahinda and Sam- ghamitta in his Edicts is an argumentum e silentio. That there is any cogency in such an argument V. A. SMITH will surely not maintain. It is indeed very difficult to say in what connexion the king would be obliged to speak of the matter. It can be perhaps expected chiefly in the so-called Minor Rock-Edict I, the Edict of Rupnath, Sahasram and Brahma- giri. But here the reason would again disappear if with FLEET1 we date this edict in the year 256 A.D. In this case, the sending of Mahinda would be about twenty years earlier than the edict, and would belong to past times.

I certainly do not wish to decide here for or against FLEET'S theory. But it is clear that we are standing on too uncertain ground to allow ourselves to proceed without hesita- tion from an argumentum e silentio.

Now, finally, what as to the mention of Missions to Ceylon in the Asoka Inscriptions earlier than the thirteenth year of the king's reign ?

I may observe that, at the outset, it is not absolutely certain whether by the Tambapanni of the Inscriptions Ceylon is really meant. Possibly the name may designate the

1 < The Conversion of Asoka,' J.R.A.S. 1908, p. 486 foil. ; ' The Last Edict of Asoka,' 16., p. 811 foil. ; 'The Last Words of Asoka,' /&., 1910, p. 1301 foil.

b

Introduction

Tinnevelli district at the southern extremity of India, where the river Tamraparm flows into the sea.1 But, at the same time, if Tambapanni should be understood to mean Ceylon the authenticity of Dip. and Mah. is not affected in the

ESSENTIAL points.

Let us look at the positive contents of the tradition. We are certain of: (1) the name Mahinda as the apostle of Ceylon. Nor is that disputed by V. A. SMITH. Here the Ceylon ese narrative finds gratifying support from Hiuen- thsang 2 who mentions Mahendra by name expressly as the man by whom the true doctrine was spread abroad in the kingdom of Simhala. It is certain : (2) that this Mahendra was a near relative of king Asoka. The Chinese pilgrims call him the younger brother 3 of this latter, the Ceylon Chronicles call him his son. Here we have two conflicting reports, and it would be simply arbitrary to prefer the statement of the Chinese pilgrims to the Ceylonese tradition.

But at what result do we arrive if we put together these established facts and the mention of Ceylon in the earlier Asoka Inscriptions? Simply and solely that which is self- evident, namely, that before Mahinda relations existed between continental India and Ceylon and efforts were made to trans- plant the Buddhist doctrine to Ceylon.

But with Mahinda this process comes to a successful end. We can understand therefore that all the interest became con- centrated in his person, and that tradition wrought together in dramatic fashion that which was a thing of slow con- tinuous development. I consider that this would always and in all circumstances have been the critical judgment on the

1 Imp. Gazetteer of India, s.v. Cf. on this subject HULTSZCH, J.R.A.S. 1910, p. 1310, n. 4.

8 ST. JULIEN, Memoires sur les contrees occidentales, par Hiouen- ihsang, ii, p. 140 ; BEAL, Si-yu-ki, Buddhist Records of the Western World, transl. from the Chinese of Hiuen-thsang, ii, pp. 246-247 ; T. WATTERS, On Yuan Chwang, ii. 93, 230, 234.

a Besides Hiuen-thsang we have mention by Fa-hian (see LEGGE, A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms by Fd-hitn, p. 77) of a younger brother of Asoka, who became a monk, without, however, mention of liis name or allusion to the mission to Ceylon.

Introduction *ix

reports of our Chronicles as to the conversion of Ceylon. The fact, in essential respects, holds good, but it is a question of putting it in the right light.

Besides, a hint that Mahinda's mission was preceded by similar missions to Ceylon is to be found even in Dip. and Mah., when they relate that Asoka, sending to Devanampiyatissa, with presents for his second consecration as king, exhorted him to adhere to the doctrine of the Buddha.1

Certainly on chronological grounds this cannot be immedi- ately connected with the notices of the conversion of Ceylon to be found in the inscriptions. But it shows us that, even from the point of view of the Chronicles of Ceylon, Buddhism was not quite unknown in that country already before Mahinda's time.

3. The HISTORY OF THE MISSIONS as related in Dip. and Mah.2 receives most striking confirmation in the inscriptions discovered. On the inner lid of the relic-urn which was found in Tope no. 2 of the Sanchi group there is this inscription : Sapurisa(sa) Majhimasa ' (relics) of the pious man Maj- jhima'. On the outer lid is Sapurisa(sa) Kasapagotasa Hemavatacariyasa' (relics) of the pious man Kassapagotta (i. e. of the Kassapa clan), the teacher of the Himalaya '.3 Now Majjhima is, in fact, named in the Mah. as the teacher who converted the Himalaya region and Kassapagotto thero appears as his companion in the Dip.4

Again in the superscription of a relic-casket from Tope no. 2 of the Sonari group the same Majjhima is mentioned.

On another urn from the same Tope we again find the name of Kassapagotta, this time with the epithet Kotiputta and again with the designation ' Teacher of the whole Himalaya '.

In a third urn-inscription Gotiputta (i. e. Kotiputta Kassapa-

1 Dip. 12. 5-6 ; Mah. 11. 34-35 ; Smp. 3235-8.

2 Dip. 8. 1-13 ; Mah. 12. 1-54. Cf. also Smp. 31417-31825.

3 See CUNNINGHAM, The Bhilsa Topes, p. 287. Cf. RHYS DAVIDS, Buddhist India, pp. 299-301.

4 Mah. 12. 6, 41 ; Dip. 8. 10. Cf. Smp. 31719 ; Mahabodhivamsa (ed. STRONG) 1155, where also Kassapagotta is mentioned together with Majjhima. Cf. also Mah. Tika, 222r.

b2

xx Introduction

gotta) appears in connexion with Dadabhisara. This is evidently the Dundubhissara of the Dip. and the Mahabodhi- vamsa who was also among those theras who won the Himalaya countries to the Buddha's doctrine.1

Finally the name of the thera who, according to tradition, presided over the third council under Asoka's rule, is also shown to be authentic by an inscription in a relic-casket from Tope no. 2 of the Sanchi group.2 There is no doubt that by the Sapurisasa Mogaliputasa is meant the Moggaliputta Tissa of the Ceylonese Chronicles.

4. Moreover, the narrative of the transplanting of a branch of the sacred Bodhi-tree from Uruvela to Ceylon finds interest- ing confirmation in the monuments.

At least GRUNWEDEL, in an ingenious and, to me, con- vincing way,3 points out that the sculptures of the lower and middle architraves of the East Gate of the Sanchi Tope are representations of that event. Since the Sanchi-sculptures belong to the second century B. c. the representation is distant from the event by roughly speaking, only 100 or at most 150 years.

§ 4. Errors in the Chronology of the Earliest Historical Period.

I consider that such objective confirmation of the Chronicles proves at the very least this much : that their statements are not absolutely untenable and are at least worthy of being tested. Naturally they are not infallible and the longer the interval between the time of the events and the time when they are related, the greater the possibility of an objective error, and so much the more will the influence of legend be noticeable.

As regards the oldest period from Vijaya to Devanampiya- tissa we feel a certain distrust of the tradition and traditional

1 CUNNINGHAM, 1. 1., pp. 316-317. 8 CUNNINGHAM, I. Z., p. 289.

3 GRUNWEDEL, Buddhist. Kunst in Indien, pp. 72-73. Cf. also RHYS DAVIDS, Buddhist India, p. 302.

Introduction xxi

chronology from the very fact that Vijaya' s arrival in Ceylon is dated on the day of the Buddha's death.1 This seems to be a biassed account. Besides, there are the round numbers for the length of the single reigns which have in themselves the appearance of a set scheme and involve, moreover, a positive impossibility in respect of the last two kings of that period, PANDUKABHAYA and MUTASIVA.

According to our Chronicles2 Pandukabhaya was born shortly before the death of Panduvasudeva. Then followed the reign of Abhaya, twenty years, and an interregnum of seventeen years. Then Pandukabhaya ascends the throne at the age of thirty-seven years. He reigns seventy years. That would bring his age to 107 years !

This, however, is not enough. Pandukabhaya's successor is his son Mutasiva. He is born of Suvannapali whom Pandukabhaya had already married before the beginning of his reign. Mutasiva must then have been past the prime of manhood when he succeeded to the throne. In spite of this a reign of sixty years is attributed to him.

It seems to me that certain names and events in the tradition may indeed be maintained, but that the last reigns were lengthened in order to make Vijaya and the Buddha contemporaries.

That in respect of certain facts, the tradition is by no means without value for that first period of Ceylonese history, is shown, for instance, by the account of Pandukabhaya's campaigns,3 which decidedly gives an impression of trust- worthiness.

Also after Devanampiyatissa's reign we find matter for doubt.4 A reign of forty years is attributed to the king

1 Mali. 6. 47. In the Dip. 9. 21-22 it is stated, in a somewhat more general way, that at the time of the death of the Buddha (parinib- banasamaye, not precisely on the day of the death) Vijaya landed in Ceylon. The same in Smp. 32020.

2 Dip. 11. 1, 4; Mah. 9. 28; 10. 106. See previously TURNOUK, Mdhciwanso, Introd., p. li.

3 Mah. 10. 26 foil. See below, Appendix C, p. 288 foil.

4 Cf. also on this subject FLEET, J.R.A.S. 1909, p. 340.

xxii Introduction

mentioned, who is said to have been Mutasiva's second son, although he was no longer young when he ascended the throne. But to him succeeded three younger brothers, Uttiya,1 Mahasiva and Suratissa, each of whom reigned ten (= thirty) years. Nay, after the intervening rule of the two Damilas, Sena and Guttika, which lasted twelve years, a fourth brother, Asela, ascends the throne and also reigns ten years.

The reigns of the sons of Mutasiva, who himself occupied the throne for sixty years, would then cover a period of ninety-two years !

We see clearly that also in the period between Devanampiya- tissa and Dutthagamani there were still gaps in the tradition which were filled in with fictitious construction. For the line of Devanampiyatissa we have again the remarkable round numbers 40 + 10 + 10 + 10 + 10.

In the later periods we encounter no such difficulties and impossibilities. The chronology is credible, the numbers appear less artificial and more trustworthy.

But even in that first historical period one fact stands out clearly and distinctly from the wavering traditions concerning the times immediately before and after. That is the reign of Devanampiyatissa and the arrival of Mahinda in Ceylon. And with this we approach the general standpoint from which we have to judge the historical tradition as to the earliest and earlier times in our Chronicles.

§ 5. The Year of the Buddha's Death.

fWe have to do with a monkish tradition. The starting- point of its chronological statements is the year of the Buddha's death. For this tradition naturally not every event iior every historical personage is important to an equal degree, but chiefly in so far as they were of importance for the development of the Buddhist community. There are isolated occurrences and personalities connected, even in early times,

1 The name of Uttiya and his consort is confirmed by an inscription in Periya-Puliyankulam (Northern Province). See Archaeological rey of Ceylon, Annual Report, 1905 (xx. 1909), p. 45.

Introduction

with a certain date which announced the time that had passed since the Buddha's death.1 As for the intervening period the traditions concerning it were far less well established and precise, especially from the chronological point of view.

Here fictions were made, building up and completing the tradition from which subsequently, with those fixed points as framework, the chronological system was developed that we find in the Dip. and Mah., as also in the Introduction to the Snip., and again in the later historical literature of Ceylon. In the Dip., the oldest source accessible to us, this system, appears already complete. It is most certainly not a creation of the author of the Chronicle but only taken over, in all probability, from the Atthakatha.

One of the fixed dates, which was established at a specially early period, and which evidently forms the corner-stone of the whole system, is the number 218 for the consecration (abhiseka) of Asoka. The Dip. 6. 1, says: —

dve satani ca vassani attharasa vassani ca I sambuddhe parinibbute abhisitto Piyadassano II

* 218 years after the Sambuddha had passed into Nirvana Piyadassano (Asoka) was consecrated/ And the Mah. 5. 21:—

Jinanibbanato paccha pura tassabhisekato Sattharasam vassasatadvayam evam vijaniyam.

'After the Nirvana of the Conqueror and before his ( Asoka' s) consecration there were 218 years; this should be known/

1 In the same way, to date the Mahavira in the Jaina tradition the number 155 is evidently decisive as being the sum total of the years between his death and the beginning of Candragupta's reign. See Hemacandra's Parisistaparvan, ed. JACOBI, viii. 339 ; Pref., p. 6. If we accept the year 321 B.C. for this last event we have as result 476 B. c. as the year of Mahavira's death. Certainly this is in contra- diction with the Buddhist reckoning in so far as, according to Majjh. Nik. II. 24318 foil., the ' Nigantha Nataputta ' (i.e. the Mahavira) must have died BEFORE the Buddha. OLDENBERG, Z.D.M.G. 34, p. 749.

Introduction THAT is TO SAY, THAT AFTER A LAPSE OF 218 YEARS, i. e.

SOMETIME IN THE YEAR 219 AFTER THE BUDDHA^S DEATH, THE CONSECRATION OF ASOKA TOOK PLACE.1

Since Asoka had already reigned four years before he per- formed the abhiseka ceremony2 his accession falls 214 years after the Nirvana. According to the Ceylonese tradition the reign of Asoka was preceded by that of Bindusara, lasting twenty-eight, and that of Candagutta lasting twenty-four years (Mah. 5. 18; Dip. 5. 100). Thus Candagutta would have ascended the throne 214 — (28 + 24 years), i. e. 162 years after the Nirvana.3 Now this event is one of the few in the earlier Indian history which we can date with some approach to certainty. It falls in the year 321 B.C. or within two years of this date,4 allowing for error.

THUS THERE RESULTS AS THE PROBABLE YEAS, OF THE

BUDDHA'S DEATH (321 + 162) = 483 B.C. As he died at the age of eighty years the year of his birth should be put at 563 B.C.

But we must emphatically state that this calculation too is hypothetical, that we are only able to give an approximate and not a perfectly exact result. Moreover, we shall see below that, in the Ceylon Chronicles themselves, there is a contradiction which we can hardly pass by.

First of all the whole calculation, as OLDENBERG5 has quite justly insisted, rests on the supposition that the date

1 Slightly different in the Smp., p. 29920, which puts the abhiseka in the year 218 (dvinnam vassasatanam upari attharasarae vasse). On the tradition on Asoka's age of the Northern Buddhists see § 11.

2 Dip. 6. 21-22; cf. Smp. 1. 1. Moreover, Mah. 5. 22 contains the same statement. NORMAN, J.R.A.S. 1908, p. 10, is mistaken when he says that, according to the Mah., accession should be put at the year 218 A.B. and the abhiseka at 222.

3 With this calculation cf. FLEET, J.R.A.S. 1906, pp. 984-986 and 1909, p. 1 foil., and particularly p. 28 foil. See also WICKREMA- SINGHE, Epigraphia Zeylanica, i, p. 142, n. 7.

4 V. A. SMITH, J.R.A.S. 1901, pp. 831-834 ; Early History of India, pp. 38-39.

6 Archiv fftr Religionswissenschaft, 1910, p. 611.

Introduction

218 for Asoka's abhiseka is authentic. It really seems to me that it is just on this very point that scepticism is least necessary. The date is supported by the best testimony and has nothing in it to call for suspicion. The interval of time is certainly not so great that the preserving, within the eccle- siastical world, of a definite tradition as to an event of such great importance should be improbable or indeed impossible.

On the other hand we must not forget that the date 321 for Candragupta's accession, which forms a point of support for the hypothesis, is only approximately correct. A little shifting back or forward is therefore quite possible.

Finally, there is the supposition that the length of Canda- gutta's reign (twenty-four years) and Bindusara's (twenty- eight) is established with certainty. Now it seems indeed that, with regard to the former, scepticism is quite out of place. Here the northern tradition is in agreement with the southern,1 which is certainly an important point. On the other hand there is a difference of three years in respect of Bindu- sara's reign. Here again there is a possibility that the date may be shifted.

Nevertheless it does seem that on the much-disputed ques- tion of the year of the Buddha's death there is a tendency toward unison. Marked differences of view are disappearing, the accepted dates are less far removed one from another.2

The chronology current in Ceylon, Burma, Siam starts out from the middle of the year 544 B.C.3 as the date of the Nirvana. That this date is wrong and contains an error of, roughly speaking, sixty years, is now, we may say, generally admitted. Moreover, FLEET* has pointed out that this reckoning is by no means based on a continuous tradition

1 Cf. below the tables to § 9.

2 For earlier views see FLEET, J.E.A.S. 1909, pp. 4-5; MABEL DUFF, Chronology of India, p. 7 ; KERN, Manual of Indian Buddhism, p. 107, n. 6.

3 Not 543 ! See WICKREMASINGHE, Epigraphia Zeylanica, i, p. 122, n. 7. The year of Buddha, 2444, began on May 13, 1900.

* « The Origin of the Buddhavarsha, the Ceylonese Reckoning from the Death of Buddha,' J.E.A.S. 1909, p. 323 foil., esp. 332.

xxvi Introduction

from early times. It is rather a relatively late fabrication, which probably does not go back further than the twelfth century A.D.1 How the error of sixty years came into the era certainly still needs explanation.

Again, the date 477 B.C. as the year of the Buddha's death, which was accepted by MAX MULLER and CUNNINGHAM, must be given up. It rests on the erroneous premise that the year of Candragupta's accession was 315 B.C.2

V. A. SMITH3 accepts 487 or 486 B.C. as the year of the Nirvana, GOPALA AIYER,* who starts from 269 as the year of Asoka's coronation, the year 486 B.C. Both attach some im- portance, it would seem, to the so-called 'dotted Record',5 which was continued in Canton up to the year 489 A. D. and marks each year, from the date of the Buddha onwards, with a dot. In the year 489 A. D. the number of dots amounted to 975, which would bring us to the year 486 B.C. as the starting- point.

I would not for my part attach too much importance to this ' dotted Record '. It is singularly improbable that in the course of time — it is a question of nearly a thousand years ! — not a single error or oversight should have occurred. The essential, to my thinking, is that the difference between the various reckonings is already reduced by now to three or four years. But if V. A. SMITH, from his own standpoint, arrives at a result so closely approaching that to which the corrected Ceylon-Tradition brings us, he might well have been led to a somewhat milder judgment as to their trustworthiness and their value.

Finally, the whole difference comes down to this : whether, agreeing with the Puranas, we allow Bindusara a reign of twenty-five years, or, in agreement with the Mahavamsa, allow him twenty-eight years. In the former case we come to the

1 As it now appears (see below) in the eleventh century.

2 S.B.E., x, 2nd ed., 1908, pp. 43-47.

3 Early History of India, pp. 41-43.

4 'The Date of Buddha,' Ind. Ant. xxxvii, 1908, p. 341 foil.

3 See TAKAKUSU, J.R.A.S. 1896, p. 436 foil. ; 1897, p. 113; FLEET, ib., 1909, p. 9.

Introduction

year 486 as the year of the Nirvana, in the latter case to 483 B.C. If we then take the 219th year after the Nirvana as the year of Asoka's abhiseka, there results in the former case 268/67 B.C., in the latter 265/64 B.C.

It would be of great importance to us if we might refer the date 256 at the end of the so-called ' Minor Rock-Edict I ' l to the years elapsed from the Nirvana to the publication of the Edict. This opinion was formerly held, represented particu- larly by BUHLEII and FLEET.2

But recently the interpretation of that Edict was cleared up to a certain extent. The merit belongs to F. W. THOMAS. 3 He was the first to point out that the expressions vivuthena and vivas a (vivutha), which appear in connexion with the number 256, should be derived from vi-vas in the sense ' to be absent from home, to dwell far away '. Then in his second article he has ingeniously demonstrated that the number 256 does not denote years but nights, i. e. nights and days. In the Sahasram. text he first discovered the word lati = ratri in duve sapamnalatisata = Skt. dve satpancasaratrisate.

These discoveries were acknowledged both by FLEET and HuLTZSCH.4 But now opinions diverge. F. W. THOMAS takes it to mean that Asoka published the Edict when on a religious journey. The number would refer to the 256 changes of camp in the course of this tour of inspection.

But FLEET interprets vivutha and vivasa in another way. According to him the allusion is to the renunciation of the household life, to the life far from house and family. He takes it to mean that Asoka after a reign of thirty-seven years had renounced the throne and the world to spend the rest of his life in religious retreat. His dwelling was the mountain

1 The Edict is to be found in Rupnath, Sahasram, in Brahmagiri and elsewhere. V. A. SMITH, Asoka, p. 138, n. 3.

2 Cf. BiiHLER, Epigraphia Indica, iii. 138; FLEET, 'The last Edict of Asoka,' J.R.A.S. 1908, p. 811 foil.

3 Ind. Ant. xxxvii, 1908, pp. 22-23, and especially 'Les vivasah d'Asoka ', Journal Asiatique, May-June, 1910, p. 507 foil.

4 FLEET, 'The Last Words of Asoka,1 J.R.A.S. 1910, p. 1302 foil. ; HULTZSCH, 'A Third Note on the Rupnath Edict,' 16., p. 1308 foil.

Introduction

Suvarnagiri near Girivraja in Magadha.1 Hence in the passage which is preamble to the Edict in the Mysore ver- sions Suvarnagiri is named, and not the capital Pataliputra, as the place where the Edict, the 'last word of Asoka', was published.

Moreover, the number 256 has, according to FLEET, a special significance. It was not by chance that Asoka pub- lished the Edict on the 256th day of his life in retreat. At this very time the 256th year since the Nirvana came to an end. Asoka would thus have spent, for each year elapsed since the Buddha's death, one day in religious contemplation as a brahmacarl.

This is a very ingenious idea. But it would be hazardous for the present time to base further conclusions on this bold and seductive combination.

§ 6. Traces of an era in Ceylon reckoned from 483 B.C.

Recently, however, the date 483 seems to have found further support. Here we must take into consideration an important observation of WiCKREMASiNGHE,2 which completes the proof adduced by FLEET and discussed above, of the late origin of the Ceylonese era, that starts from the year 544. Indications are to be found that in earlier times, and indeed down to the beginning of the eleventh century, an era persisted even in Ceylon which was reckoned from 483 B.C., as the year of the Buddha's death. From the middle of the eleventh century the new era took its rise, being reckoned from the year 544, and this is still in use.

In dealing with the question we have to date the immediate predecessors of king Parakramabahu I, beginning with Udaya III (1507 A.B.).3

As to Parakramabahu I, we have information from inscrip-

1 Cf. also on this, FLEET, ' The Conversion of Asoka,' J.R.A.S. 1908, p. 486/otf.

2 See Epigraphia Zeylanica, i, p. 155 foil.

3 The names are given in WIJESINHA, The Mahavansa, Part II, translated, pp. xxii-xxiii.

Introduction

tions, confirmed and completed by literary data, according to which he was crowned when 1696 years had elapsed since the Buddha's death, that is, in the year 1697 A.B. Eight years later, 1705 A.B., a second coronation apparently took place. In the fourth year afterwards, when 1708 years had gone by since the Nirvana, that is, in 1709 A. B., he held a Buddhist Synod.1 According to the Ceylonese era those are the years 1153, 1161, 1165 A. D. But this date for Parakramabahu is supported by an entirely independent source, namely a South- Indian inscription at the Temple of Tiruvalisvara in Arpak- kama. Thus for the second half of the twelfth century the existence of the Ceylon era, reckoned from 544, is established with certainty.

Now according to the Culavamsa 2 (56. 16 foil.) the six predecessors of Parakramabahu, from Parakrama Pandu onwards, reigned 107 years. Thus the accession of the last- named prince falls at 1590 A. B. or, according to the Ceylonese era, 1046 A.D. Moreover, this date is confirmed by the South-Indian Manimahgalam inscription, which is dated in the same year.3

According to the latter, Parakrama Pandu was conquered and killed in this year by the Cola king Kajadhiraja I. It is true the Culavamsa gives Parakrama Pandu a reign of two years, but we must rather take the accession and death of the king as falling in one and the same year, 1590 A. B. = 1046 A. D. Thus it is proved, at the same time, that the Ceylon-era also existed in the middle of the eleventh century.

But from a South-Indian inscription we can also fix a date for Udaya III among the predecessors of Parakrama Pandu, a date which throws a completely new light on the whole reckoning of eras.

1 See the Galvihara-Insc. of Polonnaruwa, 11. 1-4 (ED. MULLER, Ancient Inscr. of Ceylon, pp. 87, 120) ; Nikaya-sangraha, ed. WICK- REMASINGHE, pp. 2026, 226. Cf. Epigr. Zeyl. i, p. 123.

2 I designate thus the later continuation of the Mahavamsa from 37. 51 onwards.

3 HULTZSCH, South Indian Inscriptions, iii, no. 28, p. 53 ; Epigr. Zeyl. pp. 80, 155.

Introduction

Since, according to the Culavamsa,1 the time between the accession of Udaya III and that of Parakrama Pandu amounts to ninety-three years eight days, and, as we saw above, the latter ascended the throne in 1590 A. B., we have consequently for the accession of this former king the date 1497 A. B. But this year, according to the Tanjore inscription of king Rajendra Coladeva, must be about the year 1015 A. D.

The inscription 2 gives an account of a military expedition to Ceylon. This invasion by Cola corresponds as to its details with one which, according to the Culavamsa 53. 40 foil., occurred under Udaya III at the beginning of his reign. KIELHORN has calculated the time of Coladeva's accession as between the end of 1011 and the middle of 1012 A. D. ; the expedition falls between the fourth and sixth year of the reign, that is, between 1015 and 1018. These years must coincide with the years 1497 and 1498 A. B. Of the 1497 years ( — 1015) remain 482, which fall within pre-Christian times. In other words : THE BUDDHA DIED 483 B.C.

So, with WICKREMASINGHE (1. 1., p. 157) we must state the matter thus. The author of that part of the Culavamsa which deals with the kings from Udaya III to Parakrama- bahu I lived at a time when the present era, reckoned from 544 B. c., was in use. He was acquainted with three well- established dates, 1497, 1590, and 1692 A. B., for the accession of Udaya III, Parakrama Pandu, and Parakramabahu I. But he did not know that the first of the three dates was based on quite a different era, reckoned from 483 B.C. The interval between Udaya III and Parakrama Pandu amounted, in his view, to ninety-three years, but was in reality only thirty-one years (1015-1046 A. D.).

Certainly, considering the detail in which the events of the period from Udaya III to Parakrama Pandu are described by the Culavamsa, it is difficult to say at what point we should undertake to strike out the surplus of sixty-two years. The

1 See WIJESINHA, 1. 1., p. xxii.

2 HULTZSCH, South Indian Inscr. ii, no. 9, pp. 90-93; KlELHORN, Epigraphia Indica, vii, p. 7 ; Epigr. Zeyl. i, p. 79.

Introduction

principal part must perhaps fall within the reign of Mahinda V and the interregnum that followed, for which thirty-six years and twelve years are set down. But that the tradition regard- ing the period in question is not well established is easily ex- plained by the unrest and confusion which prevailed at that time.

§ 7. The dates of Devanampiyatissa and Duttha- gamani.

The tradition according to which Asoka was consecrated king 218 years after the Nirvana certainly arose in India. The first envoys of Buddhism brought it to Ceylon with them, and here A CHRONOLOGICAL CONNEXION WAS ESTABLISHED

BETWEEN THE REIGN OF ASOKA AND THAT OF DEVANAM- PIYATISSA, under whom Buddhism made its entry into Ceylon.

That Devanampiyatissa and Asoka were really contempo- raries we have no reason to doubt. On the one hand the Ceylonese tradition concerning the missions is supported by the discoveries in the Bhilsa-topes. On the other hand we know from Asoka's inscriptions that as a matter of fact an eager missionary-activity prevailed in his time.

According to the Dlpavamsa DEVANAMPIYATISSA was con- secrated king 236 years after the Buddha's death,1 i. e. in the 237th year. According to the Mah. 11. 40 the consecrating of Devanampiyatissa took place on the first day of the bright half of the ninth month, Maggasira (October-November).

Now since, according to Dip. 11. 14, the consecration of Tissa was later by a certain number of years — I shall discuss the passage further on — AND six MONTHS later — than the abhisekaof Asoka, this latter event must have taken place

1 Dip. 17. 78 :

dve satani ca vassani chattimsa ca samvacchare sambuddhe parinibbute abhisitto Devanampiyo. Observe that the formula used is the same as in 6. 1 for dating Asoka's abhiseka. See above, p.xxiii. The date 236 is also to be found in the Nikaya-samgraha, ed. WICKREMASINGHE, p. 103, and it results in Dip. and Mah. as the sum total of the reigns of all the kings from Vijaya to Devanampiyatissa.

Introduction

in the third month Jettha (April— May),1 and in fact, as we know, in the 219th year after the Nirvana.

According1 to the tradition prevailing in Ceylon 2 the Buddha died on the full-moon day of the second month of the year Vesakha (March- April), according to our reckoning : of the year 483 B. c. Thus on the same day 265 B. c. the year 218 A.B. would have come to an end. A month later, roughly speaking, Asoka would be consecrated. In the month Vesakha, 247 B.C. the year 236 A.B. came to an end. In the autumn of the same year the first coronation of Devanampiyatissa took place. A second coronation 3 of this king was celebrated in the following Vesakha (March- April), 246 B.C.

But there are certain statements which are not in agree- ment with this reckoning. In a passage in the Dip.4 it is said that Mahinda came to Ceylon 236 years after the Nirvana. And it is said expressly that this arrival took place on the full-moon day of the third month Jettha (April-May).5 But a new Buddha-year had begun in the preceding month. Thus if Tissa's first consecration falls in the 237th year A.B., then Mahinda's arrival falls in the 238th, that is, not 236 but 237 years had elapsed since the Nirvana.

This contradiction was discovered by FLEET 6 who made an ingenious attempt to explain it.

The full-moon day of Vesakha as the day of the Buddha's death is open to doubt. This day recurs only too frequently in the Buddha's life. On the other hand FLEET points out

1 On the names of the months in the Indian calendar see our transl., note to 1. 12.

8 Mah. 3. 2 ; Buddhaghosa in Sum. I. 610 and Smp. 2833, *. Cf. Dip. 5. 1 foil, for the same results.

3 Dip. 11. 39; Mah. 11.42.

4 Dip. 15. 71 :

dve vassasata honti chattimsa ca vassa tafcha Mahindo nama namena jotayissati sasanam. 6 Dip. 12. 44; 17. 88 (thirty days after the second consecration !) ; Mah. 13. 18. At Dip. 11. 40 read tato masam atikkamma. See OLDENBERG, note on this passage.

• 'The Day on which Buddha died.1 J.E.A.S. 1909, p. 1 foil.; particularly 6, 11, 31.

Introduction

that according to a notice in Hiuen-thsang the sect of the Sarvastivadins puts the date of the Nirvana, contrary to the usual statement, at the eighth day of the second half of the eighth month of the year, Kattika (Sept. -Oct.).1 Follow- ing this FLEET reckons the day of the Buddha's death as falling on October 13, 483 B.C.

If we take this day as our point of departure the above- mentioned contradiction disappears. The year 218 A.B. came then to an end on October 13, 265, and Asoka was not crowned in this year, but in the year 264 B.C. in the third month.2 The year 236 A.B. ends on October 13, 247 B.C., a month later in the year 237 A.B. Tissa was consecrated king ; 3 in the same year, five months later, there followed the second 4 coronation, and yet one month later the arrival of Mahinda in Ceylon.

We have then the following dates : —

1. October 13, 265, end of the year 218 A.B.

2. April 25, 264, Asoka's abhiseka.

3. October 13, 247, end of the year 236 A.B.

4. November 6, 247, Tissa's first coronation.

5. April 16, 246, Tissa's second coronation.

6. May 16, 246, Mahinda comes to Ceylon.

But here I must point out a difficulty which shows, to say the least, that our sources are not always exact in their calculation of time supposing we do not accept a variation by even one year. The death of Mutasiva, and therefore also the first crowning of Devanampiyatissa, we find transferred to the seventeenth year of Asoka, in Snip. 321 l, and, as it appears, also in Dip. 11. 14.6

1 See BEAL, Buddhist Records of the Western World, ii, p. 33 ; STANISLAS JULIEN, Memoires, i, pp. 334-335.

2 The day, according to FLEET, is April 25. J.R.A.S. 1909, pp. 26 and 31.

s According to FLEET, L Z., p. 32, on November 6.

4 According to FLEET, 1. L, on April 16.

8 The phrasing in the Smp. Asokadhammarajassa sattara- same vasse idha Mutasivaraja kalam akasi Devanampiya- tisso raj jam papuni is not at all ambiguous. The Dip. expresses

c

Introduction

But now even if we set out from April 25, 264 (not 265) B c. as the date of Asoka's abhiseka, the seventeenth year is already ended on the same day of 247. Then Tissa's coronation, as the dates 218 and 236 have already shown, falls, without any doubt, in the eighteenth (not seventeenth) year of Asoka.

But that notice in the Smp. is not an isolated example. At Mah. 20. 1 the planting- of the Bodhi-tree in Anura- dhapura is transferred to the eighteenth year of Asoka. This, too, does not agree with the reckoning elsewhere. There can be no doubt that that event falls in the nineteenth year of Asoka.1 Naturally, together with that chronological statement, other dates based upon it and given by the Maha- vamsa 20. 2 foil, are shifted also.

It suffices to point out these discrepancies. They are merely to show that caution is after all not out of place.

2. Further, there is an interesting date connected with the time of VATTAGA.MANI, We have, namely, according to Mah. 33. 80-81, an interval of 217 years 10 months and 10 days between the founding of the Mahavihara by Devanampiya- tissa and that of the Abhayagiri-vihara by Vattagamani.2

The date of the consecration of the Mahavihara can be exactly ascertained by the Ceylon chronology. On the full- moon day of the month Jettha Mahinda came to Ceylon. This was, according to FLEET'S calculation/ May 16 (246 B.C.); A day later, on May 17, Mahinda came to the capital and

itself less clearly; however, by the words tamhi sattarase vasse chamase ca anagate I can only understand that there were six months still to come to complete the seventeenth year.

1 We can hardly use the passage Dip. 12. 42-43 for chronology. But it seems to give the correct reckoning, the nineteenth year of Asoka, for Mahinda's arrival in Ceylon.

, 2 The same date, possibly taken from the Mah., is to be found in the Nik. Samgr., p. II16. The Mah. Tika, p. 115 (on Mah. 5. 11-13), gives as the date of the schism of the Dhammarucika of the Abhaya- giri the round number of 217 years after the founding of the faith in Ceylon.

s J.R.A.S. 1909, p. 28. For the following cf. Mah. 14. 42 ; 15. 11, 24.

Introduction

spent the night in the Mahameghavana. This the king presented to Mahinda and his companions as an arilma on the following day, May 18, 246 B.C. This then is the day of the founding of the Mahavihara. We are brought then to the end of March 28 B. c. for the founding of the Abhayagiri- vihara.

I now believe that we ought to attach special importance precisely to those dates which state generally the interval between two important events. The date number 218 in connexion with Vattagamani was also known in later times.

It is implied in the number 454 of Vattagamani in the Galvihara-Inscription of Polonnaruwa.1 For this has evidently arisen from the addition of 236 (the date of Devanampiya- tissa) to 218.

Moreover, there can be no doubt as to the statement in Mah. 33. 78 foil, that the founding of the Abhayagiri-vihara took place in the second half of the reign of Vattagamani. Therefore I do not hesitate to place the beginning of this second half of Vattaga manias reign at the end of the year 29 or the beginning of the year 28 B.C.

Of course this leads us into certain difficulties when we add up the figures of the individual reigns between Devanampiya- tissa and Vattagamani according to the readings accepted in my edition. From these figures it results that Vattagamani ascended the throne for the second time in the year 39 B.C. We have then a difference, in round numbers, of about ten years.

This difficulty disappears if we read2 Mah. 21. 11, with the Singhalese MSS. (duve) dvavisavassani, not with the Burmese duve dvadasa vassani, to give thus to the Damilas Sena and Guttika twenty -two and not twelve years' reign. To be sure the Dip. (18. 47) has dvadasa vassani, which certainly must be taken into account. On the other hand the later Ceylonese literature (Thupavamsa, Pujavaliya, Raja-

1 ED. MULLER, Ancient Inscriptions of Ceylon, p. 87 (Sara siya supaenaes hawuruddak). See FLEET, J.R.A.S. 1909, p. 330.

2 In my edition I originally accepted the former reading, however in the ' Corrections ' (p. 368) I have given the preference to dvadasa.

c 2

XXXVI

Introduction

valiya1) only gives the number 22. In any case at the time the Thup. was composed, according to it, the date stood so in the Mah.

Naturally, to be consequent, we must also read Mah. 27. 6 in the prophecy concerning Dutthagamani, with the Sinhalese MSS. cha cattalisa satam '146' or cattalisa satam ' 140 '. From the point of view of textual criticism the latter reading seems to me to be the safer ; also I should be inclined to believe that in this connexion a round number would be more appropriate.

I confess that I only brought myself unwillingly to depart from the reading of the Burmese MSS. They contain else- where, without doubt, the better text. Perhaps we must conclude that, in regard to Sena and Guttika, the Burmese recension adopted the reading of the Dip. and that, in accordance with this,' in Mah. 27. 6, also the number was altered to chattimsasatavassani to do away with the mistake thus caused in the addition total.

Taking as a basis the date 483 B. c. we can provisionally draw up a list of the kings according to Dip. and Mah.2

§ 8. List of the Ancient Kings of Ceylon.

No.	Name	Dip.	Mah.	Length of Reign	Buddh. Era 483 B.C.	Christian Era
Dip.	Mah.
Y. M. D.	Y. M. D.
1 2 8 4 5	Viiaya .	9.42 11.9 10.5 10.7 11.11 11.4 11.5 (17.78)	7.74 8.5 9.25 10.52 10.105 10.106 11.4	38 1 — — 30 20 17 70 60	38 30 20 17 70 60	1-38 38-39 39-69 69-89 89-106 106-176 176-236	488-445 445-444 444-414 414-394 394-377 377-307 307-247
Interregnum . Panduvasudeva Abhaya . . . Interregnum . Pandukabhaya . Mutasiva . . .
236	236

1 For the passages see Dip. and Mah., p. 120.

1 See FLEET'S list, J.E.A.S. 1909, p. 350. The particular aim of this Introduction obliges me, on my side, to draw up a table to enable the reader of the translation to take a rapid survey.

Introduction

XXXVll

No.	Name	Dip.	Mah.	Length of Reign	Buddh. Era 483 B.C.	Christian Era
Dip.	Mah.
Y. M. D.	Y. M. D.
6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 (19) 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39	Devanampiyatissa. Uttiya . . . .	17.92 17.93 18.45 18.46 18.47 18.48 1849 18.54 20.7 20.8 20.9 20.12 20.13 20.14 20.15-17 20.19 20.22 20.24 2025 20.S6-30 20.35 21-30 21.33 21.37 21.38 21.40 21.41	20.28 20.57 21.1 21.3 21.11 21.12 21.14 (27.6) 32.35, 57 33.4 33.19 33.28 33.29 33.37 33.56-61 33.102 34.1 34.13 34.15 34.18-27 34.30 34.37 34.69 35.1 35.9 35.12 35.14 35.27	40 10 10 10 12 10 44	40 10 10 10 22l 10 44	236-276 276-286 286-296 296-806 306-328 328-338 338-382 382-406 406-424 424 424-433 433-439 439 2 439-454 454-466 466-480 480-492 492-495 495-499 499-521 521-549 549-561 561-571 571-574 574-575 575 575-578	B.C. 247-207 207-197 197-187 187-177 177-15o 155-145 145-101 101-77 77-59 59 59-50 50-44 44 44-29 29-17 17-3 3B.C.-9A.D. 9A.D.-12A.D. A. D. 12 16 16-38 38-66 66-78 78-88 88-91 91-92 92 92-95
Mahasiva .... Suratissa .... Sena . ) Guttika \ Asela
Elara
Dutthagamani . . Saddhatissa . . . Thulathana . . . Lanjatissa . . . Khali atanaga . . (Maharattaka) . Vattagamani . . Five Damilas . Pulahattha (3 y.) Bahiya (2 y.) . . Panayamava (7y.) Pilayamava (7 m.) Da'thika (2 y.) . . Vattagamani . . MahacullMahatissa Coranaga .... Tissa
136 —	U6
24 18 — 1 10 96 — 6 1	24 18 — 1 10 9 — 15 g
57 7 11	57 1 25
— 5 — 14 7 — 12 14 12 3 1 2 — 12 — 11 — — 3 — — 4 —	14 7 — 12 14 12 3 12—) 12 — 1 1 — — 6 — — 4 __'
Siva . . . . % Vatuka . . . Dai-ubhatikatissa \ Niliya .... Anula
Kutakannatissa . Bhatikabhaya . Mahadathikamaha _ -naga . . . Amandagamani Kanirajanutissa Culabhaya . . Slvali ... Interregnum .
60	60 3 —
22 28 12 98 — 3 1 — 4 —	22 28 12 98 — 3 1 ^ 3

1 According to the Burmese MSS. only 12 years. See p. xxxv.

2 See the same figure Nik. samgr. 1014.

XXXV11L

Introduction

			Length of Eeign
				Buddh.
Name	Dip.	Mah.	Dip.	Mah.	Era 483 B. c.	Christian Era
			Y. M. D.	Y. M. D.
Ijanaga ....	21.43	35.45	6	Q	578-584	95-101
Candamukhasiva .	21.45	35.46	87 —	87 —	584-593	101-110
Yasalalakatissa . .	21.46	35.50	87 —	78 —	593-601	110-118
Subharaja . . .	21.48	35.56	6	6	601-607	118-124
Vasabha ....	22.11	35.100	44	44	607-651	124-168
Vaiikanasikatissa .	22.12,27	35.112	3	3	651-654	168-171'
Gajabahukagamani	22.14, 28	35115	22	22	654-676	171-193
Mahallanaga . *.	22.17, 29	35.123	6	g	676-682	193-199
			180 2 —	182 3 —
Bhatikatissa .	22.22, 30	36.1	24	24	682-706	199-223
Kanitthatissa	22.25, 31	36.6	18	18	706-724	223-241
Khujjanaga .	22.32	36.18	2	2	724-726	241-243
Kuficanaga .	22.33	36.19	1	1	726-727	243-244
Sirinaga I	22.36	36.23	19	19	727-746	244-263
Voharikatissa l	22.45	36.27	22	22	746-768	263-285
Abhayanaga l	22.38	36.51	22	g	768-776	285-293
Sirinaga II .	22.46	36.54	2	2	776-778	293-295
Vijayakumara	22.51	36.57	1	1	778-779	295-296
Samghatissa .	22.52	36.64	4	4	779-783	296-300
Samghabodhi	22.53	36.73	2	2	783-785	300-302
Gothakabhaya	22.60	36.98	13	13	785-798	302-315
Jetthatissa .	22.65	36.132	10	10	798-808	315-325
Mahasena. .	22.66	37.1	27	27	808-835	325-352
	167	153
Total sum . .	836 9 11	834 7 25

No.

40 41 42 43 44 45

48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60

Of course the dates set down can only be regarded as having an approximate value. For the Chronicles, mostly, give the reign of each individual king rounded off in whole years. Rajavali and Pujavali reckon the sum total at 844 years, 9 months 25 days, the Nikayasamgraha reckons the time up to Mahasena's accession at 818, and thus the time up to his death at 845 years.2

1 The Dip. places Abhayanaga before Voharikatissa. This appears to be the cause of the mistake in the figures. The same length of reign is ascribed to Voharikatissa as to his predecessor, who is really his successor. According to Nik. samgr. 129 Voharikatissa ascended the throne 752 years, 4 months 10 days after the Buddha's death.

2 Rajavali, ed. B. GUNASEKARA, p. 4222 ; Pujav., ed. idem, p. 23SO ; Nik. S., ed. WICKHEMASINGHE, p. 14l°.

Introduction

From Devanampiyatissa to Mahasena's death 609 years elapsed, according to the later sources.1 But this only proves that the accession of the former should be dated 236 A.B. (609 + 236 = 845), but naturally nothing can be deduced from this statement to aid us in dating the Nirvana itself.

I will now supplement my list with the names and dates of the immediate successors of Mahasena : — 2

62. Siri-Meghavanna 27 years 352-379 A. D.

63. Jetthatissa 9 „ 379-388 „

64. Buddhadasa 28 „ 388-416 „

65. Upatissa 42 „ 416-458 „

66. Mahanama 22 ,, 458-480 „ 67- ( Sotthisena to ) oq , r,n ^ AQ

75. jPithiya W »

76. Dhatusena 18 „ 509-527 ,,

77. Kassapa 17 „ 527-544 „

For this later period we now have an interesting Indian- Ceylonese synchronism which appears to confirm the reckon- ing having as point of departure 483 B.C.

SYLVAIN LEVIS has communicated the following passage from the account of the Chinese Wang Hiuen ts'e. The king of Cheu-tzeu (i. e. Ceylon), by name Chi-mi-kia-po-mo (i. e. Sri-Meghavarman *), sent two bhiksus to India to the monastery erected by Asoka near the sacred tree of the Buddha in Bodh Gay a. They found no lodging here and subsequently told their king. He sent an embassy to the king then ruling over India, San-meou-to-lo-kiu-to (i. e. Samu- dragupta), and sought permission to build on the sacred spot a monastery for Ceylonese pilgrims. Thus the synchronism of king Siri-Meghavanna, the successor of Mahasena, with Samudragupta is confirmed. The latter, according to

1 See Epigr. Zeyl. i, p. 143.

2 Cf. Culav. 37. 99, 104, 178, 208, 247 (according to the numbering of the Colombo edition of 1877: Mah. 37. 49, 54, 128, 158, 197); 38. 1, 112 ; 39. 58. As to numbers 62, 64, 77, it is said that they died in the twenty-eighth (or twenty-ninth or eighteenth) year. So it is possible that the dates have again been made later by one year.

3 Journ. As. 1900, pp. 316 foil., 401 foil.

4 The form of this name, as given by the Chinese narrator, results from a confusion between varna and varman.

xl Introduction

V. SMITH,1 reigned from 326 to (about) 375, the former, according to our reckoning1, from 483 as the year of the Nirvana 352-379 A.D.

According to Chinese sources 2 another embassy came from Ceylon to China, sent by king Kia-che, i. e. Kasyapa, in the year 527 A. D. Evidently this is a reference to Kassapa I whose reign, according to my list, did in fact begin about 527.

§ 9. The Indian Kings from Bimbisara to Asoka.

In the table on the next page I have brought together the names of the kings from Bimbisara, the contemporary of the Buddha, to Asoka, according to the Ceylonese, the Burmese, the Nepalese, and the Jaina tradition. On this I will first make the following observations.

The BURMESE TRADITION 3 is undoubtedly dependent on the CEYLONESE, as represented by Dip. and Mah. Buddhaghosa 4 is also in complete agreement with the Mah. He certainly ascribes a reign of eighteen instead of eight years to Anuruddha and Munda, but the sum total of the reigns of all the kings reckoned up by him at the conclusion is only correct if we alter that eighteen to eight.

The NEPALESE list of the Asoka vadana5 comes perhaps midway between the Ceylonese and the Jaina tradition. It is specially remarkable that in this too appears the name of

1 Early History of India, p. 266 foil. (of. Ind. Ant. 1902, p. 257). See also FLEET, J.R.A.S. 1909, p, 343.

2 SYLVAIN LE.VI, I I., p. 42:3 foil. Cf. now also E. R. AYRTON, J.R.A.S. 1911, p. 1142, on a new fact which speaks in favour of the reckoning from 483 B.C. On the other hand a difficulty presents itself with respect to the embassy of Mo4io-nan (i. e. Mahanama) to China in the year 428 A.D. (SYLV. LEVI, pp. 412, 421). At the time there reigned in Ceylon not Mahanama but his elder brother Upatissa II. The former did not ascend the throne till 458 A.D.

3 See on this BIGAFDET, The Life or Legend of Gaudama the Buddha (1866), pp. 347, 361-363, 371-372, 374-375.

4 Smp. 32 13 foil. Cf. also Sum. 15322 foil., where the kings from Bimbisara to Nagadasa are enumerated.

6 Cf. BURNOUF, Introduction a Vhistoire du Bouddhisme Indien, pp. 358-359, It is noteworthy that the name of Candragupta is missing.

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xlii Introduction

Munda whom the Jainas do not know but who is mentioned in the Ahguttara-Nikaya.1 Thus the Ceylonese tradition is in this point confirmed by the Northern tradition.

The JAINA list is based on the Parisistaparvan of Hema- candra.2 It is, I think, generally admitted 3 that in this list Srenika and Kunika correspond to the Bimbisara and Ajata- sattu of the Pali sources. On the other hand the names from Anuruddha-Munda downwards to the Nandas are missing-. But among these names those of both Munda and Kalasoka are well established by other testimony, as we shall see presently.

The PURANIC list has the series Bimbisara-Ajatasatru- Udayin ( = Udayabhadda) in common with the Ceylonese. But the Puranas insert yet another king before the last- named, and the Ceylonese Chronicles place those three kings at the head of the whole list; the Puranas range the corresponding four kings in the second half of the list. Moreover, I cannot say that the Purana list inspires me with much confidence. The tradition as to individual names is very unstable in the different Puranas. The same is the case with the dates of the individual reigns, although the totals agree fairly well.4

The question then arises : which list merits the most confidence, the Ceylonese, the Jaina, or that of the Puranas ? JACOBI 5 is disposed to give the preference to the Jaina list. He adheres to the view that Kalasoka, 'the black Asoka/ and Kakavarnin (Kakavarna), 'the crow-coloured/ are one and the same person. That is certainly correct and is con- firmed by the fact that Kalasoka in the Pali sources is named

1 A. III. 5723 foil. OLDENBERG has already, Z.D.M.G. 34 (1880), p. 752, stated this fact.

2 Ed. JACOBI (Bibl Ind.}, I. 22 foil. ; VI. 22 foil., 231 foil. ; VIII. 1 foil., 297 foil. ; IX. 14 foil.

8 JACOBI, The Kalpasutra of Bhadrabdhu (Abhandl. fur die Kunde des Morgenl. vii. 1), Introduction, p. 2. The combination Srenika = Bimbisara occurs ROCKHILL, Life of Buddha (1907), p. 67.

4 See MABEL DUFF, The Chronology of India, Table to p. 322.

5 The Kalpasutra, Introd. ; also Z. D. M. G. 34, pp. 185-186. Cf. OLDENBERG, Z. D. M. G. 34, p. 750 foil. ; and further, JACOBI, Z. D. M. G. 35, p. 667 foil.

Introduction xliii

as the successor of Susunaga and Kakavarna in the Puranas as the successor of Sisunaga.1 Here at least the Southern and the Northern tradition are in agreement.

JACOBI moreover believes Kakavarnin = Kalasoka to be identical with the Udayin of the Jaina tradition, the Udaya- bhadda 2 of the Southern Buddhist sources. The ground for his belief is that it is said of both Udayin and Kalasoka that they removed the royal residence from Rajagrha to Patali- putra. He believes that the Ceylonese tradition has made two kings out of one person, has inserted various new kings between them and has thus artificially filled up the gap of 100 years which, according to the Ceylonese view, had elapsed between the Nirvana and the Second Council. The list of kings as finally drawn up by JACOBI is this : —

Bimbisara (orenika).

Ajatasatru (Kunika).

Munda ( = Darsaka, Harsaka, &c.).

Udayin (Kalasoka, Kakavarnin).

Nanda dynasty.

I confess that, in agreement with OLDENBERG,3 I do not feel convinced by JACOBI'S grounds for identifying Kalasoka with Udayin. The removal of the residence from Rajagrha to Pataliputra is attributed to Udayin by the Jainas,4 and by the Brahmans (in the Puranas), to Kalasoka in the Burmese tradition 5 which, beyond a doubt, comes from Ceylon. Hiuen- thsang attributes it to king Asoka whose lifetime he places a hundred years after the Nirvana. He does in fact know only ONE Asoka whom he names Wu-yau, or, as rendered once phonetically, 'O-shu-kia.6 But to all appearance he combined

1 The identification of Kalasoka with Kakavarna has not been taken into account by V. A. SMITH (J.R.A.S. 1901, p. 839 foil.), who com- pletely denies the existence of Kalasoka.

2 The name is written Udayibhadda, Mah. 4. 1, 2 in the Sinhalese MSS. The same in D. I. 5025 foil.

3 Z.D.M. £.34, p. 751 foil.

4 Parisistaparvan, VI. 33 foil., 175 foil.

5 See RHYS DAVIDS, Buddhist Suttas (S. B. E. xi), Introd., p. xiii.

6 BEAL, Buddhist Records, ii, p. 85 foil. ; ST. JULIEN, Memoires, i, p. 414 foil.

Introduction

two different kings in one person. For if he attributes the founding of Pataliputra to an Asoka, this cannot possibly fit in with the historical Dharmasoka of the third century B.C. For we know that Pataliputra was already, under Candra- gupta, the capital of the country. Thus when Hiuen-thsang says that 'O-shu-kia l or Wu-yau founded the city of Patali- putra he repeated a tradition which originally referred not to the Asoka of the third century but to an earlier king, who must have lived before Candragupta.

I shall return once more to this subject. Here I will only observe that Hiuen-thsang, in any case with respect to the removal of the royal residence, is against the tradition of the Jainas and nearer to the Burmese. We can say then that the removal is attributed by the Jainas and Brahmans to Udayin, by the Buddhists to Kalasoka.

Is really the only solution to conclude that the two names were one and the same person ? May it not be conjectured with equal or yet more probability that we have here simply a difference in the tradition among the Jainas and Brahmans on the one hand and the Buddhists on the other? Besides even in the Brahmanic tradition Kakavarna = Kalasoka and Udayin are again two different personages. Here then the same duplication must have occurred as in the Southern Buddhist tradition. It becomes therefore the more difficult to accept JACOBI'S hypothesis. It seems greatly preferable to conclude that the Jaina list is defective. In this list Munda too is missing, who seems to be sufficiently established by the Asokavadana and the mention in the Ariguttara-Nikaya.

If finally the choice lies between the list of the Puranas and that of the Ceylonese Chronicles, which seems to be more probable and trustworthy, I do not hesitate to give the preference wholly and unreservedly to the latter.

In the Puranas, Nandivardhana and Mahanandin 2 must

1 The former in BEAL, p. 90, the latter p. 85. Both names are thus used indifferently in connexion with the same event. This proves that we ought not to conclude, with OLDENBERG (Vin. Pit. i, Introd., p. xxxiii, n. 1), that the two names represent a remembrance of two different Asokas.

2 It seems that Nandivardhana is to represent the ten sons of Kala-

Introduction xlv

fill up some gap or other in the chronology. The reigns of these two together are put down at eighty-five years ! But no deeds whatever are recorded.1

Again, in the Puranas yet another king, called Darsaka, &c., is inserted between Ajatasatru and Udayin. That is certainly an error. The Pali canon indubitably asserts,2 that Udayi- bhadda was the son of Ajatasattu and probably also his successor. Otherwise the reign of the father and son would extend over eighty-three years.

Moreover that the two generations of the Nanda, namely Mahapadma and his eight sons, together reigned for a century is a statement that does not bear the stamp of probability.

The chief difference between the Puranas and the Ceylonese sources lies in the place taken by Kalasoka (Kakavarna) and his father. In the former they are placed at the head of the whole dynasty, in the latter they are ranged after Bimbisara and Ajatasattu and their immediate successors. Thus, before all, the question is which of the two traditions we decide to accept and whether any reasons can be adduced for our decision.

Now we see that the tradition of Ceylon in its details always finds support from without. Its greater fullness of detail, generally speaking, as against the Jaina list finds a parallel in the Puranas.3 In this respect the Southern Buddhist and Brahmanic traditions support each other.

In all forms the tradition as to the series is well estab- lished: nineNandas — Candragupta — Bindusara — Asoka. The succession Bimbisara — Ajatasattu — Udayabhadda is confirmed by the Jaina list and the Asokavadana. Munda, entirely absent from the Jaina list and the Puranas, is named in the

soka. At least the Mahdbodhivamsa (ed. STRONG, p. 98) includes a prince of this name among them. Mahanandin looks like a duplicate of Nandivardhana.

1 Even V. A. SMITH, Early Histot-y of India, p. 36, has to admit that they are mere ' nominis umbrae '.

2 In the Sdmannaphala-suUanta, D. I. 5025 foil. The same accord- ing to the Tibetan tradition. ROCKHILL, Life of Buddha (1907), p. 91.

3 Also in Tibetan sources. See note to the Table.

xlvi

Introduction

Buddhistic canon and in the Asokavadana. And in the same way the Asokavadana puts Kakavarnin AFTER Udayin and Munda as the Ceylon Chronicles place their Kalasoka, not BEFORE them as the Puranas place their Kakavarna.

Thus the greater probability seems to be in favour of placing Kakavarna and with him naturally his father Sisunaga in the second half of the series of kings, not in the first.

I believe then that with respect also to the series of Indian kings before Asoka, the Ceylonese tradition is more valuable than that of the Brahmans and Jainas. The last-named is certainly defective. But as to the Puranas I am compelled to think that when the dynasty before Candragupta had once received the name 6aisunaga, then in order to exalt its great- ness and antiquity, the eponymos and his immediate successors, including Bimbisara and his successors, were placed at the head of the whole series of kings. This would end in a reversal in the order of the first and second half.

At the present time greater stress is laid, and with justice, on the importance of research in Northern Buddhism.1 It is most important for the understanding of the development of Buddhism. Still I believe that if we wish to learn the origins of Buddhism, and especially the history of those origins, we shall have to draw chiefly upon the Pali sources.

The dates of the Indian kings according to the Southern Buddhist tradition are the following :—

(1) Bimbisara2

2. Ajatasattu

3. Udayabhadda

4. Anuruddha)

5. Munda j tf. Nagadasaka

7. Susunaga

8. Kalasoka

9. Ten sons of Kalasoka

11. Nine Nandas

12. Candagutta

13. Bindusara

14. Asoka (a) before and (b) after the abhiseka

1 Cf. e. g. WALLESER, Z.D.M. G. 1910, p. 238, in a discussion of DE LA VALLEE POUSSIN'S Bouddhisme.

* As to the chronological relation between Bimbisara and the

B.B	60— B.B	. 8	B.C. 543— B.C	491
	8 -A.B	.24	„ 491—	99	459
A.B. 24— A.B	.40	„ 459—	9 J	443
9 9	40- „	48	1 „ 443-	>9	435
	48- „	72	„ 435-		411
99	72— „	90	„ 411-	V	393
"	90- ,	118	„ 393-		365
	118— ,	140	„ 365-	J9	343
99	140- ,	162	„ 343—		321
99	162- ,	186	„ 321-	M	297
	186- ,	214	„ 297-	)9	269
	214- ,	219	„ 269-	)J	264
	219- ,	256	„ 264-	5)	227

Introduction

§ 10. The Acariyaparampara and Indian-Ceylonese synchronisms.

In the chronological system on which the Dip. and Mah. are based the succession of the great teachers from Upali down ta Mahinda plays an important part. This acariya- parampara is of interest because in it there is a continuous synchronological connexion between the history of Ceylon and that of India. Here the system appears carried out in detail and completed.1

Of course the dates must not be considered altogether authentic. Besides, for the most part they fall within the most uncertain period of Indian-Ceylonese history, before the accession of Devanampiyatissa. They only show how in Ceylon the several names and events of tradition were fitted into the framework of the few well-established leading dates.

It seems doubtful too that the theras mentioned, with the exception of Upali and Moggaliputtatissa, were Vinaya- pamokkha if indeed this should be taken to mean one having recognized authority in the Church.

Sonaka did not even take part in the Second Council which took place in his time. The leading personages in this were Revata, Sabbakami, Sambhuta Sanavasi and Yasa. Evidently it was only a question of proving that the ' Succession of Teachers' of Mahinda could be traced back to Upali, the great authority in the Vinaya at the time of the Buddha.

The list is as follows : —

Buddha more precise statements are furnished by Dip. 3. 56 foil, and Mah. 2. 28 foil. According to these the two met for the first time when the Buddha was thirty-five and Bimbisara thirty years of age, i.e. 528 B.C. This was the year 15 of Bimbisara's reign. After that Bim- bisara reigned yet another thirty-seven years (till 491 B. c.). He was suc- ceeded by Ajatasattu. Eight years after his accession the Buddha died. 1 See NORMAN, J.E.A.S. 1908, pp. 5-6. The list of the patriarchs according to the Northern tradition is quite different. In this the succession is : (1) Kasyapa, who presided over the First Council : (2) Ananda ; (3) Sanakavasa ; (4) Upagupta, the president of the Second Council ; (5) Daitika or Dhitika ; (6) Kala, who was principally concerned in the conversion of Ceylon. See BEAL, 'Succession of Buddhist Patriarchs1 (Ind. Ant. ix, 1880, p. 148 foil..).

xlviii Introduction

1. UPALi.1 (a) At the time of the Buddha's death (483 B. c.) he had completed forty-four years from his upasampada. So we should have for this last the date 527 B.C. Buddha's death, according to tradition, coincides in time with the coming of Vijaya to Ceylon and with the 8th year of Ajatasattu. Vijaya dies in the 14th year of Udayabhadda, i.e. 446 B.C., in the 16th year of the same king, i.e. 444 B.C., Panduvasudeva is crowned king in Ceylon.2

(b) Upali after the Buddha's death becomes Chief of the Vinaya and remains so for thirty years. The sum total of his years, reckoned from the upasampada, amounts to seventy-four. He dies therefore 453 B.C. after, as Dip. 4. 38 says, Udaya had reigned six years.

2. DASAKA.3 (a) He is ordained by Upali, when the latter has completed sixty years of his priesthood, or sixteen years after the Buddha's death, i.e. 467 B.C. This agrees with the statement that it happened in the year 24 of Ajatasattu and in the year 16 of Vijaya. According to Mah. 5. 106 he was then twelve years old, thus the year of his birth was 479 B. c.

(3) Dasaka is (after Upali) for fifty years Chief of the Vinaya, i. e. he dies 403 B. c., or according to the Dip., in the year 8 of Susunaga. In Ceylon meanwhile (Dip. 11. 10) Panduvasudeva has died in the year 21 of Nagadasaka, i.e. 414 B. c., and Abhaya has been crowned king.

3. SoNAKA.4 (a) He is ordained a priest by Dasaka when the latter has completed forty-five years from his upasam- pada, therefore 422 B.C. Thus according to Dip. 4. 41. But according to Dip. 5. 78 Dasaka had only been forty years a priest when Sonaka was ordained by him. This brings us to 427 B. c. Here therefore the tradition is uncertain. It also points to the year 10 of Nagadasa or the year 20 of Panduva- sudeva as the year of Sonaka's ordination, i. e. 425 or 424 B.C.

1 Dip. 4. 34, 38 ; 5. 76, 95, 103.

2 Dip. 11. 8. The number of years of Vijaya's reign (38) brings us to 445 as the year of his death. The length of the interregnum is given Dip. 11. 9, Mah. 8. 5, as one year.

3 Dip. 4. 27-28, 43; 5. 91, 95, 96, 98, 104.

4 Dip. 4. 41 ; 5. 78, 79, 92, 95, 96, 99, 105.

Introduction

(b) Sonaka is Chief of the Vinaya for forty-four years and a priest for sixty-six years. Since Dasaka died 403 B. c. Sonaka's death would fall in 359 B. c. This would bring us again to 425 as the year of ordination. The statement that Sonaka died in the year 6 of the reign of Asoka's sons points also to 359 B.C. as the year of his death. The most probable date of Sonaka's ordination is, however, 423 or 422 B.C., as we shall see from Siggava's chronology. According to Mah. 5. 115 Sonaka was fifteen years old when he met Dasaka. He was therefore born in 438 or 437 B.C. In Ceylon 1 the year 11 of the interregnum between Abhaya and Pandukabhaya corre- sponds to the year 10 of Kalasoka (=383 B.C.) and the year 58 of Pandukabhaya to the year 2 of Candagutta (=319 B.C.).

4. SIGGAVA .2 (a) Sonaka confers ordination on Siggava forty years after his own upasampada. At that time Kalasoka had reigned ten years and half a month. In Ceylon eleven and a half years of the interregnum after Abhaya had elapsed. Thus we come to the year 383 (or 382) B. c. and to the year 423 (or 422) as the year of Sonaka's upasampada.

(b) Siggava is a priest for seventy-six years and dies in the year 14 of Candagutta. This coincides with the year 307 B. c. There must be an error in the statement that he was head of the Church for fifty-five years. Since Sonaka's death may be reckoned with all probability as occurring in the year 359, Siggava, if he died in 307, can only have held this office fifty- two years.

The year of Siggava's birth, since he was eighteen years old at the time of his meeting with Sonaka (Mah. 5. 120), falls in the year 401 B.C.

5. (a) MoGGALiPUTTATissA.3 He is ordained by Siggava sixty-four years after the latter's upasampada, in the year 2

i Dip. 5. 69, 81 ; 5. 80.

3 Dip. 4. 44-46 (cf. with this the note in OLDENBERG'S edition) ; 5. 73, 95, 96, 106.

3 Dip. 5. 69, 81, 95, 96, 101, 107. Relics of (Moggaliputta)tissa, attested by an inscription, have been found in the Sanchi-tope no. 2, See CUNNINGHAM, Bliilsa Topes, p. 289.

d

Introduction

of Candagutta and 58 of Pakundaka (i. e. Pandukabhaya), therefore 319 B.C.

(b) He is Chief of the Vinaya for sixty-eight years after Siggava and dies eighty years after ordination, twenty-six years after Asoka's abhiseka ( = 264 B.C.). The first two statements accord with 239 B.C., the last with 238 B.C. However, if we place the consecration of Asoka as early as the year 265, which results (see above, p. xxxii) from dating the Buddha's death on the full-moon day of Vesakha, then even according to this reckoning Moggaliputta's death should be placed at 239 B.C.

6. MAHINDA.1 (a) Mo^galiputta ordains Mahinda in the year 6 of Asoka, (reckoned from the abhiseka) or the year 48 of Mutasiva. This brings us, in both cases, if we take the spring of 265 as that of Asoka' s abhiseka, to the time between the spring of 259 and 258. Mahinda was born2 204 A.B. i.e. 279 B. c., thus he was ordained at the age of twenty.

Mahinda comes to Ceylon twelve and a half years after his ordination and eighteen years after Asoka' s abhiseka,3 as we have already seen, in the spring 246 B.C.

(I) He dies in the year 8 of Uttiya's reign and on the 8th day of the bright half of the month Assayuja.4 The year of his death is therefore 199 B.C.

I. ACAEIYAPARAMPARA.

	Priest	Chief of Vinaya
1. Upali . . .	44 B.B.— 30 A.B. = 527 B.C.— 453 B	c.	from 1 A.B.
2. Dasaka . .	30 A	B.-94 ,	= 467	—403 ,		.. 30 „
3. Sonaka . .	60 ,	-124,	= 423	-359 ,		„ 94 „
4. Siggava . .	100,	-176,	= 383	-307 ,		» 124 „
5. Moggaliputta	164,	-244,	= 319	-239 ,		„ 176 „
6. Mahinda .	224,	-284,	= 259	-199 ,

1 Dip. 5. 82. The time between the ordination of Moggaliputta and that of Mahinda is here stated to be sixty-six years. It would be correct to say sixty, as OLDEXBERG has already observed.

2 Dip. 6. 20 foil. ; 7. 21-22 ; Mah. 5. 209.

3 Dip. 12.42; Mah. 13.1,5.

4 Dip. 17. 93, 95 ; Mah. 20. 32-33.

Introduction

\\

II. CEYLONESE AND INDIAN SYNCHRONISMS

Year of Ceylon King	Year of Indian	King	Year of Christian Era
Vijaya 1 =	Ajatasattu	8	483 B C.
16 =	11	24	467
37 =	Udayabhadda	14	446
Panduvasudeva 1 =	>»	16	444
20 =	Nagadasaka	10	425/4
Abhaya		21	414
Interregnum 11 =	Kalasoka	10	383
Pandukabhaya 58 =	Candagutta	2	819
Mutasiva 1 =	5>	14	307
, 48 =	Asoka	6	259

§ 11. The Buddhist Councils.

According to the Southern Buddhist tradition three Councils, as is known, took place, the first immediately after the death of the Buddha, the second a hundred years later under Kalasoka, the third 236 years after the Nirvana in the reign of Dhammasoka.

There has been repeated discussion, especially in recent times, as to the authenticity or non-authenticity of the history of the Councils.1 I am not able, within the limits of this introduction, to go into all the details. I will rather restrict myself, in the first place, to a resume of that which is recorded in the Pali sources as to the Councils. By way of comparison I will then indicate the most important statements of the Northern Buddhist tradition. Finally, I will endeavour to extract the historical kernel which, in my opinion, is con- tained in the Ceylonese tradition concerning- those events.

1 I would refer chiefly to MINAYEFF, Recherches sur le Bouddhisme, p. 13 foil. ; OLDENBERG, ' Buddhistische Studied Z.D.M.G. 52, p. 613 foil. ; KERN, Manual of Indian Buddhism, p. 101 foil. ; V. A. SMITH J.R.A.S. 1901, p. 842 foil.; L. DE LA VALLEE POUSSIN, 'Les pre- miers Conciles (bouddhiques),' Le Muston, N.S. 6. 1905, p. 213 foil, (cf. ' The Buddhist Councils,' Ind. Ant. 1908, pp. 1 foil., 81 foil.) ; R. 0. FRANKE, 'The Buddhist Councils at Rajaeaha and VesalT,' J.P.T.S. 1908, p. 1 foil. ; RHYS DAVIDS, Dialogues of the Buddha, ii. 76, 77. The Chinese accounts of the First Council have been brought together by SUZUKI, ' The first Buddhist Council/ in theMonist, xiv. 2, 1904, p. 253 foil.

d2

lii Introduction

I can only incidentally, where it appears to me to be absolutely necessary, take up a position with regard to views of other inquirers, and must avoid many explanations which suggest themselves, in order not to overstep the space allotted to me.

First, with regard to the SOUTHERN BUDDHIST SOURCES for the history of the Councils, the principal, both in age and importance, are Khandhaka XI and XII of the Cullavagga in the Vinaya-Pilaka l which deal with the First and Second Council.

Then follow the Dip. and Mah. with accounts of the three Councils 2 and also the historical Introduction to Buddha- ghosa's Samantapasadika.3 Moreover, Buddhaghosa treats of the First Council, frequently with the same wording, in the Introduction to his Sumahgalavilasinl.4 As secondary sources we may mention the Mahabodhivamsa fi and Sasanavamsa,6 and also in the Sinhalese language principally the Nikaya- Samgraha.7

The NORTHERN BUDDHIST ACCOUNTS will be mentioned in treating of the several Councils.

The First Council.

The account in C.V. is this :

Mahakassapa, travelling with his disciples from Pava to Kusinara, hears of the death of the Buddha. The monks are profoundly grieved, but Subhadda comforts them with the frivolous utterance that they can now do what they will, and that they are freed from an irksome control.

Thereupon Mahakassapa proposes to undertake a samglti of the Dhamma and the Vinaya, that the doctrine may thus

OLDENBERG, Vin. Pit. ii, p. 284 foil. Cf.S.B.E. xx, p. 370 foil. GEIGEB, Dtp. and Mah. p. 108 foil. In the Dip. there is a double account of each Council.

See OLDENBERG, Vin. Pit. in, p. 283 foil. Ed. RHYS DAVIDS and CARPENTER, i. (P.T.S. 1886), p. 2 foil. Ed. STRONG (P.T.S. 1891), p. 85 foil. Ed. M. BODE (P.T.S. 1897s p. 3 foil. 7 Ed. WICKREMASINGHE, 1890, pp. 3, 4, 8.

Introduction l"i

be kept pure. To this end 500 monks are chosen, among whom, by the wish of the assembly, is Ananda, though he is not yet an Arahant.

The Council takes place in Rajagaha and passes off in the manner described in the Mah.

Some points are to be added from the C.V. namely :

(1) Ananda relates that the Buddha had, in his presence, declared the community of monks empowered after his death to do away with the less important precepts,1 if they wished. Since they are not able to agree in deciding what is to be understood by this expression, they resolve not to do away with any precept.

(2) Certain reproaches are cast upon Ananda, Although he is not conscious of any fault he acknowledges himself guilty from respect for the Assembly.

(3) The thera Purana enters Rajagaha. He is called upon to take part in the work of the Assembly. He renders due acknowledgment to this work but prefers to hold by that which he himself has heard from the Master's lips.

(4) Ananda further relates how the Buddha, before his death, had also pronounced the monk Channa liable to the brahmadanda penance. The fulfilling of this duty is en- trusted to Ananda. Channa is deeply troubled. With zealous endeavour he attains to arahantship, upon which the penance is remitted.2

As regards the time at which the First Council was held, the Dip. 1. 24 ; 5. 4 mentions the fourth month after the Master's death. This was the second Vassa-month, i.e. Savana, the fifth month of the year.3

This reckoning is based on the tradition according to which the Buddha died on the full-moon day of the month Vesakha.

Buddhaghosa and the Mah. agree with this statement.4 The latter certainly mentions the bright half of Asalha the

1 Khuddanukhuddakani sikkhapadani. SeeMahaparinib- banasutta, D. II. 154.

2 I omit the episode of Udena, C.V. XL 13-14.

3 See M.V. III. 2. 2 (OLDENBERG, Vin. Pit. i, p. 137).

4 Smp. 28532 35, 28634; Sum. 610 20, 814 15;'Mah. 3. 14-16.

liv Introduction

fourth month of the year l as the beginning of the Council, but adds that the first month was spent in preparations, thus the proceeding did not begin till the month Savana.

It is an obviously later addition which we find in the Sum., that not only the Vinaya and the Dhamma, in all their details, but also the Abhidhamma are established at the First Council.

The same is found in the later tradition.

Among the NORTHERN BUDDHIST SOURCES dealing with the First Council I mention the Mahavastu.2 Here, in agreement with the Southern tradition Kasyapa is given as the originator of the Council, the number of the bhiksus taking part in it is stated to be 500 and the place the Sapta- parna grotto near Rajagrha.

There is, besides, an account in the second volume of the Dulva, the Tibetan Vinaya of the Sarvastivadin sect.3 The fixing of the Canon took place, according to this source, in the following order : (1) Dharma, by Ananda ; (2) Vinaya, by Upali; (3) Matrka (i.e. Abhidharma) by Mahakasyapa himself. It is worthy of remark that the Dulva puts the accusations brought against Ananda in the time before the beginning of the proceedings, thus before his attainment of arahantship.

Fa-hian and Hiuen-thsang4 also mention the First Council. The former gives the number of the bhiksus as 500, the latter as 1,000; the former speaks in a general way of ' a collec- tion of sacred books', the latter expressly mentions also the redaction of the Abhidharma by Mahakasyapa.

The Second Council.

According to C.V. XII. the Second Council takes place 100 years after the Buddha's death, and is brought about by the das a vatthuni5 of the Vajji monks of Vesull, which

1 The full moon of Asalha of the year 483 fell, according to JACOBI'S reckoning (see FLEET, J.R.A.S. 1909, p. 20) on June 24.

2 Ed. SEN ART, i, p. 69 foil.

3 See ROCKHILL, Life of the Buddha (1907), p. 148 foil.

4 BEAL, Buddhist Records, i, pp. Ix-lxi ; ii, pp. 162-164 ; LEGGE, Records of Buddhistic Kingdoms, p. 85.

5 On these ten points, according to the Pali-tradition, see below in

Introduction lv

signified a relaxing of monastic discipline. In the further course of its narrative, too, the C.V. agrees with the Mah. and the rest of the SOUTHERN BUDDHIST SOURCES. The contrast comes out distinctly between the city-dwelling monks of Vesalland the Arahants living in solitary retreat (arannaka, Vin. II. 2995) and of strict tendencies.

Yasa's speech in presence of the Yesalian upasakas is given in full extent. The disciple of Revata, whom the Vajji monks bring over to their side (Mah. 4. 30) is called Uttara. It is also characteristic that the orthodox monks before they undertake the refutation of the heresies first assure them- selves of the consent of Sabbakami, the Samghathera at that time.1

The number of those taking part in the Council is given unanimously as 700.2 The Dip. and the Mah. set the time of the Council in the eleventh year of the reign of Kalasoka ( = 383- 382 B.C.), later documents put it in the tenth year.3 The locality is generally considered to be the Valikarama.4 Only the Dip, (5. 29) mentions the Kutagarasala of the Mahavana monastery, I do not think we need attach any importance to this dis- crepancy, which probably takes its rise in some misunder- standing.

Still it is of importance that the Dip. 5. 30 foil, states, to complete the narrative, that the heretical monks held a separate Council, called Mahasamglti, and that they here

the Translation, note to 4. 9. See for further observations L. DE LA VALLEE POUSSIN, Le Museon, N.S. vi (1905), p. 276 foil. ; hid. Ant. 37 (1908), p. 88 foil.

1 C.V. XII. 2. 4-6 = Vin. II, p. 30319 foil.

2 C.V. XII. 2. 9 (= Vin. II. 307s5) ; Dip. 4. 52 ; Mah. 4. 62 ; Smp. 2947. But when the Dip. 5. 20 speaks of 1,200,000 who took part in the Council it does not contradict itself in this. By this naturally exaggerated number the Dip. means those who took part in the General Assembly. Mah. 4. 60 and Smp. 2949 give for this the same number.

3 Dip. 4. 44, 47 ; Mah. 4. 8. Cf. Mahabodhiv. 966 ; Sasanav. 71 3 ; Nik. Samgr. 4".

4 Mah. 4. 50, 63 ; Smp. 9415 ; Mahabodhiv. 9620 ; Sasanav. 613 ; Nik. Samgr. 64.

Ivi Introduction

made out a different redaction of the Canonical Scriptures. With this may be compared the brief notice in Mah. 5. 3-4, according to which the heretical monks of the Second Council, under the name Mahasamghika, formed a separate sect, as the first branching-off from the orthodox doctrine.

In the NORTHERN TRADITION we have accounts of the second Council in the Dulva,1 from the Tibetan historian Taranatha 2, from Fa-hian and Hiuen-thsang.3

As according to the Southern sources so according to these accounts the ten points of the Vajji monks form the starting- point of the movement.

As to the date there is great uncertainty. In the same way, with respect to the place, the tradition wavers between Vaisali and Pataliputra.4 Of the famous theras of the Second Council mentioned in the Southern scriptures we meet the following in the Northern : — Sarvakama = Sabbakami, Yasa = Yasa, Salha = Salha, Sambhuta = Sambhuta Sana- vasi, Revata= Revata, Kuyyasobhita (?) = Khujjasobhita and Ajita = Ajita.

The Third Council.

With respect to the Third Council we must, in the first place, depend on SOUTHERN BUDDHIST SOURCES since it has up to this time been accepted that the Northern Buddhist took no account of this Assembly of the Church. Our oldest source is the Dip. 7. 34-43, 44-59 ; then comes Smp. 30627 foil., then Mah. 5. 228 folk Respecting the course of events we may refer to the translation following below, since no essential differences exist.

The president of the Council was Tissa Moggaliputta, the place Pataliputta^also called Kusumapura * the city of flowers '. As date, the year 236 A. B. = 247 B. c. is given, Dip. 7. 37, 44/>

1 See ROCKHILL, Life of the Buddha, pp. 171-180.

2 Tdran'tthas Geschichte des Buddhismus in Indien, iibersetzt von SCHIEFNER, p. 41 foil. Cf. WASSILJEW, Der Buddhismus, p. 61 foil.

3 BEAL, I. I., i, p. liv ; ii, pp. 74-75 ; LEGGE, I. /., p. 75.

4 On these wavering traditions see below.

6 Cf. Sasanav. i, p. 81. 3 ; Nik. Samgr. 9<. When Dip. 1. 24, 25 says

Introduction Ivii

The Mah. 5. 280 says that the Council was concluded in the seventeenth year of the reign of Asoka. It lasted, accord- ing to both chronicles, nine months. Thus, according to FLEET'S l reckoning, the Council began in the middle of January 247 B.C. and came to an end at the end of October in the same year.

Now with respect to the trustworthiness of the Southern Buddhist accounts of the Councils I have arrived at the following conclusion. Here, as elsewhere, a genuine historical reminiscence underlies the tradition. This holds good of all three Councils. A general framework of facts is given with some few data deeply engraved in memory. But within this framework, even in the oldest form of the tradition, all kinds of details were introduced which correspond to the opinions and circumstances of later times. We must keep to the most general statements if we would come near the historical truth. Everything special and particular should be looked upon with a certain scepticism.

For the FIRST COUNCIL we need not hesitate to extract as the historical kernel of the tradition, the fact that, after the Buddha's death, his nearest disciples assembled in the capital of the country to establish the most important rules of the Order as, according to their recollection, the Master himself had laid them down. This may then have formed the ground- work of the later Vinaya. That the Buddhist canon was established then and there in the form in which we now have it, a form that can only be the fruit of centuries of develop- ment,2 is naturally out of the question. We see indeed how

that the First Council took place four months after the Nirvana and the Third Council 118 years later there is here a manifest error, for which the clumsiness of the author of the Dip. is responsible. The date 118 is evidently reckoned from the Second Council, mention of which has dropped out, and it refers, as in Mah. 5. 100, not to the beginning of the Third Council, but to the birth of Moggaliputta Tissa. See Dip. 5. 55.

1 J.R.A.S. 1910, p. 426.

2 See RHYS DAVIDS, Dialogues, i, x-xx ; Buddhist India, p. 161 foil. ; OLDENBEEG, Vin. Pit. i, p. x foil.

Iviii Introduction

the tradition itself adds new details. Speaking at first only of Vinaya and Dhamma it then, in a later form, makes the Abhidhamma also take its rise in the First Council.

In my interpretation I attach special importance to the episode of Purana (see p. liii). It gives the impression of a genuine historical reminiscence, the more so since it is just of such a nature as to diminish the authority of the theras of the First Council. There was therefore certainly no reason to invent this story. As a statement of fact, however, it has no mean- ing unless there had really been beforehand some proposal to establish the teachings of the Buddha.

Certainly not very much more than this can be proved to be historical in the account of the First Council. The narrator in the C.V. adheres in his narrative to the Mahaparinibbana-sutta (D. Sutta XVI = D. II, p. 72 foil.). This has been convinc- ingly demonstrated by OLDENBERG l and in greater detail by FRANKE.2 I should not therefore like to attach most importance, as does L. DE LA VALLEE PoussiN,3 precisely to the episode of Ananda's failings and the punishment of Channa. They may very well have been incorporated in the account only because they exist in the Sutta D. XVI.4 It is not even certain whether it was just the frivolous words of Subhadda that brought about the holding of the Council, here too it may be that the narrator has only followed the Sutta in making this fact a motive for the Council.

In that case OLDENBERG's5 object ion to the historical character

1 Vin. Pit. i,p. xxvi foil. 2 J.P.T.S. 1908, p. 8 foil.

3 Lid. Ant. 1908, pp. 15-16, 18.

4 FRANKS, I.I., p. 18, foil., observes very aptly that in C.V. XI and XII the precept of D. XVI. 6. 2 (= D. II, p. 154) concerning the use of bhante and avuso,has been strictly retained. Here, again, the narrator's dependence, as to form, on the Mahaparinibbana-sutta is evident. Because he found the precept in the sutta, he retains it in his account. But when FRANKE then goes so far as to argue that the accounts of the Council in C.V. were only invented to illustrate that question of etiquette, that they were therefore * more or less readings in " good form " for bhikkhus in all events and circumstances ', there are assuredly few who will follow him. I am quite unable to do so.

6 L. 1. Cf. also RHYS DAVIDS, Buddhist Suttas (S.B.E. xi), General

Introduction lix

of the First Council disappears. He is of opinion that, since Subhadda's words are mentioned, in the Mahaparinibbana- sutta, there must also have been some allusion to the Council if it really was brought about by those words. According to my view the Council— or whatever this assembly of monks in Kajagaha may be called — is the established fact (see above). If the introduction of the narrative in the C.Y. really should not be in agreement with the Sutta D. XVI, which I will only assume but without yielding the point, then the fact of the Council itself is not put aside. In that case the narrator, looking for a motive or means of introducing the Council, found it in that passage of the Sutta, a connexion which did not correspond to the reality.1

The SECOND and THIRD COUNCIL must be discussed together.

It is historically confirmed, I think, that the first schism in the Church proceeded from Vesall and that the dasa vatthuniof the Vajji-monks brought it about. But it is doubtful when this separation resulted, where it took place, and whether after this Second Council yet a third took place and at what time.

According to the Southern Buddhist tradition, as we saw, the Second Council was held in Vesall itself under king Kalasoka in the year 383/2 B. c., the third under Dhammasoka in Pataliputta in the year 247 B.C. The first led to the separation of the Mahasamghikas from the Theravada. The second led to the expulsion from the community of certain elements wrongfully intruded there.

My opinion now is that this distinction between two separate Councils is in fact correct. The Northern Bud- dhists have mistakenly fused the two into one as they con- founded the kings Kalasoka and Dhammasoka one with another. But traces of the right tradition are still preserved

Introduction, p. xi foil. JACOBI, Z.D.M.G. 34, p. 185, is, however, not inclined to give such great weight to the argumentum e silentio.

1 RHYS DAVIDS, Dialogues, ii. 76,77, has discussed the value of the evidence as to the First Council, and arrived at a somewhat similar conclusion.

Ix Introduction

in the wavering uncertain statements as to the time and place of the Council.

According to the Tibetan tradition in the Dulva1 the first schism occurred 160 years after the death of the Buddha, when king Dharmas'oka reigned in Kusumapura. But the same source (ROCKHILL, p. 186) also records an assembly which took place in Pataliputra 137 years after the Nirvana, under Mahapadma and Nanda.

In Chinese sources 2 we find the same uncertainty. The Council that led to the first schism is in these placed now 100, now 116, now 160 years after the Buddha's death.

As the place of the Council Fa-hian and Hiuen-thsang 3 mention Vaisali. But according to the Dulva (1L, p. 182) the schism arose in Kusumapura (i.e. Pataliputra). Taranatha (p. 41) speaks of the ten points taught by the heretical monks of Vaisali and which gave occasion for a Council that took place in Kusumapura. The Chinese sources too (see St. J., 1. 1.) mention Pataliputra.

Evidently, as has been said, the failure to distinguish between the two Asokas was the cause of the whole confusion. This is plain from the fact that with respect to this king's date we find the same contradictions in the Northern sources. Hiuen-thsang knows only one Asoka, Dharmasoka, the his- torical king of the third century B.C. But he puts him 100 years after the Nirvana, that is, he gives him the period of the earlier Asoka. For hardly any scholar will admit now, I believe, that Buddha died in the fourth century B.C.; moreover, Hiuen-thsang, as we saw (see above, p. xliv), names also Dhar- masoka as the founder of Pataliputra, although we know beyond dispute that Pataliputra was the capital of the country before his time. He has thus transferred to Dharmasoka, the son of Candragupta, a tradition which related to an earlier king.

1 According to Bhavya, in ROCKHILL, Life of the Buddha, p. 182.

2 ST. JULIEN, Journ. As., V. Serie, fc. xiv, pp. 343, 333, 336. Cf. below, Appendix B.

3 See above, p. Ivi, n. 3. Fa-hian, however, does not express himself so definitely as Hiuen-thsang.

Introduction l*i

In the Tibetan sources Asoka is generally dated 100-160 years after the Nirvana. But there is beside this an allu- sion which, in agreement with the Southern tradition, places him 234 years after the Buddha.1

Taranatha says 2 that in the Tibetan Vinaya the date 110 A.B. is given for Asoka, but that in the other sources the dates are 210 and 220.

Lastly, in the Chinese Tripitaka there are, according to TAKAKUSU, four dates for Asoka : 116 A.B., 118 A.B., 130 A.B., and 218 A.B. The last-mentioned date, however, is found apparently only in the Chinese Sudarsana-vibhasa Vinaya, which is a translation of Buddhaghosa's Samantapasadika.3

But there is something more. The Northern writings are very familiar with the ten points raised by the monks of Vaisali and the schism produced by them. But they also know of another division 4 associated with the names of the monks Mahadeva and Bhadra. These latter set up five dogmas which were also expressed in brief aphorisms and which led to a schism. In Vasumitra's account 5 the con- fusion is complete when he relates that somewhat more than 100 years after the Nirvana, under king Asoka in Pataliputra the schism of the Mahasamghikas resulted from the five dogmas, which are then described. Here then, finally, the five dogmas of Mahadeva are confounded with the ten points of the Vajji-monks.

It is perhaps not too daring to conjecture that in this division associated with the name of Mahadeva there is a reminiscence of the proceedings that brought about the Third Council. But this conjecture is now also confirmed by an acute observation of L. DE LA VALLEE POUSSIN. He

1 See ROCKHILL, /. L, p. 233.

2 Transl. by Schiefner, p. 42.

3 A Record of the Buddhist Religion by I-TSING, transl. by TAKA- KUSU, p. 14, n. 1, p. 217.

4 See esp. Taranatha, p. 51 ; Bhavya in ROCKHILL, L L, p. 186 ; WASSILJEW, Der Buddhismus, i, pp. 62-63.

5 See ROCKHILL, L ?., p. 187, n. 1.

Ixii Introduction

establishes the fact l that the five dogmas of Mahadeva belong to those which are combated in the Kathavatthu. But the Kathavatthu was composed (see Mah. 5. 278) by Moggali- putta Tissa on the occasion of the Council of Pataliputta.

Thus a new link has been found between the Northern and Southern tradition of the Third Council.2 I adhere, therefore, to the assumption that a second Council took place under Kalasoka and a third under Dhammasoka.

The course of events at the Second Council may, taken as a whole, be as the Southern and Northern sources relate. The '10 points' are historical, and we must also regard as historical the names of the theras concerned in refuting them.3 Moreover, the division of the community, till then united, into two schools is, as I believe, a fact. But we must not exaggerate our notion of the harshness of this separation.

With the toleration peculiar to the Indians the different sects have always mutually recognized each other and kept up relations with each other. I may refer to the beautiful utter- ance attributed by Vasumitra to the Buddha concerning the

1 Buddhist notes. The five Points of Mahadeva and the Katha- vatthu, J.R.A.S. 1910, p. 413 foil.

2 V. A. SMITH, J.R.A.S. 1901, p. 827 foil, and particularly p. 839 foil., argues thus : As there are two different traditions concerning the time of the Second Council the Southern tradition has invented a second Asoka in addition to the historical one, and out of one Council has made two. It will be seen that my argument follows the exactly opposite course: as there were two Asokas the Northern tradition has confounded the two Councils which took place in their time. SMITH'S argument has the defect of not explaining how the different tradition regarding the Second Council arose.

3 That an extraordinarily great age is attributed of certain theras need hardly be brought forward as testimony against the general trustworthiness of the account (KERN, Manual, p. 105). These are the embellishments by which it was intended to exalt the authority of the theras. In like manner an age of 150 years is attributed to the first Patriarch of the Dhyana Sect in China, Bodhidharma. (SUZUKI, J.P.T.S. 1906-7, pp. 11, 13.) Besides, the Yasa of the Second Council was certainly not the Yasa who in M.V. I. 7 foil, appears as a contem- porary of the Buddha. He is distinguished from this latter by the epithet Kakandakattajo.

Introduction

twelve future schools : ' These schools will be the repositories of the diversified fruits of my scriptures without priority or inferiority — just as the taste of sea-water is everywhere the same — or as the twelve sons of one man all honest and true, so will be the exposition of my doctrine advocated by these schools/ l

We may conjecture that the Second Council contributed to the completion of the Vinaya and the Dhamma, though C.V. XII does not expressly speak of it. That may have been taken as a matter of course. Besides, in the concluding words (C.V. XII. 2. 9) the second Council, like the first, is designated Vinayasamgiti.

At the time of the Third Council the canonical literature of the Dhamma and Vinaya, as we now have it in the Pali recension, was evidently completed in essentials. This is proved by mention of portions of the canon in the inscription of Bairat. Here Asoka recommends seven scriptures for par- ticular study. Of these scriptures six can be pointed out with more or less certainty in the Pali canon.2

And now, besides, the literary movement is proceeding which leads to the compilation of the Abhidhamma. We see this from the allusion, already mentioned above, in Mah. 5. 278, according to which Moggaliputta Tissa in order to refute the errors which brought about the Third Council, composed his Kathavatthuppakarana. But this work belongs to the Abhi- dhamma.

The importance of the Councils, from the standpoint of the orthodox, lay in the elimination of tendencies which could no longer be regarded as consistent with the faith. But of higher importance was the resolve formed in Pataliputra to bear Buddhism beyond the borders of its narrower home. With this Buddhism entered on its victorious progress through the Eastern World.

1 See DEAL, Ind. Ant. ix, 1880, p. 300.

2 OLDENBERG, Vin. Pit. i, p. xl ; Z.D.M.G. 52, p. 634 foil., against MINAYEFP, Recherches surle JBouddhisme, pp. 83-92 ; RHYS DAVIDS, Dialogues, i, p. xiii.

LIST OF ABBEEVIATIONS

A. = Anguttara-Nikaya (ed. MORRIS and HARDY, 5 vols., Pali Text

Soc. 1885-1900). Vol. vi, Indexes by Miss HUNT, 1910. Asl. = Atthasalim (ed. E. MULLER, P.T.S., 1897). B.R. = Sanskrit- Worterbuch von BOHTLINGK und ROTH, 7 vols., St.

Petersburg, 1855-1875.

C.V. = Cullavagga (the Vinaya Pitaka, ed. OLDENBERG, vol. ii, 1880). D. = DTgha-Nikaya (ed. RHYS DAVIDS and CARPENTER, 3 vols.,

P.T.S. 1890-191.1).

Dip. = Dipavamsa (ed. andtransl. OLDENBERG, 1879). LA. = Indian Antiquary. J.As. = Journal Asiatique.

Jat. = Jataka (ed. FAUSBOLL, 7 vols., 1877-1897). J. P.T.S. = Journal of the Pali Text Society. J.R.A.S. = Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. Kamb. Mah. = Kambodja Mahavamsa (s. HARDY, J.P.T.S. 1902-3,

p. 61 foil.). M. - Majjhima-Nikaya (ed. TRENCKNER and CHALMERS, 3 vols., P.T.S.

1888-1899).

Mah. ed. = Mahavamsa (ed. W. GEIGER, P.T.S. 1908). M.Bv. = Mahabodhivamsa (ed. STRONG, P.T.S. 1901). M.V. = Mahavagga (The Vinaya Pitaka, ed. OLDENBERG, vol. i, 1879). P.D. = Dictionary of the Pali Language, by CHILDERS, 1875. Vin. Pit. = The Vinaya Pitaka, ed. OLDENBERG, 5 vols., 1879-1883. S. = Samyutta Nikaya (ed. FEER, 5 vols., P.T.S. 1884-1898 ; vol. 6 ;

Indexes by Mrs. RHYS DAVIDS, 1904). S.B.B. = Sacred Books of the Buddhists. S.B.E. = Sacred Books of the East.

Smp. = Samanta-Pasadika (Introd. to S. in Vin. Pit. ii, p. 283 foil.). Sum. = Sumangala-Vilasim (ed. RHYS DAVIDS and CARPENTER, vol. i,

P.T.S. 1886). Z.D.M.G. = Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft.

Map of ANCIENT CEYLON

«fc>

SCALE OF ENGLISH MlftS

0 10 20 30 40 SO

Ancient Names thus - PanjaK Modern Names thus.- Jaffna

(gama) « Village pHpabbata)- Mountain v?'(vapi)-Tank

THE MAHAVAMSA

CHAPTER I

THE VISIT OF THE TATHAGATA

HAVING made obeisance to the Sambuddha the pure, sprung 1 of a pure race, I will recite the Mahavamsa, of varied content and lacking nothing. That (Mahavamsa) which was compiled 2 by the ancient (sages) was here too long drawn out and there too closely knit ; and contained many repetitions. Attend ye 3 now to this (Mahavamsa) that is free from such faults, easy to understand and remember, arousing serene joy and emotion and handed down (to us) by tradition, — (attend ye to 4 it) while that ye call up serene joy and emotion (in you) l at passages that awaken serene joy and emotion.

On seeing the Sambuddha Dipamkara, in olden times, our 5 Conqueror resolved to become a Buddha, that he might release the world from evil. When he had offered homage to that 6 Sambuddha and likewise to Kondanna and to the sage Mangala, to Sumana, to the Buddha Kevata and likewise to the great sage Sobhita, to the Sambuddha Anomadassi, to 7 Paduma and to the Conqueror Narada, to the Sambuddha Padumuttara and to the Tathagata Sumedha, and to Sujata, 8 to Piyadassi and to the Master Atthadassi, to Dham- madassi and Siddhattha, to Tissa and the Conqueror Phussa, 9 to Vipassi and the Sambuddha Sikhi, and the Sam- buddha Vessabhu, the mighty one, to the Sambuddha

1 Read janayanta, referring the participle to the subject implied in sunotha. The terms pasada * serene joy' and samvega 'emotion' occur also in the postscripts of the single chapters of the Mah. Pasada signifies the feeling of blissfulness, joy and satis- faction in the doctrine of the Buddha, sam vega the feeling of horror and recoil from the world and its misery. See also 23. 62 with note.

B

2 Mahdvamsa 1. 10

10 Kakusandha, and likewise to Konagamana, as also to the blessed Kassapa, — having offered homage to these twenty-four Sambuddhas and having received from them the prophecy of

1 1 his (future) buddhahood he, the great hero, when he had ful- filled all perfections 1 and reached the highest enlightenment, the sublime Buddha Gotama, delivered the world from suffering.

1 2 At Uruvela,2 in the Magadha country, the great sage, sitting at the foot of the Bodhi-tree, reached the supreme enlighten-

13 ment on the full-moon day of the month Vesakha.3 Seven weeks he tarried there, mastering his senses/ while that he himself knew the high bliss of deliverance and let (others)

14 behold its felicity.5 Then he went to BaranasI and set rolling the wheel of the law ; and while he dwelt there through the rain-months, he brought sixty (hearers) to arahantship.6

15 When he had sent forth these bhikkhus to preach the doctrine, and when he had converted the thirty companions of the

1 The ten parami. Cf. Jat. i, p. 20 foil. The idea is late and not found in the four Nikayas. See RHYS DAVIDS, Buddhist India, p. 177 ; KERN, Manual of Indian Buddhism, p. 66.

2 Buddh Gaya or Bodh Gaya in Gaya district, Bengal.

3 The second month in the ordinary Indian lunar year, answering in the time of Buddha to part of March and part of April. The names of the Indian lunar months are as follows :—

(1) Citta = February : March or March : April.

(2) Vesakha = March: April or April: May.

(3) Jettha = April: May or May: June.

(4) A sa] ha = May: June or June: July.

(5) S a van a = June : July or July : August.

(6) Potthapada = July : August or August : September.

(7) Assayuja = August: September or September: October.

(8) Kattika = September: October or October: November.

(9) Maggasira = October: November or November: December.

(10) Phussa = November: December or December: January.

(11) Magha = December: January or January : February.

(12) Phagguna = January: February or February : March. See FLEET, J.R.A.S. 1909, p. 6.

4 Vasi. A play on this word and vasi 'he tarried '.

5 With the whole passage cf. Mah. ed., p. iii.

6 Satthim arahatam aka. Arahatam as a gen. plural is dependent on the numeral. Literally : he made sixty arahants.

I. 24 The Visit of the Tathdgata 3

company of Bhadda 1 then did the Master dwell at Uruvela 16 the winter through, for the sake of converting the thou- sand jatilas2 led by Kassapa, making them ripe (for deliverance) .

Now since a great sacrifice by Kassapa of Uruvela was near 17 at hand, and since he saw that this latter would fain have him away,3 he, the victorious over enemies, went to seek alms 18 among the Northern Kurus ; 4 and when he had eaten his meal at evening time near the lake Anotatta,5 the Conqueror, 19 in the ninth month of his buddhahood, at the full moon of Phussa,6 himself set forth for the isle of Lanka, to win Lanka for the faith.7 For Lanka was known to the Conqueror as 20 a place where his doctrine should (thereafter) shine in glory ; and (he knew that) from Lanka, filled with the yakkhas, the yakkhas must (first) be driven forth.8

And he knew also that in the midst of Lanka, on the fair 21 river bank, in the delightful Mahanaga garden, three yojanas long and a yojana wide, the (customary) meeting-place for 22 the yakkhas, there was a great gathering of (all) the yakkhas dwelling in the island. To this great gathering of 23 that yakkhas went the Blessed One, and there, in the midst of that assembly, hovering in the air over their heads, at the 24 place of the (future) Mahiyangana-thupa,9 he struck terror

1 For the conversion of the Timsa Bhaddavaggiya see M.V. 1.14.

2 J a til a, ascetics wearing the hair long and matted. See M.V. I. 15 ff.

3 Lit. after he had known this latter's wish that he should not come.

4 The Uttara Kuru are a half-mythological people, dwelling in the north of India.

5 One of the seven great lakes, situated in the Himalaya mountains.

6 The tenth month of the lunar year. See note on 1. 12.

7 Lit. to purify, to cleanse (visodhetum). Lanka = Ceylon.

8 From the nata (N. Si. F.) in the first line another nata (N. PL M.) must be understood with yakkha nibbasiya (Part. Fut. Pass., Skr. nir-vas, Caus.) in the second line of the verse, to complete the sentence.

9 According to tradition the Bintenne-dagaba (TENNENT, Ceylon, ii, pp. 420-421), on the right bank of the Mahawseliganga,which is called m ah a gang a or simply gang a in the Mah.

B2

4 Mahavamsa 1. 25

25 to their hearts by rain, storm, darkness and so forth.1 The yakkhas, overwhelmed by fear, besought the fearless Van- quisher to release them from terrors, and the Vanquisher,

26 destroyer of fear,2 spoke thus to the terrified yakkhas : ' I will banish this your fear and your distress, O yakkhas, give ye here

27 to me with one accord a place where I may sit down/ The yakkhas thus answered the Blessed One : ' We all, O Lord, give you even the whole of our island. Give us release from

28 our fear/ Then, when he had destroyed their terror, cold and darkness, and had spread his rug of skin 3 on the ground

29 that they bestowed on him, the Conqueror, sitting there, made the rug to spread wide, while burning flame surrounded it. Daunted by the burning heat thereof and terrified, they stood

30 around on the border. Then did the Saviour cause the pleasant Giridipa 4 to come here near to them, and when they had settled

31 there, he made it return to its former place. Then did the Saviour fold his rug of skin; the devas assembled, and in

32 their assembly the Master preached them the doctrine. The conversion of many kotis of living beings took place,5 and countless were those who came unto the (three) refuges and the precepts of duty.6

1 Lit. he made for them a means of terror, consisting of rain, storm, darkness and so forth.

2 Lit. who confers fearlessness (or freedom from peril), a play on the words a b hay a and bhaya. See 37. 30.

3 Lit. piece of hide.

4 It would be a mistake to look for a clear geographical state- ment. The underlying notion here expressed is simply that the yakkhas were driven back to the highlands (giri) in the interior of the island. They are still to be found in Ceylon in later times. The meaning of dip a was formerly a wider one ; a later tradition has brought it to mean 'island' in our sense. Cf. also Nagadipa as name of a part of Ceylon itself (1. 47 with note).

8 The term dhammabhisamaya (see CHILDEKS, P. Z>., s. v.) means ' the attainment by an unconverted man of one of the four paths ' (of sanctification). Koti is an indefinite great number, accord- ing to the Indian system equal to ten millions.

6 Saranesu ca silesu thita is .the expression for the adherence of the laity. They take their refuge (sarana) in the Buddha, his doctrine and his community, and undertake to keep certain binding commandments. See notes to 1. 62.

I. 44 The Visit of the Tathagata 5

The prince of devas, Mahasumana of the Sumanakuta- 33 mountain,1 who had attained to the fruit of entering into the path of salvation,2 craved of him who should be worshipped, something to worship. The Conqueror, the (giver of) good to 34 living beings, he who had pure and blue-black locks, passing his hand over his (own) head, bestowed on him a handful of hairs. And he, receiving this in a splendid golden urn, when he had 35 laid the hairs upon a heap of many-coloured gems, seven cubits round, piled up at the place where the Master had sat, covered 36 them over with a thupa of sapphire and worshipped them.

When the Sambuddha had died, the thera named Sarabhu, 37 disciple of the thera Sariputta, by his miraculous power received, even from the funeral pyre, the collar-bone of the Conqueror and 38 brought it hither (to Lanka), and, with the bhikkhus all around him, he there laid it in that same cetiya, covered it over with 39 golden-coloured stones,3 and (then he), the worker of miracles, having made the thupa twelve cubits 4 high, departed again from thence. The son of king Devanampiyatissa's brother, named 40 Uddhaculabhaya, saw the wondrous cetiya and (again) covered 41 it over and made it thirty cubits high. The king Dutthaga- mani, dwelling there while he made war upon the Damilas, built a mantle cetiya over it eighty cubits high. Thus was 42 the Mahiyangana-thupa completed. When he had thus made 43 our island a fit dwelling-place for men, the mighty ruler, valiant as are great heroes, departed for Uruvela.

Here ends the Visit to Mahiyahgana.

Now the most compassionate Teacher, the Conqueror, 44 rejoicing in the salvation of the whole world, when dwelling

1 Sumanakuta is the Adam's Peak.

2 Sotapatti is the stage of a sotapanna ' who has entered the stream ', who has attained to the first grade of sanctification, a con- verted man. As to the second and third grade see the notes to 15. 18 and 13. 17.

3 On medavannapasana, stones of the (golden, or cream) colour of fat, fat-coloured, see Mah. ed., p. 355.

* See note to 15. 167.

6 Mahavamsa 1. 45

45 at Jetavana l in the fifth year of his buddhahood, saw that a war, caused by a gem-set throne, was like to come to pass

46 between the nagas Mahodara and Culodara, uncle and nephew, and their followers ; and he, the Sambuddha, on the uposatha-

47 day of the dark half of the month Citta, in the early morning, took his sacred alms-bowl and his robes, and, from compassion for the nagas, sought the Nagadlpa.2

48 That same naga Mahodara was then a king, gifted with miraculous power, in a naga-kingdom in the ocean, that

49 covered half a thousand yojanas. His younger sister had been given (in marriage) to the naga-king on the Karma vaddhamana-

50 mountain ; her son was Culodara. His mothers father had given to his mother a splendid throne of jewels, then the naga

51 had died and therefore this war of nephew with uncle was threatening ; and also the nagas of the mountains were armed with miraculous power.

52 The deva named Samiddhisumana took a rajayatana-tree

53 standing in Jetavana, his own fair habitation, and, holding it like a parasol over the Conqueror, he, with the Teacher's leave,

54 attended him to that spot where he had formerly dwelt.3 That very deva had been, in his latest birth, a man in Nagadlpa. On the spot where thereafter the rajayatana-tree stood, he

55 saw paccekabuddhas taking their meal. And at the sight his heart was glad and he offered branches to cleanse the alms-

56 bowl. Therefore he was reborn in that tree in the pleasant Jetavana-garden, and it (the tree) stood afterwards outside at

57 the side of the gate-rampart.4 The God of all gods saw (in this) an advantage for that deva, and, for the sake of the good which should spring (therefrom) for our land, he brought him hither (to Lanka) together with his tree.

58 Hovering there in mid-air above the battlefield the Master,

1 A park and monastery near Savatthi in the Kosala country (see VOGEL, J.R.A.S. 1908, p. 971 foil.), presented to the Master by Anatha- pindika. Jdt. i. 92 foil.

2 Apparently the north-western part of Ceylon. See 20. 25, with the note.

3 I. e. to Nagadlpa.

4 Kotthaka ' battlemented dwelling or gateway '. See M.V. VIII. 15. 5 ; C.V. IV. 4. 6 ; S.B.E. xvii, p. 219, n. 1 ; xx, p. 11, n. 1.

I. 69 The Visit of the Tathagata 7

who drives away (spiritual) darkness, called forth dread darkness over the nagas. Then comforting those who were distressed 59 by terror he once again spread light abroad. When they saw the Blessed One they joyfully did reverence to the Master's feet. Then preached the Vanquisher to them the 60 doctrine that begets concord, and both [nagas] gladly gave up the throne to the Sage.1 When the Master, having 61 alighted on the earth, had taken his place on a seat there, and had been refreshed with celestial food and drink by the naga-kings, he, the Lord, established in the (three) refuges 2 62 and in the moral precepts 3 eighty kotis of snake- spirits, dwellers in the ocean and on the mainland.

The naga-king Maniakkhika of KalyanI,4 mother's brother 63 to the naga Mahodara, who had come thither to take part in the battle, and who, aforetime, at the Buddha's first coming, 64 having heard the true doctrine preached, had become estab- lished in the refuges and in the moral duties, prayed now to the Tathagata: ' Great is the compassion that thou hast 65 shown us here, O Master ! Hadst thou not appeared we had all been consumed to ashes. May thy compassion yet light also 66 especially on me, O thou who art rich in loving-kindness, in that thou shalt come yet again hither to my dwelling-country ,

0 thou peerless one.' When the Lord had consented by his 67 silence to come thither, he planted the rajayatana-tree on that very spot as a sacred memorial, and the Lord of the Worlds 68 gave over the rajayatana-tree and the precious throne-seat to the naga-kiugs to do homage thereto. ' In remembrance that 69

1 have used these do homage to them,5 ye naga-kings !

1 I. e. the Buddha.

2 I. e. buddha, dhamma, samgha'the Buddha, his doctrine and his community'. The Buddhist confession of faith consists in the words buddham saranam gacchami, dhammam s. g., sam- gham s.g. 'I take my refuge in the B. &c.'

8 The pa iic a silani, which are binding on all Buddhists, are abstention from destruction of life, theft, adultery, lying, and from the use of intoxicating liquors. Cf. note to 18. 10.

4 Now Kselani, name of a river which falls into the sea near Colombo.

5 Lit. ' Do homage to them as to a memorial consisting in objects used by me.'

8 Mahavamsa i. 70

This, well beloved, will bring to pass blessing- and happiness

70 for you.' When the Blessed One had uttered this and other exhortation to the nagas, he, the compassionate saviour of all the world, returned to Jetavana.

Here ends the Visit to Nagadipa.

71 In the third year after this, the naga-king Maniakkhika sought out the Sambuddha and invited him, together with the

72 brotherhood. In the eighth year after he had attained to buddhahood, when the Vanquisher was dwelling in Jetavana,

73 the Master, set forth surrounded by five hundred bhikkhus, on the second day of the beautiful month of Vesakha, at the full- moon, and when the hour of the meal was announced the

74 Vanquisher, prince of the wise, forthwith putting on his robe and taking his alms-bowl went to the Kalyanl country, the

75 habitation of Maniakkhika. Under a canopy decked with gems, raised upon the spot where (afterwards) the Kalyam- cetiya was built, he took his place, together with the brother-

76 hood of bhikkhus, upon a precious throne-seat. And, greatly rejoicing, the naga-king with his following served celestial food, both hard and soft, to the king of truth, the Con- queror, with his followers.

77 When the Teacher, compassionate to the whole world, had preached the doctrine there, he rose, the Master, and left the

78 traces of his footsteps plain to sight on Sumanakuta. And after he had spent the day as it pleased him at the foot of this mountain, with the brotherhood, he set forth for Dlghavapi.1

79 And there the Master seated himself with the brotherhood at the place where the cetiya (thereafter) stood, and gave himself

80 up to meditation, to consecrate the spot. Then arose the Great Sage from that place, and knowing well which places were fit and which unfit he went to the place of the (later) Mahamegha-

81 vanarama.2 After he had seated himself with his disciples at

1 The Dlghavapi is probably the Kandiya-kattu tank in the Eastern Province, about 30 miles SSW. from Batticaloa. A large dagaba is Baid to be in the neighbourhood of the tank. PARKER, Ancient Ceylon, pp. 318, 396.

2 The Mahameghavana was a park south of the capital Anuradha-

I. 84 The Visit of the Tathdgata 9

the place, where the sacred Bodhi-tree came afterwards to be, the Master gave himself up to meditation ; and likewise there where the Great Thupa1 stood (in later days) and there also 82 where (afterwards) the thupa in the Thuparama 2 stood. Then when he rose up from meditation he went to the place of the (later) Silacetiya,3 and after the Leader of the assembly (of 83 bhikkhus) had uttered exhortation to the assembly of devas, he, the Enlightened, who has trodden all the paths of en- lightenment, returned thence to Jetavana.

Thus the Master of boundless wisdom, looking to the 84 salvation of Lanka in time to come, and knowing in that time the highest good for the hosts of asuras and nagas and so forth in Lanka, visited this fair island three times, — he, the compassionate Enlightener of the world; — therefore this isle, radiant with the light of truth, came to high honour among faithful believers.

Here ends the Visit to Kalyani.

Here ends the first chapter, called ' The Visit of the Tathagata \ in the Mabavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.

pura and was presented to the priesthood as an arama or monastery by the king Devanampiyatissa. See 15. 8 foil, and note to 11. 2.

1 The Ruwanwseli-dagaba of Anuradhapura. SMITHER, Architec- tural Remains, Anurddhapura, p. 23 foil.; PARKER, Ancient Ceylon, p. 279 foil.

2 A monastery in Anuradhapura. SMITHER, 1. c., p. 1 foil. ; PARKER, 1. c., p. 263 foil. Cf. note to 17. 30.

3 1. e. ' Stone-cetiya,' now Selacaitya in Anuradhapura. SMITHER, I. c., p. 55 ; PARKER, I c., p. 297 foil.

CHAPTER II

THE RACE OF MAHASAMMATA

1 SPRUNG of the race of king Mahilsammata was the Great Sage. For in the beginning of this age of the world there

2 was a king named Mahasammata, and (the kings) Roja and Vararoja, and the two Kalyanakas,1 Uposatha and Mandhatar

3 and the two, Caraka and Upacara, and Cetiya and Mucala and he who bore the name Mahamucala, Mucalinda and Sagara

4 and he who bore the name Sagaradeva; Bharata and Anglrasa and Ruci and also Suruci, Patapa and Mahapatapa

5 and the two Panadas likewise, Sudassana and Neru, two

6 and two ; 2 also Accima. His sons and grandsons, these twenty-eight princes whose lifetime was immeasurably (long),

7 dwelt in Kusavatl, Rajagaha, and Mithila.3 Then followed a hundred kings,4 and (then) fifty-six, and (then) sixty,

1 I. e. Kalyana and Varakalyana. Dip. 3. 6.

2 Panada and Mahapanada, Sudassana and Mahasudassana, Neru and Mahaneru.

8 Kusavatl is the later Kusinara. See note on 3. 2. Rajagaha, now Rajgir, was the capital of Magadha, and Mithila, situated in the Bengal district Tirhut, that of Videha.

4 The dynasties from Accima to Kalarajanaka are dealt with in detail in Dip. 3. 14-37. Besides (i) the number of the princes sprung of each dynasty, the (ii) capital cities of each period, and (iii) the last king of each line are mentioned. The numbers and names are these :

100 at Pakula (?) the last being Arimdana. 56 , Ayujjha , „ Duppasaha.

60

84,COO 36 32 28 22

Baranasi Kapilanagara Hatthipura Ekacakkhu

Ajitajana. Brahmadatta. Kambalavasabha. Purindadadeva.

Vajira „ „ Sadhina.

Madhura „ ,, Dhammagutta.

II. 15

TJie Eace of Mahasammata

11

eighty-four thousand, and then further thirty-six, thirty-two, 8 twenty-eight, then further twenty-eight, eighteen, seventeen, fifteen, fourteen ; nine, seven, twelve, then further twenty- 9 five ; and (again) twenty-five, twelve and (again) twelve, and yet again nine and eighty-four thousand with Makhadeva 10 coming at the head, and (once more) eighty-four thousand with Kalarajanaka at the head ; and sixteen even unto 1 1 Okkaka; these descendants (of Mahasammata) reigned in groups in their due order, each one in his capital.

The prince Okkamukha was Okkaka's eldest son; Nipuna, 12 Candima, Candamukha and Sivisamjaya, the great king 13 Vessantara, Jali, and Sihavahana and Sihassara: these were his sons and grandsons. Eighty-two thousand in number were 1 4 the royal sons and grandsons of king Sihassara; Jayasena was the last of them. They are known as the Sakya kings 15 of Kapilavatthu.1 The great king Slhahanu was Jayasena's

18 at Aritthapura the last being Sitthi.
17	, Indapatta „ „ Brahmadeva.
15	, Ekacakkhu „	Baladatta.
14	, Kosambi ,,	, Bhaddadeva.
9	, Kannagoccha ,,	, Naradeva.
7	, Rojananagara ,,	, Mahinda.
12	, Campa „	, Nagadeva.
25	, Mithila „	, Buddhadatta.
25	, Rajagaha „	, Dipamkara.
12	, Takkasila	, Talissara.
12	, Kusinara ,,	, Purinda.
9	, Malitthiya ,,	, Sagaradeva.

The son of Sagaradeva was Makhadeva ; the dynasty of Makhadeva (84,000) reigned in Mithila. The last prince was Nemiya, father of Kalarajanaka. These were followed by Samamkura, then by Asoka ; this was followed by a dynasty of 84,000 princes reigning in Baranasl. The last was Vijaya. He was followed by Vijitasena, Dhammasena, Nagasena, Samatha, Disampati, Renu, Kusa, Mahakusa, Navaratha, Dasaratha, Rama, Bilaratha, Cittadassi, Atthadassi, Sujata, Okkaka, and so on. The same in Atthakatha, Mah. T. 81n-8333. The Kanib. Mah., v. 729-789, follows the Tika.

1 The site of Kapilavatthu, the capital of the Sakya tribe and Gotama Buddha's birthplace, is probably the present Tilaura Kot in Nepal. See RHYS DAVIDS, Buddhist India, p. 18 n.

12 Mahavamsa 11. 16

16 son, and Jayasena's daughter was named Yasodhara. In

1 7 Devadaha there was a prince named Devadahasakka, Anjana

and Kaccana were his two children. Kaccana was the first

18 consort of Slhahanu, but the Sakka Anjana's queen was Yasodhara. Anjana had two daughters, Maya and Pajapatl,

19 and also two sons, Dandapani and the Sakiya Suppa-

20 buddha. But Slhahanu had five sons and two daughters: Suddhodana, Dhotodana, Sakka-, Sukka-,1 and Amitodana, and Amita and Pamita ; these were the five sons and two daughters.

21 The royal consort of the Sakka Suppabuddha was Amita;

22 she had two children : Bhaddakaccana and Devadatta. Maya and Pajapatl were Suddhodana's queens, and the son of the great king Suddhodana and of Maya was our Conqueror.

23 Of this race of Mahasammata, thus succeeding, was born, in unbroken line, the Great Sage, he who stands at the head

24 of all men of lordly birth. The consort of the prince Siddhattha, the Bodhisatta, was Bhaddakaccana ; her son was Rahula.

25 Bimbisara and the prince Siddhattha were friends, and

26 friends likewise were the fathers of both. The Bodhisatta was five years older than Bimbisara; twenty-nine years old

27 was he when he left (his father's) house. When he had striven six years and thereafter had attained to wisdom, he,

28 being thirty-five years old, visited Bimbisara. The virtuous Bimbisara was fifteen years old when he was anointed king

29 by his own father, and when sixteen years had gone by since his coming to the throne, the Master preached his doctrine.

30 Two and fifty years he reigned; fifteen years of his reign passed before the meeting with the Conqueror, and yet thirty- seven years (of his reign) followed in the lifetime of the Tathagata.

31 Bimbisara's son, the foolish Ajatasattu, reigned thirty-two

32 years after he, the traitor, had slain (his father). In the eighth year of Ajatasattu the Sage entered into nibbana and thereafter did he, Ajatasattu, reign yet twenty-four years.

1 I. e. Sakkodana and Sukkodana.

II. 33 TJie Eace of Mahasammata 13

The Tathagata, who has reached the summit of all virtue, 33 yielded himself up, albeit free, into the power of imperma- nence. He who shall contemplate this (same) dread-begetting impermanence shall attain unto the end of suffering.

Here ends the second chapter, called e The Race of Maha- sammata ', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.

CHAPTER III

THE FIRST COUNCIL

1 WHEN the Conqueror the incomparable, he who has the five eyes/ had lived eighty-four years and had fulfilled all his

2 duties in the world, in all ways, then at Kusinara2 in the holy place between the two sala-trees,3 on the full-moon day of the month Vesakha, was the light of the world ex- tinguished.

3 Beyond all reckoning in numbers, did bhikkhus assemble there and khattiyas and brahmans, vessas and suddas, and

4 gods likewise. Seven hundred thousand leading bhikkhus were among them, the thera Mahakassapa was at that time the samghatthera.

5 When he had performed all rites due to the (dead) body of the Master and the bodily relics, the great thera, desiring that

6 the doctrine of the Master might long endure, did, seven days after the Lord of the World, gifted with the ten powers,4 had passed into nibbana, bethinking him of the evil words of the

7 aged Subhadda 5 and also bethinking him that he (the Master)

1 The five eyes possessed by the Buddha ara the bodily eyes (mamsacakkhu), the heavenly eye (dibba0) by which he sees every- thing that comes to pass in the universe, the eye of understanding (knowledge), the eye of omniscience, and finally the Buddha-eye by means of which he beholds the saving truth.

2 A town of the clan of the Mallas, in the territory of the present Nepal.

3 Shorea Robusta.

4 On the dasa balani, ten kinds of knowledge, peculiar to a Buddha, see KERN, Manual of Indian Buddhism, p. 62 ; CHILDERS, P./)., s.v. balam.

0 Vuddha = vuddhapabbajita 'who had not become a monk till he was old '. On the speech of Subhadda, see C.V. XL 1. 1 = Vin. PH. ii. 284. KERN, I I, pp. 101-102.

in. 15 The First Council 15

had given him his garment/ and had (thereby) made him equal with himself, and (bethinking him) that the Sage had com- manded the establishing of the holy truth, and (lastly) that 8 the Sambuddha's consent existed to make a compilation of the holy dhamma2 appointed to this end five hundred eminent 9 bhikkhus, who had overcome the asavas,3 repeaters of the nine- fold doctrine and versed in all its separate parts ; but there was one less (than five hundred) because of the thera Ananda.4 And the thera Ananda also, again and again entreated by 10 the bhikkhus, resolved to (join with them in) that compilation of the dhamma, for it was not possible without him.

When these theras, pitiful toward the whole world, had 11 passed half a month — seven days in the funeral ceremonies and seven in homage of the relics — and had resolved thus : 1 2 ' Spending the rainy season in Rajagaha, we will make a com- pilation of the dhamma, no other (monks) must be permitted to dwell there ' ; and when they had made their pilgrimage 1 3 over Jambudlpa,5 consoling here and there the sorrowing people, they, moved with desire that the good might long 14 endure,6 betook them in the bright half of the month Asalha to Rajagaha, (the city) richly provided with the four things needful.7

After the theras, with Mahakassapa at the head, unwavering 1 5 in virtue, familiar with the thought of the Sambuddha,

1 The Buddha gave his garment to Kassapa. On the second saram depend civaradanam 'the giving of the robe', and samatte thapanam 'putting on a footing of equality ', and then further anuggaham katam and anumatim satim (Ace. Si. F. of Part. Pres. of atthi). Cf. Mah. ed., pp. xxx and li.

2 Katum saddhammasamgitim. Cf. the note on 3. 17.

3 Khinasava 'one in whom the four asavas are extinct' is the epithet of an arahant. On asava, see RHYS DAVIDS, Dialogues of the Buddha, i. 92 ; ii. 28.

4 A place must be kept for Ananda.

5 The continent of India.

6 A play upon the word sukkapakkha, used in the sense, 'bright half of the month,' and also ' pure, holy side or party '.

7 The four pace ay a of a bhikkhu are clothing, food given as alms, a dwelling-place, and medicines.

16 Mahavamsa I IT. 16

1 6 had arrived at that place to spend the rainy season there, they busied themselves during the first of the rain-months with repairing all the dwellings, when they had announced this to Ajatasattu.

1 7 When the repair of the vihara was finished they said to the

1 8 king : f Now we will hold the council/ l To the question, ' What should be done ? ' they answered : ' A place (should be pro- vided) for the meetings/ When the king had asked : ' Where (these were to be) ? ' and the place had been pointed out by them,

19 he with all speed had a splendid hall built by the side of the Vebhara Rock by the entrance of the Sattapanni grotto, (and

20 it was) like to the assembly-hall of the gods. When it was adorned in every way he caused precious mats to be spread

2 1 according to the number of the bhikkhus. Placed on the south side and facing the north a lofty and noble seat was prepared

22 for the thera, and in the middle of the hall a high seat was prepared for the preacher,2 facing the east and worthy of the blessed (Buddha) himself.

23 So the king bade them tell the theras : cMy work is finished,' and the theras addressed the thera Ananda, the joy-bringer :

24 t To-morrow, Ananda, the assembly (comes together) ; it be- hoves thee not to take part in it since thou art still preparing thee (for the highest state),3 therefore strive thou, unwearied

25 in good/ Thus spurred on, the thera put forth due effort

1 Dhammasamgiti is the term for assembly of the church, council. The original meaning is general recitation of the canonical texts which, indeed, takes place in an assembly of the church and in the following manner : an eminent thera recites the texts sentence by sentence and the assembly repeats them after him in chorus. In this way dhammasamgiti is connected with dhamma- samgaha, by which we understand a settling or redaction of the canonical texts, which also can only be carried out in the manner stated. Comp. J.P.T.S. 1909, pp. 31, 32.

2 Thera sana is the seat for the president, who directs the assembly; dhammasana the same for the monk who recites, the word uttama is to be taken literally.

3 Still a sekha, i.e. not an arahant, who has reached the highest degree. This is preceded by seven grades of preparation ; he who is still at one of these is sekha 'a learner'. See J.P.T.S. 1909, p. 217.

in. 36 The First Council 17

and reached the state of an arahant without being confined to any one of the four postures.1

On the second day of the second month of the rainy season 26 the bhikkhus met together in that splendid hall. Leaving a 27 fitting place vacant for Ananda, the arahants seated themselves on chairs, according to their rank. The thera Ananda, to make 28 known to them that he had reached the state of an arahant, went not with them thither. But when some asked : Where is the thera Ananda ? he took the seat prepared for him, 29 rising out of the ground or passing through the air.2

Together the theras chose the thera Upali to speak for3 the 30 vinaya, for the rest of the dhamma4 they chose Ananda. The great thera (Mahakassapa) laid on himself (the task) of 3 1 asking questions touching the vinaya and the thera Upali (was ready) to explain it.

Sitting in the thera's chair, the former asked the latter the 32 questions touching the vinaya ; and Upali, seated in the preacher's chair, expounded (the matter). And as this best 33 master of the vinaya expounded each (clause) in turn all (the bhikkhus) knowing the custom, repeated the vinaya after him.

Then the thera (Mahakassapa) taking (the task) upon himself 34 questioned concerning the dhamma, him 5 the chief of those who had most often heard (the word), him the treasure- keeper6 of the Great Seer (the Buddha); and the thera 35 Ananda, taking (the task) upon himself, taking his seat in the preacher's chair, expounded the whole dhamma. And 36

1 Lit. fiee from the iriyapatha; the four postures of an ascetic are understood here. They are described as: standing, sitting, walking, lying down. Ananda became an arahant at the moment when he was on the point of lying down.

2 Lit. ' the path of the light.' Ananda shows that he can use the miraculous powers particular to an arahant.

3 Lit. 'as burden bearer for.' Cf. B.R., Skt. Wib., s.v. dhuram- dhara (4).

4 The vinaya contains the rules of monastic discipline, the dhamma the dogmatic teaching.

5 I. e. Ananda.

6 Kosarakkha, according to the Tika = dhammabhanda- garika, i.e. treasurer of the truth or the true doctrine.

C

1 8 Mahavam sa I II. 3 7

all the (theras) knowing all that was contained in the doc- trine repeated the dhamma in 'turn after the sage of the Videha country.

37 Thus in seven months was that compiling of the dhamma to save the whole world completed by those (theras) bent on

38 the whole world's salvation. 'The thera Mahakassapa has made the blessed Buddha's message to endure five hundred

39 years/ rejoicing in this thought, at the end of the council,

40 the earth encircled by the ocean trembled six times and many wondrous signs were shown in the world in many ways. Now since the canon was compiled by the theras it was called the

4 1 Thera tradition.1 The theras who had held the First Council and had (thereby) brought great blessing to the world, having lived their allotted span of life, entered, all, into nibbana.

4 2 Also the theras who have overcome darkness with the light of insight, those great shining lights in the conquest of the world's darkness, have been extinguished by the dread tempest of death. Therefore will the wise man renounce the joy of life.

Here ends the third chapter, called ( The First Council ', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.

1 The oldest account of the First Council is contained in the C.V. XI (OLDENBERG, the Vin. Pit. ii, p. 284 foil.) ; Vinaya Texts, iii (S.B.E. xx), p. 370 foil.

CHAPTEE IV

THE SECOND COUNCIL

WHEN Ajatasattu's son Udayabhaddaka l had slain him he, 1 the traitor, reigned sixteen years. Udayabhaddaka's son 2 Anuruddhaka slew (his father) and Anuruddha's son named Munda did likewise. Traitors and fools, these (sons) reigned 3 over the kingdom; in the reign of these two (kings) eight years elapsed.

Hun-la's son Nagadasaka slew his father and then did the 4 evildoer reign twenty-four years.

Then were the citizens wroth, saying : ' This is a dynasty 5 of parricides/ and when they had banished the king Nagada- saka they met together and (since) the minister known by the 6 name Susunaga was proved to be worthy, they anointed him king, mindful of the good of all. He reigned as king eighteen 7 years. His son Kalasoka reigned twenty-eight years. At the 8 end of the tenth year of Kalasoka's reign a century had gone by since the parinibbana of the Sambuddha.

At that time in Vesall many bhikkhus of the Vajji-clan 2 9 did shamelessly teach that the Ten Points 3 were lawful, namely ' Salt in the horn', ' Two fingers' breadth', 'Visiting 10

1 In the Sinhalese MSS. this name appears in the form c Udayi- bhaddaka1. Cf. D. 1. 5025 Udayibh0 or Udayabh0 (E. MULLER, J.P.T.S. 1888, p. 14). The Dip. 4. 38, 5. 97, 11. 8 has Uda-ya(bhadda).

2 On the confederacy of the Vajjis see RHYS DAVIDS, Buddhist India, pp. 25-26. On Vesali, ibid., p. 40. According to V. SMITH (Early History of India, p. 27, n. 1 ; J.R.A.S. 1902, p. 267 foil.) its site is the modern Basar (N. lat. 25° 58' 20", E. long. 85° 11' 30") in the District Muzaffarpur, north of Patna.

5 The history of the Second Council is also given in the C.V. XII. Cf. Vinaya Texts, iii (S.B.E. xx\ pp. 386 foil. Here C.V. XII. 1. 9 ; 2. 8) the single points are explained:

(i) Sihgilonakappa, the custom of putting salt in a horn vessel, in order to season unsalted foods, when received.

(ii) Dvangulakappa, the custom of taking the midday meal,

c 2

20 Malidvamsa IV. 11

the village ', ' Dwelling ', ' Consent ', ' Example', ' Unchurned

1 1 milk ', ' Unfermented palm-wine ', ' Seat without fringe ', < Gold and so forth '.

When this came to the ears of the thera Yasa, the son of

12 the brahman Kakandaka, gifted with the six supernormal powers,1 who was wandering about in the Vajji country, he betook himself to the Mahavana (vihara) 2 with the resolve to

13 settle the matter. In the upo?atha-hall those (monks) had placed a vessel made of metal and filled with water and had said to the lay-folk : ' Bestow on the brotherhood kahapanas 3

14 and so on.' The thera forbade them with the words 'This is unlawful ; give nothing ! ' Then did they threaten the thera

even after the prescribed time, as long as the sun's shadow had not passed the meridian by more than two-fingers' breadth.

(iii) Gamantarakappa, the custom of going into the village, after the meal, and there eating again, if invited.

(iv) Avasakappa, the custom of holding the nposatha-feast separ- ately by bhikkhus dwelling in the same district.

(v) Anumatikappa, the carrying out of official acts by an in- complete chapter, on the supposition that the consent of absent bhikkhus was obtained afterwards.

(vi) Acinnakappa, the custom of doing something because of the preceptor's practice.

(vii) Amathitakappa, taking unchurned milk, even after the mealtime.

(viii) Jalogikappa, drinking unfermented palm-wine.

(ix) Adas.akam nisidanam, the use of mats to sit on which were not of the prescribed size, if they were without fringe.

(x) Jataruparajatam, accepting gold and silver.

1 Chalabhinna. The six abhinna are (i) the power of iddhi, (ii) the heavenly ear, i. e. supranormal power of hearing, (iii) the power to read the thoughts of others, (iv) the knowledge of former existences, (v) the heavenly eye. i. e. supranormal power of seeing, (vi) the abandonment of the asavas. The last of these abhinna is one of the signs of an arahant. See RHYS DAVIDS, Dialogues of the Buddha, i. 62; AUNG, Compendium of Philosophy, pp. 60-63; 224 foil.

2 The Mahavana-monastery is mentioned by Fa-Hian. See BEAL, Buddhist Records of the Western World, i, p. 52.

3 Kahapana(Skr. karsapana) is a square copper coin, weighing 1464 grains = 948 grams. See RAPSON, Indian Coins, p. 2 ; RHYS DAVIDS, Buddhist India, p. 100.

iv. 25 The Second Council 21

Yasa with the penance called the Craving of pardon from lay- folk.1 He asked for one to bear him company and went 15 with him into the city proclaiming1 to the citizens, that his teaching was according to the dhamma.

When the bhikkhus heard what (Yasa's) companion had to 16 tell, they came to thrust him out and surrounded the thera's house. The thera left it, rising up and passing through the 17 air, and halting at Kosambl, he forthwith sent messengers to the bhikkhus of Pava and Avanti; 2 he himself went to the 18 Ahogahga-mountain and related all to the thera Sambhuta Sanavasi.3

Sixty great theras from Pava and eighty from Avanti, all 19 free from the asavas,4 came together on the Ahogahga. The bhikkhus who met together here from this and that region 20 were in all ninety thousand. When they had all conferred together they, knowing that the deeply learned thera Revata 21 of Soreyya5 who was free from the asavas, was the chief among them at that time, went thence to seek him out.

When the thera heard this resolution (by his divine ear) he 22 set out at once, wishing to travel easily,6 upon the way to Vesall. Arriving day by day in the evening at the spot 23 whence the sage had departed in the morning (the theras) met him (at last) at Sahajati.

There the thera Yasa, as the thera Sambhuta had 24 charged him to do, at the end of the recital of the sacred word, addressing himself to the great thera Revata, ques- tioned him on the Ten Points. The thera rejected them, and 25

1 Patisaraniyakamina, see KERN, Manual, p. 87, note 8.

2 Kosambi on the Yamuna was the capital of the Vatsas or Vamsas. Pava that of the Mallas ; Avanti was the region of Ujjeni ; RHYS DAVIDS, Buddhist India, pp. 36, 26, 28. Instead of Paveyyaka some of the Sinhalese MSS. read Patheyyaka. But also at M.V. VII. 1. 1 ( = Ftn. Pit. i. 2535) the Burmese MSS. have Paveyyaka.

3 See Fin. Texts, iii (S.B.E. xx), p. 394, note 2.

4 Anasava, see p. 15, n. 3.

5 Not far from Takkasila in W. India, see Parajika, 1. 4 (Fm. Pit. iii, p. 11) ; KERN, Manual, p. 36.

6 Cf. for the detailed description, C.V. XII. 1. 9 = Fm. Texts, iii (S.B.E. xx), p. 396.

22 MaMvamsa IV. 26

when he had heard the matter, he said : ' Let us make an end (of this dispute)/

26 The heretical bhikkhus, too, in order to win support, sought the thera Revata. Preparing in abundance the things needful

27 for ascetics/ they took ship with all speed and went to Saha- jati, bestowing food sumptuously when the mealtime came.2

28 The thera Salha, free from the asavas, who lived at Sahajati, having thought on the matter, perceived : ' Those of Pavii

29 hold the true doctrine/ And the great god Brahma drew near to him and said : ( Stand thou firm in the doctrine/ and he replied that he would ever stand firm in the doctrine.

30 They3 took those needful things (that they had brought as gifts) and sought the thera Revata, but the thera did not take their part and dismissed (the pupil) who took their part.4

31 They went thence to Vesali, shameless they went from there

32 to Pupphapura,5 and told king Kalasoka : ( Guarding our Master's perfumed chamber we dwell in the Mahavana-vihara

33 in the Vajji territory; but bhikkhus dwelling in the country are coming, great king, with the thought : We will take the vihara for ourselves. Forbid them ! '

34 When they had thus misled the king they went (back) to Vesali. Here in Sahajati eleven hundred and ninety thou-

35 sand bhikkhus were come together under the thera Revata,

36 to bring the dispute to a peaceful end. And the thera would not end the dispute save in the presence of those with whom

1 Samanaka parikkhara (as a gift to Revata) is that which a monk is allowed to call his own, such as robes, the alms-bowl, &c. Cf. CHILDERS, s.v. parikkharo.

2 The underlying meaning is that they indulged in riotous living on their journey. Vissagga has the implied sense of something rich and luxuriant. The Tika paraphrases bhattavissaggam with bhattaparivesanam, bhattaparibhogam.

3 I. e. the Vajjian monks.

4 On this passage see Mah. ed., pp. xxv-xxvi. However, I now prefer the reading pakkhagahim, since the passage evidently refers to Revata's disciple Uttara (C.V. XII. 2. 3), who allowed himself to be won over by the Vajjian monks.

5 Pupphapura, the City of Flowers, a name of Pataliputta (now Patna), capital at that time of the kingdom of Magadha.

iv. 48 The Second Council 23

it had begun ; l therefore all the bhikkhus went thence to Vesall.

The misguided king likewise sent his ministers thither, but 37 led astray by the design of the devas they went elsewhere. And the monarch, when he had sent them, saw himself 38 in a dream, that night, hurled into the hell called Loha- kumbhi. The king was sorely terrified and, to calm his fears, 39 his sister, Nanda, the theii free from the asavas, came to him, passing through the air.

' An ill deed is this that thou hast done! Reconcile thee 40 with these venerable bhikkhus, the true believers. Placing thyself on their side, protect thou their faith. If thou dost 41 so, blessed art thou ! ' she said, and thereon vanished. And forthwith in the morning the king set out to go to Vesali. He went to the Mahavana (monastery), assembled the con- 42 aTeo-ation of the bhikkhus there, and when he had heard what

£"> O •*

was said by both of the (opposing) sides, and had decided, himself, for the true faith, when moreover this prince was 43 reconciled with all the rightly believing bhikkhus and had declared that he was for the right belief, he said : ' Do what 44 ye think well to further the doctrine/ and when he had pro- mised to be their protector, he returned to his capital.

Thereafter the brotherhood came together to decide upon 45 those points ; then, in the congregation (of monks), aimless 2 words were spent. Then the thera Revata, who went into the 46 midst of the brotherhood, resolved to settle the matter by means of an ubbahika.3 He appointed four bhikkhus from 47 the East, and four from Pava, for the ubbahika to set the dispute to rest. Sabbakami and Salha, one named Khujjaso- 48 bhita, and Vasabhagamika, these were the theras from the

1 Mulatthehi vina, lit. ' without those who were at the root.'

2 Anaggani bhassani 'aimless' or 'inexact' speeches. The reading anaggani bhassani (Ed. Col. nantani bh°) is confirmed by C.V. IV. 14. 19 and XII. 2. 7.

5 Ubbahikaya 'by means of a Eeferat\ the settlement of a dis- pute being laid in the hands of certain chosen brethren. For the rule on this, see C.V. IV. 14. 19 ff. ; Vin. Texts, iii (S.B.E. xx), p. 49 ff.

24 Mahavamsa IV. 49

49 East; Revata, Sanasambhuta, Yasa, the son of Kakandaka, and Sumana, these were the four theras from Pava.

50 Now to decide on those points the eight theras who were free from the asavas betook them to the quiet and solitary

5 1 Valikarama. There, in the beautiful spot prepared for them by the young Ajita,1 the great theras took up their abode, they who

52 knew the thoughts of the Greatest of Sages. And the great thera Revata, skilled in questioning, questioned the thera

53 Sabbakami successively on each one of those points. Questioned by him the great thera Sabbakami thus gave judgment : ' All

54 these points are unlawful, according to tradition/ And when, in due order, they had ended (their task) in this place, they did all again, in like manner, with question and answer, in the

55 presence of the brotherhood. And thus did the great theras refute the teaching of those ten thousand heretical bhikkhus who maintained the Ten Points.

56 Sabbakami was then the samghatthera on the earth, one hundred and twenty years did he number since his upasam- pada.

57 Sabbakami and Salha, Revata, Khujjasobhita, Yasa, the son of Kakandaka, and Sambhuta Sanavasika, the six theras,

58 were pupils of the thera Ananda; but Vasabhagamika and

59 Sumana, the two theras, were pupils of the thera Anuruddha. These eight fortunate theras had beheld the Tathagata in

60 time past. One hundred and twelve thousand bhikkhus had come together, and of all these bhikkhus the thera Revata then was the chief.

61 At that time the thera Revata, in order to hold a council, that the true faith might long endure, chose seven hundred

62 out of all that troop of bhikkhus ; (those chosen were) arahants endowed with the four special sciences, under- standing of meanings and so forth,2 knowing the tipitaka.

1 The reading daharenajitenettha is confirmed by C.V. XII. 2. 7: atha kho samgho ayasinantam pi Ajitam sammanni theranam bhikkhunam asanapannapakam (Vin. Pit. ii. 30534).

8 Pabhinnatthadinananam is explained in the Tika as atthapatisambhidadipabhedagatanananam; atthadippa- bhedagatehi patisambhidananehi samannagatanam ti

TV. 66 TJie Second Council 25

All these (theras met) in the Valikarama protected by 63 Kalasoka, under the leadership of the thera Revata, (and) compiled the dhamma.1 Since they accepted the dhamma 64 already established in time past and proclaimed afterward, they completed their work in eight months.

When these theras of high renown had held the Second 65 Council, they, since in them all evil had perished, attained in course of time unto nibbana.

When we bethink us of the death of the sons of the 66 Universal Teacher, who were gifted with perfect insight, who had attained all that is to attain, who had conferred blessings on (the beings of) the three forms of existence,2 then may we lay to heart the entire vanity of all that comes into being 3 and vigilantly strive (after deliverance).

Here ends the fourth chapter, called ' The Second Council ', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.

attho; adiggahanenettha dhammapatisambhidadini na- nani gahitani. The compound means therefore literally, 'who possess the specialized knowledge of the attha and so forth,1 that is, the four patisambhida. By this term is understood 'a transcendent faculty in grasping the meaning of a text or subject (attha) ; in grasping the Law of all things as taught by the Buddha (dhamma) ; in exegesis (nirutti); readiness in expounding and discussion (patibhana) '. See Patisambhida-magga 1. 88.

1 Akarum dhammasamgaham. See note to 3. 17.

2 The three forms of existence are kamabhava, rupabhava, arupabhava 'sensual existence, corporeal existence, formless exist- ence1 (CHILDERS, P.D. s. vv.), that is, existences in the three worlds so named, which together form that part of the universe called the sattaloka, 'world of beings.' In this the kamaloka includes the eleven lowest worlds, the rupaloka the sixteen higher, and the arupaloka the four highest, celestial worlds.

3 Samkhatasarakattam : samkhata is a synonym of sam- khara, and means in the widest sense the material and transitory world. See CHILDERS, s. v. samkharo.

CHAPTER V

THE THIRD COUNCIL

1 THAT redaction of the true dhamma, which was arranged at the beginning by the great theras Mahakassapa and others,

2 is called that of the theras. One and united was the school of the theras in the first hundred years. But afterwards

3 arose other schools of doctrine.1 The heretical bhikkhus, subdued by the theras who had held the Second Council,2 in

4 all ten thousand, founded the school which bears the name Mahasamghika.3

From this arose the Gokulika and Ekavyoharika (schools).

5 From the Gokulika arose the Pannatti sect and the Bahulika, from these the Cetiya sect. (Thus) there are six, with

G the Mahasamghika, and yet two more (groups) parted from the followers of the Thera-doctrine : the Mahimsasaka and

7 the Vajjiputtaka bhikkhus. And there parted from them likewise the Dhammuttariya and the Bhadrayanika bhikkhus, the Chandagarika, the SammitI and the Vaj jiputtiya bhikkhus.

8 From the Mahimsasaka bhikkhus two (groups) parted, the bhikkhus who held by the Sabbattha-school and the Dhamma-

9 guttika bhikkhus. From the Sabbattha sect arose the Kassa- piya, from these arose the Samkantika bhikkhus, from these

10 last the Sutta sect. These are twelve together with (those of) the Thera-doctrine; thereto are added the six schools named and these together are eighteen.

11 Thus in the second century arose seventeen schools, and

12 other schools arose afterwards. The Hemavata and the

1 Aoariyavada stands in contrast to theravada. This latter is the true and orthodox church community, the other expresses collectively the various sects which arose in the course of time.

2 Tehi samgitikarehi therehi dutiyehi, lit. 'by those the second council-holding theras '.

8 I. e. the ' Great Community '.

v. 21 Hie Third Council 27

Rajagiriya and likewise the Siddhatthaka, the first Seliya bhikkhus, the other Seliya, and the Vajiriya : these six 13 separated (from the rest) in Jambudipa, the DhammarucI and the Sagaliya separated (from the rest) in the island of Lanka.1

Here ends the Story of the Acariya-schools.

The sons of Kalasoka were ten brothers, twenty-two years 14 did they reign. Afterwards, the nine Nandas 2 were kings in 15 succession ; they too reigned twenty-two years.

Then did the brahman Canakka 3 anoint a glorious youth, 1 G known by the name Candagutta, as king over all Jambudipa, 1 7 born of a noble clan, the Moriyas, when, filled with bitter hate, he had slain the ninth (Nanda) Dhanananda.

Twenty-four years he reigned, and his son Bindusara reigned 18 twenty- eight. A hundred glorious sons and one had Bindu- sara; 4 Asoka5 stood high above them all in valour, splendour, 19 might, and wondrous powers. He, when he had slain his 20 ninety-nine brothers born of different mothers, won the undivided sovereignty over all Jambudlpa. Be it known, 21 that two hundred and eighteen years had passed from the nibbana of the Master unto Asoka's consecration.

1 The Nikaya-samgraha (ed. WICKREMASINGHE, pp. II32 and 139j informs us that the DhammarucI branched off from the Thera- vTiclins 454 years A. B., and the Sagaliya from the former 795 years A. B. The former event took place under Vala-gam-ba (Vattagamani Abhaya, see Mah. 33. 95 ff.), and the latter under Gothabhaya (see Mah. 36. 110 if.).

2 The Mah. Tika, pp. 117-119, gives a detailed account of the Nanda dynasty; also Kamb. Mah. V. 953-994.

3 On the Moriya dynasty and on Canakka and Candagutta see Mah. Tfka, pp. 119-123; Kamb. Mah. V. 995-1090. Candragupta's minister, Canakya, is also known to play an important part in the Mudraraksasa. See SYLVAIN LEVI, Le Theatre Indien, pp. 226 ff. A work on politics, ascribed to him, the Kautiliyasastra, still exists. HILLEBRANDT, Uber das Kautiliyasastra und Verwandtes. Cp. also LA. 38, 1909, pp. 257 ff.

4 On Bindusara and on Candagutta's death see Mah. Tika, pp. 124, 125; Kamb. Mah. V. 1092-1128.

5 On Asoka's birth and early youth, see Mah. Tika, pp. 125-128 ; Kamb. Mah. V. 1129-1198.

28 MaJiavamsa V. 22

22 Four years after the famous (Asoka) had won for himself the undivided sovereignty he consecrated himself as king in

23 the city Pataliputta. Straightway after his consecration his command spread so far as a yojana (upward) into the air and downward into the (depths of the) earth.1

24 Day by day did the devas bring eight men's loads of water of (the lake) Anotatta ; the king dealt it out to his people.

25 From the Himalaya did the devas bring for cleansing the teeth twigs of naga-creeper, enough for many thousands,

26 healthful fruits, myrobalan and terminalia and mango- fruits from the same place, perfect in colour, smell, and

27 taste. The spirits of the air2 brought garments of five colours, and yellow stuff for napkins, and also celestial drink

28 from the Chaddanta-lake.3 Out of the naga-kingdom the nagas (brought) stuff, coloured like the jasmine-blossom and without a seam, and celestial lotus-flowers and colly rium and

29 unguents; parrots brought daily from the Chaddanta-lake

30 ninety thousand waggon-loads of rice.4 Mice converted this rice, unbroken, into grains without husk or powder, and

3 1 therewith was meal provided for the royal family. Perpetually did honey-bees prepare honey for him, and in the forges bears

32 swung the hammers. Karavika-birds, graceful and sweet

33 of voice, came and made delightful music for the king. And being consecrated king, Asoka raised his youngest brother Tissa, son of his own mother, to the office of vice-regent.

Here ends the Consecration of the pious Asoka.

34 ( Asoka' s) father had shown hospitality to sixty thousand

1 The sense of this passage, not rightly understood up to the present time, is evidently this : not only men upon the earth but also the spirits of the air and the earth heard and obeyed Asoka's command.

2 The marii (Skt. marut) in contrast to the deva in 24.

3 Hera follow two spurious verses, 'To die(?) in this city there came gazelles, boars, birds into the kitchens and willingly perished. Leopards were used to take the herds to pasture and lead them to their stalls, gazelles and boars were used to watch over fields, plots, and ponds and so forth.'

4 On parrots furnishing hill paddy, see Jdt. i, pp. 3251-3, 3276 foil. ; MORRIS, J.P.T.S. 1884, p. 107.

V. 46 Hie Tliird Council 29

brahmans, versed in the Brahma-doctrine, and in like manner he himself nourished them for three years. But when he 35 saw their want of self-control at the distribution of food he commanded his ministers saying : ' (Hereafter) I will give according- to my choice.' The shrewd (king) bade (them) 36 bring the followers of the different schools into his presence, tested them in an assembly, and gave them to eat, and sent them thence when he had entertained them.

As he once, standing at the window, saw a peaceful ascetic, 37 the samanera Nigrodha, passing along the street, he felt kindly toward him. The youth was the son of prince 38 Sumana, the eldest brother of all the sons of Bindusara.

When Bindusara had fallen sick Asoka left the govern- 39 ment of Ujjeni conferred on him by his father, and came to Pupphapura,1 and when he had made himself master of 40 the city, after his father's death, he caused his eldest brother to be slain and took on himself the sovereignty in the splendid city.

The consort of prince Sumana, who bore the same name 41 (Sumanfi), being with child, fled straightway by the east gate and went to a candala village, and there the guardian 42 god of a nigrodha-tree 2 called her by her name, built a hut and gave it to her. And as, that very day, she bore a 43 beautiful boy, she gave to her son the name Nigrodha, enjoying the protection of the guardian god. When the 44 headman of the candalas saw (the mother), he looked on her as his own wife, and kept her seven years with honour. Then, 45 as the thcra Mahavaruna saw that the boy bore the signs of his destiny,3 the arahant questioned his mother and ordained 46 him, and even in the room where they shaved him4 he

1 See note to 4. 31. UJJENI, Skr. Ujjayini, now Ujjain in the Gwalior State, Central India, was the old capital of Avanti. RHYS DAVIDS, Buddhist India, p. 3 foil.

2 Nigrodha = Ficus Indica, banyan-tree.

3 Upanissaya includes all those qualities, aptitudes and marks of an individual, which show that he is qualified to attain ara- hantship.

4 The shaving of the hair is one of the ceremonies at the reception of a novice into the order.

30 Mahavamsa v. 47

attained to the state of arahant. Going thence to visit his

47 royal mother, he entered the splendid city by the south gate, and following the road that led to that village, he passed

48 (on his way) the king's court. Well pleased was the king by his grave bearing, but kindly feeling arose in him also by reason of a former life lived together.

49 Now once, in time past, there were three brothers, traders in honey ; one was used to sell the honey, two to get the

50 honey. A certain paccekabuddha was sick of a wound; and another paccekabuddha, who, for his sake, wished for honey,

51 came even then to the city on his usual way for seeking alms. A maiden, who was going for water to the river-bank, saw

52 him. When she knew, from questioning him, that he wished for honey, she pointed with hand outstretched and said : ' Yonder is a honey-store, sir, go thither.1

53 The trader, with believing heart, gave to the buddha who came there a bowlful of honey, so that it ran over the edge.

54 As he saw the honey filling (the bowl) and flowing over the edge, and streaming down to the ground, he, full of faith,

55 wished: 'May I, for this gift, come by the undivided sove- reignty of Jambudipa, and may my command reach forth a yojana (upward) into the air and (downward) under the earth.

56 To his brothers as they came, he said: ' To a man of such and such a kind have I given honey ; agree thereto since the

57 honey is yours also/ The eldest brother said grudgingly : ( It was surely a candala, for the candalas ever clothe them-

58 selves in yellow garments.' The second said: 'Away with thy paccekabuddha over the sea ! ' But when they heard his promise to let them participate of the reward, they gave their

59 sanction. Then the (maid who) had pointed out the store wished that she might become the royal spouse of the (first), and (desired) a lovely form with limbs of perfect outline.1

60 Asoka was he who gave the honey, the queen Asamdhi- mitta was the maid, Nigrodha he who uttered the word ' candala', Tissa he who had wished him away over the sea.2

61 He who had uttered the word ' candfila' lived (in expiation

1 Adissamanasamdhi means literally ' with invisible joints '.

2 Paravadi, lit. ' who had spoken of the further shore.'

v. 69 The Third Council 31

thereof) in a candala village, but because he had desired deliverance, he also, even in the seventh year, attained unto deliverance.1

The king, in whom kindly feelings had arisen towards that 62 same (Nigrodha), summoned him in all haste into his presence; but he came staidly and calmly thither. And the king said 63 to him : ' Sit, my dear, upon a fitting seat.' Since he saw no other bhikkhu there he approached the royal throne. Then, 64 as he stepped toward the throne, the king thought : ' To-day, this sfimanera will be lord in my house ! ' Leaning on the 65 king's hand he (the monk) mounted the throne and took his seat on the royal throne under the white canopy. And seeing 66 him seated there king Asoka rejoiced greatly that he had honoured him according to his rank.2 "When he had refreshed 67 him with hard and soft foods prepared for himself he questioned the samanera concerning the doctrine taught by the Sambuddha. Then the samanera preached to him the 'Appamadavagga'.3 68

And when the lord of the earth had heard him he was won to the doctrine of the Conqueror, and he said to (Nigrodha) : 69 ' My dear, I bestow on thee eight perpetual supplies of food/ And he answered : ' These will I bestow on my master.' 4

1 The stop should be put after a si. Pa tthesi refers to the existence as m a d h u v a n i j a. When the eldest b rother had transferred the p a 1 1 i ('reward') to his younger brothers each one of them uttered a patthana, that of the third was mokkha, i.e. the attainment of arahantship.

2 Sambhavetvana gunato is an allusion to 63. The king leaves it to Nigrodha to choose his own place since he does not know his rank. From the fact of Nigrodha's seating himself on the throne Asoka perceives that a monk of the highest rank is before him, and he rejoices that he did not assign a lower place to him.

3 I. e. the section entitled ' unwearying zeal '. There are eleven minor vaggas in the Samyutta-Nikaya, bearing this title, and nine Appamadasuttas.

4 Upajjhayassa. Every novice on his entrance into the order chooses an upajjhaya ' a master', and an acariya 'teacher'. It appears from M.V. 1. 25. 6 ff., 32. 1 if., that there is no difference between the functions of the two. The acariya seems, according to M.V. I. 32. 1, to be only the deputy or substitute of the upaj- jhaya.

32 Mahdvamsa v. 70

70 When again eight (supplies) were bestowed on him he allotted these to his teacher ; and when yet eight more were bestowed

71 he gave them to the community of bhikkhus. And when yet again eight were bestowed, he, full of understanding, consented to accept them. Together with thirty-two bhik-

72 khus, he went on the following day, and when he had been served by the king with his own hands, and had preached the doctrine to the ruler, he confirmed him with many of his train in the refuges and precepts of duty.1

Here ends the Visit of the samanera Nigrodha.

73 Thereon the king, with glad faith, doubled day by day (the number) of bhikkhus (receiving bounty), till they were

74 sixty thousand. Putting aside the sixty thousand teachers of false doctrine,2 he bestowed alms perpetually on sixty thousand bhikkhus in his house.

75 Having commanded costly foods, hard and soft, to be prepared speedily, in order to feast the sixty thousand bhik-

76 khus, and having caused the town to be gaily decked, he went to the brotherhood and bade them to his house ; and after he had brought them thither, had bestowed hospitality on them and largely provided them with the things needful

77 for ascetics,3 he questioned them thus: ' How great is (the content of) the dhamma taught by the Master ? ' And the thera Moggaliputta-Tissa answered him upon this matter.

78 When he heard : * There are eighty-four (thousand) sections of the dhamma/ the king said : ' Each one of them will I honour with a vihara.'

79 Then bestowing ninety-six kotis (of money) in eighty-four

80 thousand towns, the ruler bade the kings all over the earth

1 See note to 1. 32.

2 Titthiyanam. Those whom his father (according to v. 34) had already supported and whom Asoka did in fact entertain, with certain changes. He now gradually substituted Buddhist monks. Verses 73 and 74 are suspicious, since the Tlka does not comment on them.

3 Sam a naka, see note to 4. 26.

v. 92 The Tliird Council 33

begin (to build) viharas and he himself began to build the Asokarama.1

With the grant for the three gems,2 for Nigrodha and for 81 the sick, he bestowed in (support of) the faith for each of them a hundred thousand (pieces of money) each day. With the 82 treasure spent for the Buddha the (priests) held thupa-offerings 3 of many kinds continually in many viharas. With the treasure 83 spent for the dhamma the people continually prepared the four things needful for the use of bhikkhus who were learned in the doctrine. Of the loads of water borne from the 84 Anotatta-lake he bestowed four on the brotherhood, one every day to sixty theras who knew the tipitaka ; but one he had 85 commanded to be given to the queen Asamdhimitta, while the king himself had but two for his own use. To the sixty 86 thousand bhikkhus and to sixteen thousand women (of the palace), he gave day by day those tooth-sticks called naga- lata.4

When, one day, the monarch heard of the naga-king 87 Mahakala of wondrous might, who had beheld four Buddhas, who had lived through one age of the world, he sent for him 88 to be brought (into his presence) fettered with a chain of gold ; and when he had brought him and made him sit upon the throne under the white canopy, when he had done homage 89 to him with (gifts of) various flowers, and had bidden the sixteen thousand women (of the palace) to surround him, he (the king) spoke thus : * Let us behold the (bodily) form of the 90 omniscient Great Sage, of Him who hath boundless know- ledge, who hath set rolling the wheel of the true doctrine.' The naga-king created a beauteous figure of the Buddha, 91 endowed with the thirty-two greater signs and brilliant with the eighty lesser signs (of a Buddha), surrounded by the 92

1 The Asoka monastery in the capital Pataliputta.

2 Ratanattayam. The three gems are Buddha, dhamma, samgha: Buddha, his doctrine and community, see note on 1. 32.

5 Thupapuja. The tope (thupa) is never missing from a Buddhist monastery. Festivals of which a tope is the centre are frequently mentioned in the Mahavamsa.

* The naga-creeper. See 5. 25.

D

34 Mahavamsa v. 93

fathom-long rays of glory and adorned with the crown of flames.1

At the sight thereof the king was filled with joy and amaze-

93 ment and thought : f Even such is the image created by this (Mahakala), nay then, what (must) the (real) form of the Tathagata have been ! ' And he was more and more uplifted

94 with joy, and for seven days without ceasing did he, the great king of wondrous power, keep the great festival called the ' Feast of the eyes '.2

Here ends the Entrance (of Asoka) into the doctrine.

95 Now the mighty and believing king and thera Moggaliputta had already in former times been seen by the holy ones.3

96 At the time of the Second Council, the theras, looking into the future, saw the downfall of the faith in the time of that

97 king. Looking around in the whole world for one who should be able to stay that downfall, they saw the Brahma Tissa4

98 who had not long to live (in the Brahma heaven). To him they went and prayed him, the mighty in wisdom, to bring this downfall to nought by being reborn himself among men.

99 And he granted their prayer, desiring that the doctrine should shine forth in brightness. But to the youthful Siggava and

100 Candavajji the sages spoke thus: 'When a hundred and eighteen years are passed the downfall of the religion will

101 begin. We shall not live to see that (time). You, bhikkhus,

1 On the signs of a Buddha, see the Lakkhana Suttanta in D. Ill, p. 142 foil., and GRUNWEDEL, Buddhistische Kunst in Indien, p. 138 foil.

2Akkhipuja. It corresponds to our 'consecration'. See Vin. iii. 300.

3 Vaslhi = ' by those who have the senses under control '. In the Kamb. Mahav. follows here (vv. 1276-1338) an episode relating to Asamdhiinitta. Asoka puts his consort to the test, she having boasted of merit acquired. He requires of her that she shall provide, between one day and another, robes for the 60,000 monks. With the help of the god Kubera, who remembers the kindness shown by her to the paccekabuddha (see above, vv. 51 foil.), she accomplishes what the king demands of her.

4 Tissa, a dweller in the Brahma heaven.

V. 112 The TJiird Council 35

have had no part in this matter x therefore you merit punish- ment, and your punishment shall be this: that the doctrine 102 may shine forth in brightness, the Brahma Tissa, mighty in wisdom, will be reborn in the house of the brahman Moggali. As time passes on one of you shall receive the boy into the 103 order, another shall carefully instruct him in the word of the Sambuddha.

There was a thera Dasaka— disciple of the thera Upali. 104 Sonaka was his (Dasaka's) disciple, and both those theras were disciples of Sonaka.

In former times there lived in Vesall a learned brahman 105 named Dasaka. As the eldest of three hundred disciples he 106 dwelt with his teacher, and at the end of twelve years having come to the end of (studying) the vedas, he, going about with the (other) disciples, met the thera Upali, dwelling at the Valika-monastery, after he had established the sacred 107 word (in council), and sitting down near him he questioned him concerning hard passages in the vedas, and the other expounded them to him. ' A doctrine is come after all the 108 doctrines, O brahman, yet all doctrines end in the one doctrine; which is that one?'

Thus spoke the thera concerning the name (of the true 109 doctrine), but the young brahman knew it not. He asked : 1 What manta is this ? ' and when the answer was given : ' The manta of the Buddha,' he said: ' Impart it to me,' and the 110 other answered : ' We impart it (only) unto one who wears our robe.'

And he (Dasaka) asked his teacher and also his father and mother on behalf of that manta.2 When he with three 111 hundred young brahmans had received from the thera the pabbajja the brahman in time received the upasampada. Then to a thousand (disciples) who had overcome the asavas,3 112

1 Imam adhikaranam, that is, in the work of the Second Council.

2 That is, he asked if he might be permitted to learn it under the condition mentioned.

3 By khinasava in v. 112 (see note on 3. 9) are understood the arahants; by ariya in v.