government or INDIA DEPARTMENT OF ARCHAEOLOGY CENTRAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL LIBRARY I Ortas' W— ^ _ I Call Kq. t8t«l _ COlL^Yu^ aij-A- re. A W7J^ 0. THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS •r I; I* -.1 1 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS lUbt, artd tfanslaud, ttfi/A nous Ay LIN YUTAN6 CAKLTON HOUSE » NEW YORK ooroucHT. 193a, BY JuujixjM HOUSE, me r„ ianu \'tv .v*'*v i>BLHi. \ij ■ . . . OHt* TxZ’'"/. ijAMtjpAnTmBD m iufi united STahs df am^21Ca TO TSUIFEISIG important characters MENTIONED CONFUCIUS: from K'lmg Futse, mc^iniDg "Mailer R'ang"*; known also as Chungnii 551^79 MHNCIUS; from Mcngatc^ ranSu next to Coafuciui in the Confuciaa Tcmplci and .represeoii ConFuoaa moni] Idealism; author of the Boo^ of Mendtu, io-> eluded in the Four Boo^r, TSESZE: gnatlron of Cdofudm and teacher (?) of Meodus, author of Crittrai Harmony and two or three chapters in £j^i; known also as K’uug Chi; 45a-43* and therefore could Hot have taught Mendus per¬ sonally. HSUNTSE or Hsun Cli'ing, of Hsiifl Huaog: contem* porary and rival of Mendus^ rtprestnung another im- porunt development of Confuciiw^ tcAchingsi, with onphasis on Jtcholinlijp stud rltu^f ^ his views often m- iDOrpcrated in Lf^fj hk own books acist today; about jiS-about 336 Mi. VJli IMPOITANT nHARACTERS ENT I ON IP S21EMA CH'UiN: aurbor of the great Chinese work of bistoty^ the master «£ Chinese prose; C^) nx. CHENG HSUAN or Cboig K’angch'eog: most im- pftrr^nr commcftEaior in HaJi Dynasty; 127-200 aj>* CHU HSl: most import jjic commentator u£ iSung Dy- nasty; through his influence the coUeetiod of Four Boo\s came TO be studied in all Clilae$e ckmcntiry sehools; hia commentary die only correct one rccngnizcd in civil examinations; 1130-1=00 jlj>, CONTUettrS* MSCIFIXS ANP IMMEEHaTH CXRCiLa YEN HUEI or Yen YuanT Confucius" favontc disoplc, whum the Master praised only in Aupcrbtive terms; 511-490 EX, KTJNG LI or Foyu : Coafudus* only soiii cntiidy undis¬ tinguished; dx^ "'rSELU : oldest of the regular disciples of Confucius; iJ- ways protested agaiust Confudus' condnet; rccdvcd roLLgh handling in the hands of the authors of the died in a fight bccnusc he insisted an ad)usdng the tassels on his cap "like a gentleman” during the fight and was thetefore wounded; born 542 i-c, TSEKtJNGs the most devoted of Cunfudns^ disdples; reputed tQ be a first-cluss diplomat; bom 5^ TSEI ISIA; pronounce a* T« Shb; the more scholarly type; became a great teacher after Cbofucius' death; bom 507 Bx:, IMPORTANT CHARACTERS MENTIONED ix TSEYU: also a dose disciple and a good diplomat; bom 506 B.C. TSENGTSE or Tseng Ts'an: noted for filial piety; tlic yopngest and most philosophical of the disciples; teacher of Confucius* grandson; ranks next to Mencius in the Confucian Temples; born 505 JAN CHIU or Jan Yu: a practical and able man; became secretary to Baron K*ang Chi; later disowned by Con¬ fucius because he helped the Baron to tax the people; born 52a B.C, DUKE AI OF LU, BARON K*ANG CHI OF LU (under the Duke), DUKE CHDSfG OF CH*I, DUKE LING OF WEI: rulers of the time with whom Confu¬ cius had constant conversations. QUEEN NANCIA: a notoriously beautiful and licen¬ tious queen, wife of DUKE LING OF WEI. YANG HO: a powerful but corrupt official in Lu, whom Confucius heartily disliked. i ,4 i 1 ,'1 j ’'.r •■;>?' ,!>•', . MfV " THE PRONUNCIATION OF CHINESE NAMES T. Every vf^wel Id ibc Romanized spdliiij of Ctineso k pronotifijced. ^ The vowicLf kivc as their basJi the usual Latin viiueil d as in fatA^r f ;u in eight eh At in hurr eth as m a Scotch kurr 1 as in machine and in G as tn a i]f In gc&jc & as in German Wgcri (speDcd mody HI u la ihb boukp but always ucoin in die ooinbination A/n and in most cases of yu) 3i The vowd sound in cumbEnatians tike tsc^ ixc dDci not exist in Engltsh^ It is made with ddhtulty by West^ erners, hut is actually the vowel sound produced when the sound of 7 ii prokinged and dcHnildy vocalizedi xi ful CUlNESENAMfia ("buzzing” sound). In this insiance, I depart htim the Wade system:, whidi renders it as tzit, because of its cumbersotneccss* It frequently appears In names like Chuangti^^ Tj^ngWt I- Tlie vowel sound indi cited by the cDcnblnadon iA does not odsc in English, It is made when the tongue and lip positions of tile English sh are held unchanged and vocalized. For practical purposes* read the ih as (or if possible as a sound in between she and Mr) j there^s no use trying to reproduce the sound e^actlyi 5* The importa nt diphthongs are : ia, ou^ ei, f wtr —all pronounced witli their individual approxiinatc Latla values (A in is not pronounced). a& may be pronounced nearly as nxt^. 6* Combtnations like in^mg^^n^ unbare pronounced with the usual Latin values for the sounds (m, iftgr iiJttfg). But eng are ptonounced as ern, er/jg. or for practical purposes as wo, uag (ran, in English, whereas Chinese un, ung must be prunounced as oong* y. The distincuciji between jA and Ar is a nuisance for English readers! read both as /A for practical purpo^s. Technically* the sound Ar is diJlcreat: end oomc? in¬ variably before / and d* Since the two groups are dearly separated by tlie occurrence or absence of a following i or that distinction in spelling between rA and Ar is totally uunccomry for Chinese readerst and meaningless for Wesieroers, CHINESE NAMES xiii 8. The Chinese language distinctly differentiates be¬ tween aspirated and unaspirated p, t, ch, ts. For practical purposes read p, t, ch, ts as h, d, g, j, dz, and read f, k!, ch\ // like the regular English p, t, h,, ch, ts. 9. Remember therefore to follow the Latin values for the vowels as a general principle, and for practical purposes read: hs as sh ih as ce (or ir) ieh as y-cy eh as er cn 2S un eng as ung w I CONTENTS IMPORTANT CHAKACIERS MENTIONED vij THE PKONUNOATION OF CHINESE NAMES vi h INTRODUCTION j j. Tlic chiiractcr of CoDfudan idcu 3. A brief of die character of Goof udtis 3. Sourircs and plan of rhe prcsen[ book 4. On the method of translation n. THE UFE OF CONFUaUS (by STcma Qi'icn) 5j 1, Ancestry* childhood and youth (551-523 Bj^} 3l Between thirty and Efity (533-^3 3* llie period of great power (502-49& bjc.) 4. Five years o£ wanderings (496-492 b^) 5. In ex^ trcmicies m Gh'cn and T$‘ai (49E-4B9 bjc,) 6. Further years of wanderings (4lBfl-4S4 b,&) 7. Scholarly lahon and personal hahiti of Confu¬ cius (484-481 ujir} & His death (479 Bx.) and posterity CONTENTS xvi III. CENTRAL HARMONY I. The central harmony 2. The Golden Mean 3. Moral law everywhere 4. The humanistic stand¬ ard 5. Certain models 6. Ethics and politics 7* Being one’s true self 8. Those who are absolute true selves 9. Eulogy on Confucius 10. Epilogue IV. ETHICS AND POLITICS i35 I. General idea of this essay 2. On the meaning of certain expressions 3. On achieving true knowl¬ edge 4. On making the will sincere 5. On setting the heart right and personal cultivation 6. On the relationship between personal and family life 7. On the relationship between family and na¬ tional life 8. On the relationship between national life and world peace V. APHORISMS OF CONFUCIUS i53 1. Description of Confucius by himself and others 2. The emotional and artistic life of Confucius 3. The conversational style 4* The Johnsonian touch 5. Wit and wisdom 6. Humanism and true manhood 7. The superior man and the inferior man 8. The mean as the ideal character and types of persons that Confucius hated 9. Government 10. On education, ritual and poetry CONTfiHTS svil THItefi CUNTUCIAN aiSCQUIAEA ON SOOIA.L ORAEK VI. HRST DESCOURSE: EDUCATIOM TFEROUGH THE SIX CLASSICS 305 VII. 5E5COr^D DESCQEJRSE: AN INTERVIEW WITH duke AI vnr, THIRD DISCOURSE: THE VTSION OF A SOCIAL ORDER I* Tbe two orders o£ md^ x The cvoIuUmi of ii^ or mcJal order U b:tsed on human nature ^ Li hafcd on heaven^ or nature ^ The method of culLivatlag li DC. ON EDUCATION 141 z. The DceJ for cduatioti 3. The aneient oduci' tionai system 3.^ Eilra-cximeiiLir stiidis 4. llic ideal teacher 5. The process of JeamJng X ON MUSIC 351 T. The origin and funaion of music ^ A com- parisnii of ritiialx and miTAic, bath based on har¬ mony with the [jusnuc order 3. Muik reveals mao’s character 4^ On classical and modem music 5. Confucius on the differcnc movemenri of the in- topretative dance music of Emperor Wu XI. MENCIUS 273 I# T”he goodness of humM nature 2* How our original nature is destroyed 3, The higher life and the greater «If THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS Chapter I INTRODUCTION 1^ TTO CITABlACTEa OP OONTUCTA^J li>EAS AN one be mchu$ia5tic ^ut Qiafudaaism nom^ V^yi^nys? I wonder. The answer seems to depend on wberher one em be eathuskstic about sheer good kdjc, a thing which people usually casmot work up very much cn- thusiascd fofp The more impnfiDt questioa seems m be whether one ran bdieve in Confucianism nowadays. This Is especially impartant it> the modcra Cblaesc of today, a question that directly challenges their minds and rannoc be brushed aside* For there is a centrality or, dialj 1 say, uruversaUty, about the Confudan attitude and point of view, redected in a joy in Confucian belief that 1 see even among maturing modem Chinese who have re¬ ceived a Western educarinn. The ceruralLty and basic ap¬ peal of iti humanism have a strange strength of their owu* During the pobtical chaos and battle cpf idca$ in the cen- nines immediately following Con^dus^ Confucianism won the viaory over Taoism^ Nfotianism, Naluralkm, L^alism, Qirnmimism and a host of other phik^phiel It maintained this supremacy over the Chinese people £of the length of two thousand five hundred years, with tbi 3 ^ THU wisnoM OP coN-Fueltrs exception of a fcw peWs, and it always came back to ita own sircnger than ever. Apart from Taoism which was in fashion in the third to sLxlli centuries AX>, its itrongcsc fiVid was Buddhism, which attained a great vogue With the Sung schobrs. But with all iw fine m^phyacs, Bwddliisra sucooocled only in modifying the interpreta^ tion of the method of arriving at knowledge and the aim of this humanist culture. It shifted the emphasis to cet* Qin ideas originally in the Confuebn daJsiH and direcred a fuller attention to them, but did not repbee Confudan- ism iweli Perhaps It was merely the old prestige of Con¬ fucius, but llterc was a great pride among the (^iifucbn schobrs, a belief in their own correclness, which made these scholars renounce Buddhism and look askance at it with colention or contempt, as the case may have been. The same ■-/^mmon khic that crushed the mystidsin of Chuangtse also made them renounce the mysticisni of Buddhism. Today Confucianism meets a still greater rival, not Christianity, hut the entire system of Western thought and life and the coming of a new ^ial order, brought about by the industrial age. As a political system aiming ar the restoration of a feudal order, Confucianism will probably be put out of date by the dcvdopmenis of political science and cconomia. But ^ a system of humanist Ctiliurc, as a fundamental viewpoint conecra* ing the conduct of life and of society, I believe it will still bold its own. Wc have not yet progressed so far diat, for instance, the doctrines of Karl Marx and Cunfucius no longer meet, or have no longer a common meeting point. Confucianism, as a live force in the Cliinese people, b INTRODUCTION 5 ^till going io shape cur nsiioflal conduct of afhhs and modify Gomnftimism in Chb^ii if it h ever jaLrodiicecL We wtU merely repeat the fight with Western Com- fCtUinism ihaE Mendcii Ibugbt wiLb the early Chinese CommujiisEs and well* It Is iii this $eDSo ihaE n siudy of Conludanism and ks fundameaial bdieft will be of in- Eer^t to people of the Western world, in helping them fundameninlty ta imdeistand the Chinese and Chinese mom. To Western readers, Confucius is chiefly known as A wise man speaking ?n aphorisriL'E or moral mi^iiOSj which hardly sufTices to explain the depth of the mfluenc* of Confudaiiism. Without a deeper unity of belief Of $ys* tan of tliought^ nc mere ool lection of apliotisms could dominate a nallcnV hislX^fy as Confucianism has dom¬ inated China. Tlie answer lo the puzzle of Confucius' great prestige acitl influeace has to he sought elsewhere Without a fyndamcntal system of beliefs which k ac¬ cepted tp be true, maxims and proverbs might easily grow stale and outworn. Ttire Amdeclft the ConFudan Bsblfi is such a colleetion of moral maxims, and it ia chiefly through the that Confudanism has been made known to the West. But the An^ea^s after all k only a callcctian oi the cream of Confudus* Sayings, often torn apart from their contexts, which are found with a fuller elucidation in TAe B&oJ( of LJ\i and other books^ After all, Coufudus did not talk the whole day in stamtu sen- tedeei. It would be impossibJei. thcreforci to arrive at a full appreciation of the influence and prestige of Goafu- 6 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS diis without an understanding of the system of Confa dan ideas as a system. To put it briefly, Confudanism stood for a rationaUzed sodal order through the ethical approach, based on per¬ sonal cultivadon. It aimed at political order by laying the basis for it in a moral order, and it sought political har¬ mony by trying to achieve the moral harmony in man himself. Thus its most curious characteristic was the abolition of the distinction between poUtics and ethics. Its approach was definitely an ethical approach, differing from the Legalists who tried to bring about a strong na¬ tion by a rigid enforcement of the law. It was also a posi¬ tive point of view, with a keen sense of responsibility to¬ ward one’s fellow men and the general sodal order, as distinguished from the negative cynicism of Taoism. Fundamentally, it was a humanist atdtude, brushing aside all fudle metaphysics and mysdeism, interested chiefly in the essendal human reladonships, and not in the world of spirits or in immortality. The strongest doc¬ trine of this particular type of humanism, which accounts for its great enduring influence, is the doctrine that “the measure of man is man,” a doctrine which makes it pos¬ sible for the common man to be^ somewhere as a fol¬ lower of Confucianism by merely following the highest instincts of his own human nature, and not by looking for perfection in a divine ideal. To be more specific, Confucianism was definitely aim¬ ing at the restoradon of a radonalized feudal order, with dear gradations of rank, at a time when the feudal sys¬ tem of the Chou Dynasty was breaking down. In order to INTRODUCTION 7 understand this, one has to go back to a conception of the collapse of the feudal system in Confucius’ days and the centuries immediately following. There were hundreds of duchies, baronies, and townships, which had emerged as independent states, with the stronger states growing in power and territory and constantly warring with one an¬ other. The power of the Emperor, still holding a theoretic sovereignty over the Chinese Empire, had dwindled to nothing; in fact to such an extent that neither Confucius in his time nor Mencius later, who went about to persuade different kings to put their doctrines into practice, did not even bother to go and see the Emperor. This was a contradiction of his own theory of a rationalized social order, upholding loyalty to the highest authority. The situation was so bad that there was no point in either one of them trying to see the weak Emperor at all. There was, therefore, an international anarchy, resembling condi¬ tions in modern Europe. Treaties were scrapped, and there were alliances and big and little ententes, which never lasted very long. Taxation was frightful, in order to keep up the growing armies, and the smaller states were constantly worried about invasions by the powerful neighboring states. Conferences were constandy held, now with the ruler of one leading state and now with that of another sitting as the chairman. Philosophers be¬ gan to develop the distinction between "offensive” and "defensive” warfare and between "aggressors” and "vic¬ tims.” Curiously, there developed a kind of intellectual internationalism; scholars moved about and switched their allegiance from one state to another. The ancient 8 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS rites and insignias of rank had fallen into a terrible con¬ fusion; there was great inequality of wealth; and ^s moral and political chaos set every keen mind thinking about the best way of bringing about peace and order. In this atmosphere, the greatest intellectual activity, coupled with the greatest freedom of thought, brought about the greatest richness and variety in Chinese philosophy. Some repudiated civilization entirely, as Laotse and Chuangtse did; some became budding Communists, believing that every man should work for his livmg with his hands; some taught the oneness of God, the love of God, and a humanitarian, imselfish and even ascetic personal life, to the extent of repudiating music itself, as Motse did; and there were Sophists, Stoics, Hedonists, Epicureans and downright Naturalists. Many people, like modem Euro¬ peans, began to suspect civilization itself, and harked back to the primitive life, as some modem thinkers are harking back to the African jungle or the Island of Bali. Some others, like Confucius, were like the modern Chris¬ tians, who believe in the force of moral ideals, in educa¬ tion, in the arts, in continuity with the past, and in main¬ taining some sort of international decencies and a high moral standard in human relationships, which were all part of the Confucian faith. The chapter “On the Conduct of the Confucianists” in U\i (Juhsing, Ch. XLI) distinguishes this school of scholars from the rest. The term Ju (Confucianism is known in China as “the religion of the Ju" since Con¬ fucius’ time) was already current in Confucius* day, and the scholars styled as Ju were probably a special set of INTRODUCTION people^ conservative In pint of view, backed by Imtoricai sdiolarsbipk ^'ind wearing a spcdal fu cap and fa gowD ^ symbolE of thdr belief in the piisr- The following arc a fcw extracts showing the high morsl idcaliam of this group of followers of Confuciiis: The Duke Ai of Lu asked Canfuctus, “fs the MaitexV dress dut of die /«?"' Canfueius rephed, *'l grew up in Lu and wore a gown with bnud deeves, and Later in Snog and rhereforc wore a cap of hliek cloth. I have heard it said that a gcjitlcman is broad in hts schataiiahip, but wears ilic gown vci in limes of pdiiical duos, he neither couru faYots from chiac in aathoricy, nnr is hoDstjcd by those below. And when ihfl petty pdiDdniSi loin hands to defame or injuie him^ his life may be thieitenedj. but the caiiisc o£ his conduct may nut be changed. AI[hDU|;b be lives in danger* his soul nEinainj his own^ and even then be does noc forget the sufferings of the people. Such is his sense of responsibility I ^'A /« h broad in his knowledge and not nanrow^mindod; he cultivates Hif conduct without cease ^ and in his privam life he does pot abandon hhnselb When he is succe^sfulp hn dons not depart from the truth. In hU personal manners be Values living Lei peace and hannony with oihtrt He maui' tains the beauty of hb inner character and is leisurely m Ms ways, lie admires thwe cleverer than himscif and Is general^ toward the oiaiSEs, and is fleiible in principle, Such it Ms MBF ol niind and gcneroilty of charactcrl’* Against this background of jnirrnatioiiai anarchy and a collapsing andent feudal order, the different essential lenctt of Cunfiacka teach'mgs will be more readily un- dcrsttjod and appreciated, particubrly Cnnfudus* efforti tu restore an ancient feudal order through ritual and music. The charactcrbilc idea$ of this body of tcaobrngs INTRODUCTION II are, to my mind, five in number, and since these are also the ideas constantly to be met with in the following translations, an examination of their exact import is es- sentiaJ to a true understanding of Confucianism, I. The identification of politics and ethics: The whole emphasis of Confucianism upon ritual and music and its apparent preoccupation with moral plati¬ tudes usually strikes the Western readers as queer and almost unintelligible. And yet, nothing is clearer than the fact that the so-called “ritual and music” embody better than any other phrase the entire aim of the Confucian social order. It sounds almost childishly naive to hear Confucius say, in reply to a question about government by his disciple: “Ah Shih, didn’t I tell you before? All t^t one needs to do is simply for the gendeman to fully understand ritual and music and then apply them to the government! {Likji Ch. XXVIII).” This is easily unden stood, however, from the Confucian point of view, if we remember the Confucian definition of government as merely an effort to “put things right” or “put things in order.” In other words, Confucius was aiming at the moral basis for peace in society, out of which political peace should naturally ensue. The Analects reports a conversation as follows: Someone asked Confucius, “Why don’t you go into the government?” And Confucius re¬ plied, “Is it not said in the of History concerning filial piety that the King of Chen was a good son and a good brother and then he applied the principles to the government of things? This is also being in the govern- T1I£ WISDOM OP CONFUCIUS picdt. Wby» thereforci should I B® goveri^eni?'' 1q other words, Confucius was alniost an anarc^st, bo Lievinc as his highest political idral b a society of poopie Uving in moral harmony which should make govera. picnt itself unnecessary. This is implied in his saying that “In actiflg as a judge at lawsuits, 1 am as gpM as any¬ one. But die thbg is, 10 aim *□ that there sliouW not ^ any lawsuits at all XII). How this is to ^ achieved^will be nude clear m the foUowing paragr,iphs. But it is unmistakable that Confndus held the final aim of government and the criminal bw and ritual and mmic to be tdentitadi ‘‘iTie final of ““ the oimbal law and government are the samci namely, to bring about a commimity of the people's aspirationi and to result in social and political order" {*ce Chapter X"Ou Music"). Confucius was never quite satisfied vnth the kind of iBlirical order achieved by a rigorous admin- i$t ration ot CDforcciucDt of the criniiujl Law, Guide people by governmental measuits," be said, and rcgi^ lace them by the threat o£ punUhment, and the people will try to keep out of jail, but will have do sense of honor or sbamci Guide the people by vinue and regulate them by H (sense of propriety) and the people will have a sense of honor and respect." There arc then two kinds of political order, and It U in this sense that Confucius once said, "When the kbgdom Gh'i movci a step forward, it will have readied the culture of the kbgdojn of LiU (hb own country), the first stage of peace that lie ■poke of; and when the kingdom of Lu moves a step for- INTlOHUCTJaH . ward, it will have reachal thu it^ge of tnjt dviUzariou, !>*, the second i or the ratlon^li^d social order; Confudaolsm, besides being knoivo in Ch\ii^ m "^thc leiigioa of Confucius'* and '*Lht religion of the ” if further known as “the rdigion of h\ or rinzaL*' It wHl at once be sensed by Western reader^ that there is much more to this cnnccpiion of /i than merely ritualiidi itself, or the endre Confucian system is a sham and a Me. We have to meet this fact squarely^^ for the phrase "‘riruai and music" occurs again and again in the Confudan tcits and Seems to embody the entire Confucian. system of out¬ ward social order, as the conception al “true manhood" seems to embody die oscncc of Confucian teachings ro puding personal conducL The importance and ejcact meaning of the phrase ^^ritual musie’^ will he made amply dear in the Three Cemfuckn Discourses (Chs. VI, VII, Vlll), Here it is only necewary ro point out tliat Confucius* own dehiutions of govern men c and of ti eat' sctly CDLRcide. Government is delitied as putting things or people in nrdcr, bur ii is also defined as "the order o( XXVUI). The Chin He word // therefore Cannot be rendered by an English word. On one eaxrerae^ it mcitas. "rjiualj’* ^propriety'^J in a gc£icrali.£cci sense^ h rimply means "good manners*'; in its highest philosophic sense, it meaua an ideal KKt.i1 Ofider with iFverytliing in Jti placc^ and paztJcularly a rationalized fcndal order, which was breaking down in Confudus'' days, as I have already pclntcd out. 14 THT! Wt51>OAl OF COKPUClOt To adbsfc 10 the philosophic mcamiig, Confucius was trying to restore a sodal order, ha^ on love for one* kind and respect for aathurity. of which tlic social public worsliip and fesuvitics in niual and music should be the outward symbols- Of course, the rituals o£ worship lead straight back to primitive religious ntes muaies. and it b clear that this so-cail«l relipon of ir was truly soni-ieligious in diaractcr. bang rebted W God at one end in the sacrifice to heaven by the Eni^r, and related to the commun people at lire other end by the leadlines of affection and discipline smd thority in the home life. There have existed different relicious sacrifices to heaven or God, to the ancestors ol ihc rdcfs. i» the spirits of the earth and the mouncams and rivers. Confudus, as reported Severn] imws m the Analects and the UKi, said that he did not know of the meaning of these particular sacrifices m God and the Im- perbl Ancestors, known as cAmo and r'r, and dial if he did. It would be as easy to rule the world as to turn ov« oue^s hand, lu this a.spcct, the body of Confucian thought resemhlc* most the laws of Moses, and it « easier to ®m* pare Confucius in the scope of his teachings to ihan to any other philosopher. The li of ConfucJU*, h e the laws of Moses, covers both religious laws aud laws ol dvU life and considers the two as integrated parts of n whole. After all, Confucius was a product of his mnes, living Lu what Gimtc calls the “religioui” cm. Furthermore, ConfuQU* would undoubtedly have been a High Churchman in tcrapcramcnt, an Episcopalian or I Roman Catholic, if he were a Christian. He loved the EirTIIODIJCTIDN rituals of worships cermioly not as merely cenemonLiJ acts without meanings but witli his dear knowledge of bunhui psytliology, he saw that the proper rituals brought about in the worsliipper u respectful or God-fearing stale flf mindp Furthermore^ he was a cooservative^ like all £pisw|ialians or Roman Citholies^ and believed in ao- ihority and in coDiiimity with the past^ Personally^ his artistic sense was too keen fur him not to be moved by the appeal nf ceremonies and musiCt of whieh we have ample evidence io the Analects (see CKh Sec, 2, 'The Emodonai and ArtbUc Life of Confueius”)^ And 2% the worship of God and the ancestors of llie r tilers was to bring about a state of true piccy, so the Ceremonies of drinking festivab and archery cuiiicst^ in the villagesi ae- compnied with song and dance md kowtowiog, taeh ing the vilLigcrs to observe form and order in their £cs- dvitics^ were also to bring about a sense of general order and courtesy among the masses. Psychologically, therefore, the functions of ritual and music arc the same:. Confucbniim gave a fiorr of phifo- Sophie and even poetic meaning to ritual and music and dance. This is nothing surprbiiigt cunsidcring that Cun- fuduj himself was a great lover of music, learned to play on musical iustnimcnts from a master nf musie at the ^ge of twenty-ninE:;, and constantly sang and played on the ch*in (a scring instrument) even imiidsE his troubles. It is definitely stated chat die sj:c hrenchw of study in Confucius^ time were: ritual, music, arehecy, earxiage dHvfag, writing and maLbemaLics. Confudus himself edited the Booii of Scngs at the age of sixty foi;iuv i6 the wisdom or cokpucius i, said that aficf this job oi tdiiing, the different son^ were firsi shifted and properl]^ wtb tespeet in dicira=«>mpaoyin5m.sic.lnfset,Co^u«ns own^ according to reports, seemed cuatmuaUy lo ^o with sounds of song ond music, and Tsekung, when pbccd m d^ge of a town, began m teach the p^plc f sing, wh^ induced a smile and a joke from Cor^uam (CK V The philosophic meaning of mual and music is fully ivdoped in Chapter X. The gist of it is= 'Wn you S« a nation’s dance, you know the character of thc^ple ; "music comes from the heart, while r JWal comes from the outslde-’s "music is a «n« of joy-whM strained or replaced from the human heart 5 the (U- femnt kinds of music in different countries are an wdj- cation of Ihc different more/ oE the different p^ple* . "music harmoniaes the Kimmunity, while ritual dram its sodal distinction"; "music represents h^ven or abstract, while ritual represents the earth or the concrete ; fballv "Ihereforc the andent kings instituted nrual and music not only to satisfy our desires of the wr and the cyt and the mouth and the stomach, but in or^ to the people to have the right taste or the right Ukm and dis- likes and restore the human order to its normalcy. Naturally, the whole system of U embodies aim a con* Crete plan of a sndal hierarehy, conduding with a prt^ dieinus ani™nt schobrship regitding rules and mnnies for the religious sacrifices, the fescvitia of drinking and archery and the conduct of l^n and children and the takmg care of old people. Th branch of Confudan historical scholarship was be« tJ®* vdopcd by HsuaEse; a great philosopher whose hoahs ctill CX35C and who was a conLemporary and livd of Men- dtis, while Its philosophic meaning is also fully dcwloped in the Lt{i {see the Thro: Confudan Discourses^ Chap cers Vf, Vllj VIU), which largely reflect liiiuntsc's ih- rerpreradons. This undersfMiding of the iniportaiacc of Is helps ui also to undcrstajid another coroUary of Conrudus' doc- trincsit the importance of icnninolcgyi^ diet everything should be called by Its right oaniCL Thcicfoi^ when Cco- fudus wrote the politico! anniils of hb Itmc and the two preceding centuries^ called the cAWAVtf or Spring and Autumn^ his intexition was largely to restore the sodal order by sharp distinctions in lemiimlogy, A ruler killing a rebellious f^cral would be culled sfta, while a prince Or a mimster killiiig liLs ruler would be called When the Baron of Wu assumed the title of ”fciog," Confudua merely wroie down "Baron WUi*’ dunking that he bad degraded him by that single word In his Chmnides, ^ Humanism: The finest phllcsaphLc; penpepdon of Confucius, it seems TO mCf is his recognition that "the measure of tnan Is iTiiin.** If it were not sOj the whole system of Cbnfuckn ethics would &II to pieces* and would immediately be^ come impracdciahlc. The whole phiJosophy of ritual and mu^ic is but tn **sct ttic human heart rights*' and the king¬ dom of God is truly within the man himselt The problem for any man mtending to eddvare hia prsonal life is merely to start out an a hunt for the best in his buman l8 TUI WIBPnM OF nature and stcadfcisdjf to keep EO Tint is practicaU| the essence of Confucian cducs* This, re^tills in the doe- rrinc of the GoWen Rule, and k best eatpbifled in Chap- trt HI, “Central Hannoiiy " Of course as a part of this liumani*m, ih«e i$ a high and lint conec^oa of /en or *'irue manhood,** about which Confuciui constantly talked, but which, as a qualificatinn, lie consistently re- fmed to allow to all except two u£ hb disciple* and th«* great men in tuscory, Cnnfudiis was constantly rtlucrant m fia this concept of a “true man,” and when he was asked whciher such and such a good man was a **1030 mao, in nine eases out of ten he refused to apply that epithet w a living man. But, as is made dear in the chapter on “Cen¬ tral Harmony," Confudua also pointed out that in order to climb high, one had to begin fmin the low ground, and in order to reach a distant place, one had m begin by making a first step, and once he said, “Being a good ion and a good younger brother pravidc* already the basis for being a tme man " The conception jai (true manhood) is W difficult to translate a* the conception of li. In Chinese writing, ^s character is composed of “two" and man, signifying the relationship between menj Ln its present pronuncia¬ tion, it is idenficil with the sound for “man,** but in llie ancient language it had a pmnuociatiolt which was iden¬ tical to that o£ “man" in a particular phrase, quoted by a Han commentator, but unfocognizahle today. In certain instances In Confucian books, the word for "true man¬ hood” is actually used interchangeably with the common word for "niao,” the dearest instance of which occurs in HfTlODUCtlOfJ ig the AnalccU, where a disdplc ipcalu ahouz "a m-m tl! mg mio a well/' die word for being writicu with the word for '^mjc manbuod," mually translated as " ki nd- ness" or "benc%Tilcace/' Anyway the ossociadon of iJcaj is dear, la tJie Englisli bnguage m diiTcrcnt words, sudi as huTnuniiariant and AuTJtumlyt tht J.isc word h.iK a double meaning of "mankind “ and "kiod- ocss.” Both Confudus and Mcodtis also once defined "irue manhood'^ as tlic “bve of mm^' But the marter i* not so simpJe, la the first plac^^ as I have pointed out, Confudus refused to give a concrete cianiplc of a Uue man, whereas certainly he would not have icfoscd to give a concrete example al merely “a kind man." In the sec¬ ond place^ chk "true manht^" is often described as a state of mind, a state rhat one 'V^rdics for," "attains," "feels at peaLc in," "dcpaits from," “is based upoa," and (Mendus) ''dwells as In a house. The essential idea of is therefcrc a conception nf the state when man is truly himscLff and fmm thb point oOj Mendus starts out on his whole philosophy about the essence of Iiuman naturep and finds that "human nature IS good/' while I I$untse^ believing that human nattire is bad and faking up the other end of ConRician teachings regarding educatinn and music and the system of sodal order and outward forms of moral conduct^ develops the idea of it\ with emphasis on ncscraint fo common Eng¬ lish phrasoobgy* we speak of certain people among our acquaintances as real man" or ’^^a real person," and this seems lu come closest to llie Cbafudan concept bn of ien* On the one hand, wc begin to understand why Conbxcim ^ TKB WISDOM OP eONPUCrUB refused lo give so oiany good men of bis day ihat bbcl, as we can Kc uxky how many men or women wc would be willing to call “a real person ” in its most ideal tease, (Abraham Linecin ccrUiiily was one.) Ou ibe Other hand, we do bad that the approach to being a teal man is after all nor so difficult, and that anyone can be a real pusuo if he keeps iib heart right and has some contempt for the aTtifidalide* of civilizatina— in other words, every com- muii person can be a real man if he wants to. This RiUy fus in with the Confuciaa and Mcacian statement that to be a real mait, one merely needs to Stan out by being a good son or daughter or hroiher or sister, ora good citizen. I consider, therefore, my translation of jen as "true man¬ hood** fully accurate and adetjuarc. In certain placci, il will have to be rendered merely as "kindness** just as the word li in certain places will have to be rendered merely ws *Viltud” or "ceremony'' of "“jmiuicr?." ActUially, Mencius ar rived ac the pakion lint me a arc all created equal la goodness oF heart, aud that rnen can be like the Emperars Yao snd Stain'' (the Confuciin modcU of perfect virtac). 1 1 is this humanisde approach of dknblng high from the Io\v and reaching ihc distance from the nearby, aad of making an easy start ia virtue or the development of chancier that accouate for ilie grat fascinatiod of Confudanism over the Chinese peo¬ ple, as distiaguished from ihe much more idealislic doc- trine of Morse* tmiuiig actually the "farherhood of God" aad **univi:rsal love,” so akin to ChrUtianiiy. The human¬ istic idea of measuring man by man not only forces one to discover the true «lfi but naturally also rwults la the INTlOD VGTIDM IT Golden Rultj known in Qimeie sa sAa^ p^imdy, av O^n* fucius repeatedJy saidj ''Do not do unto others wlui you would nqr have others do unto you/' Confudus not only ^vc this ^ A ddinitkin o£ the ''true nun^" but also sjid dial it was oeotrd ibread oi all his teadiiogs. The word for jAu (rnwning ^reciprocity") is wriircn in Ghi- ncu; whh Lhe two cleixhcnts “a heut" and “dikcL.'^ In motU era Chinese^ it usually means forgiveness," but the traosi- tion is easy to understand^ for if you assunae that all men's reactions arc the same in a pitJcnUr dreumstanoe^ and if you place yourself ia die nther man's posllkm^ you would naturally forgi^. Confudanisinj therefore;* con- standy reverted ro the personal teat of how would you foci yourself or '^finding it to yourselL” Hie best aiialDgyt as given in Chapter Jllj is dwt of a carpenter trying to make an Me-handle-Kall he needs ro.do is to look at the handle of the axe in hLx owa hand for a iiiodeL He will OOt have to go far. The measure of man is man* 4. Personal cultivation as the basis of a world order: The cthiud approach o£ Confudamstn to the problems of politico has already been made dear. Put in the plains cot terrost Conhicius believed that a natioD of good sons and good brothers could not help making an orderly, pcaccftil nation* Confucianism traced hack the ordering of a aaticnal life to the regulation of the family life and the regulation of the family life to the cultivation of the personal life. That means very much abour the same thing os when modern educators cell us that the reform of the present chaotic world after all must ultimately depend 22 tUB WlAUOM 0? CONFUCIUS on educarioii. ITtC logical connfictioiu between a world o^der aa tlae final aim and the cultivation of the personal life by individiiaLi m a necessary itart are made perfectly pbin in the chapter, "EtWes and Politics” (Chapter iV) and also in Chapter Ill, Sec. fi, and throughout the Chapters VI, VII, VUI, The Chinese picocaiptioii with moral maxims and platitudes becomes then intelligible, for they arc out detached apbofisms, but a/e pn of a well-rounded political philosophy. Interpreted in the light of modern psychology, this doc¬ trine can ht reduced easily to two theories the theo^ of T.flKir and the thooiy of imitation. The whole emphasis on "filial piety,” more clearly translated hy myself as bciog a good son,” is psychologically based on the theory of habit. Confucius and Mencius Hierully said that, having acquired the habits of love and respect in tbe hom<^ one could not hut extend this mental attitude of love and respect to other people’s parents and dder brothers and to the authorities of the state. As stated in Chapter IV, "when the individual families have learned kindness then the whole nation has learned kindness, and when the individual families have learned courtesy, llien the whole nation has learned courtesy." The teaebiug of young diU- drcD ID love their parents and brothers and to be respect* ful to their juperiars lays the foundation of right menial and moral attitudes for growing up to be good citizens. 5. The intcllertual upper class: 'Phe theory of imitation, or the power of example, rev suits in the doctrine of the intellectual upper class and of INTRODUCTION 2'^ ‘‘government by example.” The intellectual upper class is at the same time a moral upper class, or it fails in its qualifications to be considered the upper class at all. This is the well-known conception of the Confucian “gentle¬ man” or “superior man” or “princely man.” This princely man is not at all a super man of the Nietzschean type. He is merely a kind and gentle man of moral principles, at the same time a man who loves learning, who is calm himself and perfectly at ease and is constandy careful of his own conduct, believing that by example he has a great influence over society in general. He is perfectly at case in his own station of life and has a certain contempt for the mere luxuries of living. All the moral teachings of Confucius arc practically grouped around this culdvatcd gentleman. The Chinese word for this, chuntse, was a current term given a new meaning by the usage of Con¬ fucius. In many places, it definitely meant “the sovereign” and could not be translated as “gendeman” and still make sense; in other places, it obviously meant only a culdvatcd “gentleman.” With the existence of an intellectual upper class of rulers, the two meanings merged into one another, and formed a concept very similar to Plato’s “philosopher king.” The theory of the power of example is fully de¬ veloped in Chapter XII of the Analects (sec Chapter V o£ this book, Sec. 9). Confucius had an overweening con¬ fidence in the power of moral example. When a rapacious rich official, Chik’angtse, told Confucius that he was wor¬ ried about the prevalence of robbers and thieves in his country, Confucius bluntly replied, “If you yourself don’t THfl WISnnM of CONl*UCltfS love money, you tan gi™ *'i= money to [be thiews and they won't take it." n. K BdU£F ESTIMA™ Of TtlE OHAKACrER OF {MKfUCtUlS The great prottge of Confucius and Cbnfucian teachings during the centuries tm mediately after his death, as well as in subsetjuciil Chinese history, must be ascribed to three factors; first, the intrinsic appeal of Confudan Idas to the Chinese way of thinking; second, tlie enormous historical learning and acholiirsbip accnmnlated and prac tically rnonopolined by die CoofucianisU, in contrast to the other schools which did not bother with historical learning (and this body of sdiobtship carried enough weight and pratige o£ its own) ; and thirdly, the evident charm of personality and prestige of the Master himself. There arc in this world cetLam great Deachers, whose per¬ sonality seems lo account for their influence more than thdr scholarship. We think of Socrates, or of St. Francis of Assisi, whn themselves did not write any books of account, but who left such a tremendous impress on Lheir generation that their infiucnce persisted throughout the ages. The charm of Confudus was very much like the charm of Socrates; the very fact that the btier enm- manded the affcabn and respect of Plato is sufficient evidence of the power of his personality and his ideal. It is true Confudus edited the Soo\ of Songf, and tt is aim true that he wrote the bare skeleton of events, chron¬ icled in the Spring and Aattitnn, hut after aU the great l^tKODVCtlOVt 25 imditJan of hli ttachiog^ was puL dywa by his disdpld uid fulure £ollowcfs. Thtrt of course, rrujny charactmTsrifliis of Con¬ fucius’ pcrsoQzlity la tht various CooEuciaa books. Wc get a fofdiiitc of k at tht cud of CKapctr III* on '’Qatnil HafMOUy/’ His discipk Yen Hud also lauded him to the skies, comparing hLtn to a great mysterious sametbing: '^You rurn up youx head and look at It and it seems so high; you try to drilJ thxough it and ir Mcms so hardr it appears to be in front of you and aJl of a sudden it appears behind you-” Some of the best diaractcrixations, hmvever* am the foilowingi It was said that he was ^"gentle but dig-^ nificd, austerci yet not harsh^ plitc and completely at case/' Confucius^ sclf-charactcrizadons were Still berTcr* Once a king asked one of kis disdples about Confudui and the disdple could not make an answer. The disciplc then returned to tell Confndiis nf the Incident^ and CdrN fucius replied, *'Why didn’t you tell him that I am a man who forger* to cat when he h cnthiMiastic about some* thing, who forgets all his worries when he is happy, and who Is not aware that old age Is oomlng on ?'* In this state- tzicnt, we see something o£ the joy of life, the enthusii^^ and the psitivc, persistent urge for dning sOmcthifig+ He also said of himself several rimes that be wjis not a iaiut, but that be admitred he was tireless in fcamjag and in teaching other people. Aa an iUiasrratioo of this posirivc urge in Confucius, there is also the following record. One of hia disciples was putting up for the night at a place, and the gatekeeper asked him where be ws* froiTL Tselu re* plied that he was from Confudus aitd the gatekeeper re- 26 THE wrSDOM OF CONFUCIUS marked, "OA, is he the felloa/ who ^nows that a thing cant be done and still wanU to do it?" There was a high moral idealism in Confucius, a consciousness of a mission, that made him completely believe in himself. The charm of Confucius’ private character rcaUy lies in his gentility, as is so clearly shown in his conversational tone with his disciples. Many of the sayings of Confccius contained in the Analects can only be interpreted in die light of a leisurely discourse of a humorous tMcher with his disciples, with an occasional shot of witticism. Read in this light, some of his most casual remarks become the best. I like, for instance, such perfectly casual sayings as the following : He remarked one day to two or three intimate disciples talking with him, “Do you think that I have hidden anything from the two or three of you? Really, I have hidden nothing from you. There is nothing that I do that I don’t share with the two or three of you. That’s I.’* Another instance: Tsekung loved to criticize people and Confucius said, calUng him by his intimate name, "Ah Sze, you arc very clever, aren’t you? I have no time for such things.” Another instance: Confucius said, “I really admire a fellow who goes about the whole day with a well-fed stomach and a vacuous mind. How can one ever do it? I would rather that he play chess, which would seem to me to be better.” In one instance, 3onfucius said something derisively about what one of his disciples was doing. The disciple was puzzled, and Confucius explained that he was merely pulling his leg, implying that really he approved. For Confucius was a gay old soul. His gentility and hospitality toward all INTRODUCTION YJ desiring to learn are recorded in the following incident, resembling a story in the Bible when Jesus said, “Suffer the little children to come unto me.” The people of a certain village were given to mischief, and one day some young people from that village came to see Confucius, and the disciples were surprised that Confucius saw them. Confucius remarked, “Why be so harsh on them? What concerns me is how they come and not what they do when they go away. When a man approaches me with pure intentions, I respect his pure intentions, although I cannot guarantee what he does afterwards.” But Confucius was not all gentility. For he was a “real man.” He could smg and be extremely polite, but he also could hate and sneer with the hatred and contempt of a “real man,” which was shared by Jesus in his hatred of the scribes. There was never a great man in this world who did not have some genuine good hatreds. Confucius could be extremely rude and there are recorded in the Analects four or five caustic remarks made about people in their presence. He could be rude in a way that no Con- fucianist dares to be rude today. There was no class of persons that Confucius hated more than the goody-goody hypocrites whom Confucius described as “the thieves of virtue.” Once such a person, Ju Pei, wanted to see Con¬ fucius, and Confucius sent word to say he was not at home. When Ju Pci was just outside the door, Confucius took up a string instrument and sang “in order to let him hear it” and know that he was really at home. This pas¬ sage in the Analects has confused all Confucian critics, who proceeded upon the assumption that Confucius was 2^ THE WttHOM OP CONPUCIXfS a lamc ariti flot a humaa beiogf and waj aipf'ays polite. Such Drthodoi criltdim aaiur^illy eomplcEtlf dehuman¬ ized Coofucios- AiuothcJ- passage la chc Analsct^t ^ cnfdcd in Mcndiif, also piizzJcd the critics, A cormpc olEcinl, by the nsnae of Y^g ilo, presented Confudus with a leg o£ pork. M the two persons heartily disliked each other, Yang Ho found out wheii Confudui would not be at home and then pn:scntcd the leg of pork at hii home as a nianer of enurtety. Confucius aho took the trouble to Hod out when Yang Ho was uot at home and then went to say ihaoks to him and leave his card, la rtply to a quciLion from his disciples enneerning the rulers of dayi Confucius repflarkedn Oh, those are rice bag^!'* (i-c, getod only for filling themselves with rice). At another time he made this remark abom 3 man who was reputed to have mdiJged in Hnging at his mothcr^s death. "'As a pung boy, you were uunilyj when grown up, you have acoompljalicd nothings and now in your old age you refine tn die. You are a thief I** And Con¬ fucius struck his shia with a walking stick. There was, in kci^ 0 bt of fun in Cemfucius. He led 3 fullp joyous life, the fijll human life of feelings and strtistk taste. For he was a man of deep emorionalit-y and great &cJi5itive taste. At the death o£ his favorite dEsapIe^ Cna- fuctus wept bitterly. When he was asked why he wept a and was so shakco, be replied, 1 don t weep bitterly at the death of such a person, for whom else shall 1 weep bitterly?" His curious sensitiveness and capadey for vhcxlding tens was shown in an instance when he passed by casually a funeral of one of his old acqiiaintafia^- He INTIOUUCTIOTT wtnL m, acd moved by die wriepin^ of others he also Wrpe, When be c^itnte Out^ he a^ked his diidplc to mice ^ pn of the ^iccoutremenij on hb hor$c qj q Iimeral giLt^ and judj '^T:ike it Id as my formal preunr« I bared rbii weeping without reasoo-" This man^ who song pbyed musical ImtrymeiiLj {ffAVn, lek, apd and edited a book of iviih accompanying was an ardsL As 1 Lave alrady poimed ouii he was a lover of ritual and music. As an bistraLion of his Episeopslian temper^ there was the fol¬ lowing iDcidenl which ooDlrastcd him sharply with Jesus wbo had much less respect for the laws and the prophets and ail the ritualism that went with them. Jesus allowed a person to save a cow out of a pit on the 5abbatb» Con¬ fucius might have approved^ or he might not. His dis* dpic Tsel^ng once proposed to abolish the winter sacri* fices of ]ambs> and Confudm repliedi "Ah Ssse* you love the Iamb, but I lave the ritual!" Anpvay, he w'asn'^t inter¬ ested in animals. Far on hearing that a stable was burnt down by Fre, it was recorded that he asked whether any persons were hurt but "did not ask about the htiraci.*' The anifC in him made him £,iy that a man's education should begin with poetry^ be strengthened by proper conduci^ and “consummated in music.^ It was also re¬ corded that when be heard another m.in sing and liked iti he would ask for an r#nore and then join in the rcfraln. The anise in him also made him very fastidbus about his food and hU dress. 1 have already pointed out eUewhere that his fastidiousness about focxl wai most probably the ^ THE OF CONPtrclUS Qitise o£ his wife’s ruDoing away.* He refused to cat when anythmg was not in season, or OOi pinpcrly cooked^ or not srLTved with its proper sauce. And he had taste in maiching colors in Ids dressi A nMxicrn modiste could easily understand why he would match a black lamb Hja: with a black covering, a white faun emt with a whiw covering, and a fox otxit with a yellow covering. (This "covering" corresponds to the ’'lining in \Vcitcin for coats, for Chinese fur coats arc worn with the fur Oft the inside and the silk on the outside.) He was also something of an inventor in the matter of dress. His bedclothes were longer than his body by half, to avoid cold feet, and he struck upon the beautiful idea of making his right sIcctc shorter than hiS left sleeve fur convenience at work, which must liave also exasperated his wife and caused tliia woman to run away from the crazy man. (For all these facts sec Chapuer X of the AnalecUf or Chapter V, Section a, in this bouL The aristocracy of hii taste ralended even to divorce. For three successive generations, the Master, his sun, and his grandson were divorced or separated from their wives. On the intellectual lineage (the Master, his great disciple TsengtsCi and Tsengtsc’s disaple Tseszc), the record of divorce was also unbroken for three and a half geoeraijons, it being reported that the imellsctoal fourth generation, Mencius (who studied under Tsesze), iUmott divorced his wife. So, although none of them was particularly rid), they were undoubtedly aristocrats. One of the most important charaaeristics of Gonfudn* which really accounted for his great prestige was simply * Stt q{ IJFPfff. Pijfc INTRODUCTION 3I his scholarship and love of learning. Confucius said this repeatedly of himself. He admitted that he was not one of those *‘born to know the troth/* but that he was an in¬ defatigable reader and teacher, tireless in his search after knowledge and learning. He admitted that in every ham¬ let of ten families, there were some righteous and honest men as good as himself, but none who loved learning the way he did. He counted as one of the things that would trouble him “the neglect of his studies.” In one ol his sayings, I note a sigh of regret which is the regret of a modern research scholar. In his efforts to reconstruct the religious practices, ceremonies and customs of the ancient dynasties, he went to the city of Chi to search for survivals of the customs of Hsia Dynasty, and to the city of Sung to Icam of the surviving religious practices of the ancient Dynasty of Shang. He said, “I should be able to talk about the religious customs of the Hsia Dynasty, but there are not enough evidences in the city of Chi. I should be able to talk about the religious customs of the Shang Dynasty, but there arc not enough evidences In the city of Sung. There arc not enough historical documents and evidences left If there were, I should be able to reconstruct them with evidences.” In other words, he was essentially a re¬ search scholar in history, trying to salvage from existing customs as well as historical documents the ancient social and religious practices which had decayed and the theoc¬ racy which had broken down. Nevertheless, he did his best, and the result of his labors was the coUection of the Confudan Fwc Classics which were strictly history (dio turn of a Ch’ing scholar, Chang Hsuch-ch’eng), as disrin^ ^ THB WISDOM OF CONFUCIDS gubhcd from iht Four BaaJ^s- 1 hs vc no dotibE tlut pa> pk were attracted to CoDlLiduSr Itss because he was die wisest mm □£ Ills Umt; than because he was the most learned idiolar, the only one of hb day who could teach them abotir the andeot books and ancient scholarship. There was a great body of historical Jcajomg euoccriiing the governmental systems of ancient dmes^ and there was jtiU a greater body of historical Teaming (xinccming the religious rites and ccrenronics of a decaying or decayed thcDcxacy, particularly that of the Shaug Dynastyj as we can ste from Coafucius' Fwe Ctasikf. lit was reported to have had three thousand pupils in all, of which number seventy-two were accomplished in the ofSan^e^ the BaoJ( of HUtory and the theory and practice of rituals and music. He believed in history and the appeal of history^ because he believed in conunuity. It will be seen in the chapter oo ^‘Central Harmon/* (Chapicr III), diac he regarded as the three essential requisites for governing the world; Charatter* poddon of auihoriryi and the ap peal to historyT and that lacking any one of these things^ no one could succeed with a govcrnmcAtaJ sysLeoi and ^'cotntpand credence,"" however excdleot it might be, iTie actital result was that there grew up within the Coofudan lehnnl a great body of hisforico] learning which the other jKduxiU cuiircly lacked^ and personaily I believe th-c vic¬ tory of the Cou/ucian schnul over the other schools of Laotse and Motse was as much due to Its prestige in scholarship as lo its intrinsic philosophic value. The Con^ fudan Leadicrs liad mmetbing dcfioite to teach and the Confudan pupib had something defimte to leam, namely, 1 NTROUtrCTJ DN ^ historical Icaroiag, while the odica' cchoots were fcroed to air iMrcljf their own opinionsj, either on "universal ltive“ or on *^Joifc of onescifi" A word must be itiid libout the genial humor of Goa fudus, both because it supports and iUustfatea what if have said about tii living a fuU^ joyous lifc^ so dUfcfcnl from the convcnrbnd picture of Coofuciiu presented to us by the killjoy Sung doctrijiaircs, and because it hdjn lis to see Ills iimplicity and grcalnc$s, Cbiiftidus was not a cheap wit, hut oecasionaJly he cnuld not resist tuming a clever bne, $uch as the following: man who docs nut say to himself 'What to do? What in do? —indeed I denial know what to do with such a pcison"; or thb^ *'Know whac you know and know that you don’t know wlial you don't know— dual ia the characteristic of one who knows” (or in Chinese faslubn^ ‘'Know, knowi don't know, don't kuow^hat is know”) ; or this, “A man wJio knows he bos committed a mistake and doesn't correct it is oomirtltting another imsiakc.” SomelLmcs lie was also Capable of 3 lifile bit of poeiic humor or occasional License. There was a passage in the in which the lover complained that it wasn't that she did not think of her sweetheart# but that ’"his house was so far away." Commenting upon this passage^ Cnnfucins remarked^ *^he really did nor think of him at aJIf if she did, how could the house seem far away?” But the most diarjcterisde humor that we find iu Con¬ fucius was also the best kind of huranr generally, the humor of laughing at his own expense. He had ploily d chance to laugh at his own outwaid hiilures or of adinir' TKIS WisnOJiE lUJ' CONFUCEtJA 34 fing ihat other peoplc^s enndsins of him v^tfc plan OF THE PKE^EHT BOOS. I have remiiiktd thai the Confudan scliool practically monopolized the hjstortc sehoLirsLiip oi ibo^ days, io- eluding the ability to read wlsal was then already an archaic script, anti diis body of histone learning was handed down os the Coofuckn Fwff Clauici- lo llie year 313 B.C,, the ''buroiog of hooka" (with the exception of books On medidhe, asttnology and hoitictiltttre) took place, and in the foUnwiiig ycafj, 112 4&J Confucian scholars were buried alive for crititmng Ch'in Shih- huang. the builder of the Great Walk It happened, how- ivtr, that this Emperor*$ Dynasty, founded for "ten thou- tand generations,^ collapsed five years after llie massacre and many old Confudan scholars who had committed rheelassics to memory had survived iL lliese old schniat? thus had salvaged the Conf udao classics by an oral tiadi- tiou and by sheer memory, assisted, I siispect, ntvcrthelcas by some inscrihed pieces of bamboo that they had hidden away. These people then taught their disciples and had these cLassiea written down in what was tlien Called the ^modern script,” for Chiuese writing went through 0 greac process of simplification duritig the rdgn of that great Emperor. In the century foUowing and nfLerwards^ however, there came to light ancient bamboo inscriptions^ w'riEicn in the “ancient script," which had been hidden away and had escaped dett ruction. The mosr notable iH' stance \vas the discovery of ancient cotts by a "King of Lu," who had opened up the walls of Conhidus’ own i NTilOUTrCTION 37 bouse uiid lemple jjid found thtse prcHzrvai As they were JD arebak script, sdiobrs set about tn decipher them, 0. difficult but not izopoft^ihle job in diosc timcf. There grew up, therefore, a separate tradicson, known as the ^ancient script" tradition, whieh in part differed from the tradinon o£ die “modem script," notably in regard lo the records of the andtnt forms of soctety and systems of governmenc and concemiDg die mythokigka] rulers^ These TWO different tradUIons were noted ol^dy in the Han D'ynasfy, but the greatest eommentator, Cheng Hstian, for instance, tried to harmonise the two. A coni' promise was effected. Tlius throughout the succeeding dynasties, the orthodox version and interprecatJon of the Boo\ of Soffgf and die Spring anJ jiuiumn were based upon the ‘'ancient script," while the lJ\h admtned as one of rhe FiW C/afficf^ decidedly belonged to the tradition of the “modern script*" The distincrinu her ween the two traditTons wos not sharply drawn until the Cb'ing scholars of the ijth, rSth and ijth eenturio set nboiit with their sdciiEific comparative meth-od to restore rhe ir.ididon of the “modem script." Every available scrap of evidence and every methcNj of historic^ critielsm and philological le-' scareh was brought to bear upon this quesrion, the most notable achievement being the conclusive proof of forg* cry of Ewenty-five out of the fiftyrcight existing chapEers in rhe o/ History^ thus restoring this da^tc to a oot lection of thirty-three chapters, representing the tradi ikn of the “modern script." The general posidon is, no; that the arduuc script itself was a forgery, but that our 3? WISHOM DF CONVVClVi pFic!jeDt; version af the sodllccl arehiiic script was s forgciy. llie term ^'Coiifudaii today u^UiiIIy refers to the CLtsskf nnd the Four Soo\s, The Fu*e Ctas~ firs as I have pointed oot formed the body of historical learning editird, taught and handed down by Confucius bimsdl, wliile the Four Booi(s oq Lhe whole represeated die works of hb foilowcts, their records of Cbafudus' sayings and their interpretations or developments of Con¬ fucius^ thnughts. Then at other rimes^ we aba !;peak of the TAtrUen CiasFrs. The contents of these dlflerent i^llee- tions wiil be niade plain by the Tables on pages 40 and 1t should be rcmcmberedi however^ that in Conludus^own day, there were Six Cforifcr instead of fVWe, the addidonal one being TAr Boo^ 0/ Musics the rcmainijig portions of which survive today as one of the chapters of U\i (Chapter X of diis book). The oomparative Tables on pages 40 and ^t will show the relationships- indicates the '^ancient script" {iiuwat) tradition; "#’''iiidicatcs the “modem scripc^^ (tAitm^cn) tradldoD^ The usual approach to the study of Confuclan wi^om by directly attacking che AnotecU is a mutahe, because it lends nowhere- The Afislcos is a promiscuous and un¬ edited collection of Confucius' sayings, often taken out of their oontuits in longer discourses recorded elsewhere, which would make the meaning clearer. There are also duplicate quotations existing in differcjit chapters, of which there are twenty, showing titar the work grew by itself in separate hands and was noi edited by any nnc man. Some of the chapters;, evidently compiled by the cUa- JKTSO&VCTJON 39 ciplo of Tscngtsc^ w^tild cociLukE mare of Tscngtse. Tlic iliiTcrcnt sayings ia jmy ooe dupEcr arc 0OE arranged ai all id sequence of ideas; sofneunies odc can detect a mam thccoc^ but. more often one cannot* There are eviclcnt later additions ac the cud of some cliap- ier$^ and some Hnes in tbe textp Jbr instance thoK at tlie end of Chapter Xj ait dearly incomplete. But the greatest difficulty for a Western reader in ap¬ proaching die system of Cunfueian thought through the Afiiii^cis lies in the Western rcudei’a habit of readings He demands a connected dUcoursC;^ and is contect to listen while he expects the writer to talk on and on. llicrc is no such thing as reudiiig a Ime out of a book and taking a day or two co think about it* to chew and digest It men¬ tally and have it verified by one^s own rcfiecdons and experience. AeLiially, the Ansil^cis must be read, if it it 10 be read At aJi,. by having the Jilfeient aphoHrms spread out on the separate days of a calendar blocks and letting the reader ponder over one saying each day and no more- This is the orthodox method of scudying the AnalectSt the method of taking a line or two and [horoughly masrexing the thought ^nd its implications. This evidently canmiE be done with respect to modern readers^ Besides^ no one can get a wdl-rounded and consecutive view of the de¬ velopment of Confucius" thoughts by merely reading the Anaiccii. lliU is die reason why In the present pbn^ I am fenced to select from the Coufudau classics and the Fowr Bpa\f those chnipters which represent connected t^ays or con¬ nected discourses on any one topic. In fact, there exist in thirteen OLASSICi DOM OF CONFUCIUS s'S a-B ? lal S'l •i i § “ > o i “i.a S ^ S si e SI'S g-S i 'l-§ i$ i 3 O I •^Js bOS 3 ^13 o ^:2 o u a§B^>2 ■^1 8'“ -a fl^Jf E s E VM S g "3 ^ O S M-S “■ >» >* S 5 S3 •g.:! 5.3 6 >% *5 F in? s I- U.5 m 4-.3 q"^ I" S 8 n - r fDisfri3 3AIJ •is iNTaooucrioN' 5=3 <4 I l^lif ^ 42 riJE wi5D07^r of coNrvcrua the Lif(i cDQncctc J CoDfucio^ dUlo^c^ oE wluch Clulp- ters Vlj Vll eq J VIII axe good example* In Chapters III and I V| on “Ceniml Harmony” and "'Ethics and Politics," we lind also a connected clcvclopmcnL of Ideas iit the form of cssaya. Actually, of the ojjie chapters of Coof iidan teats (ix, exdudmg ibe Lf/c by Sitema Ch'jcii) selected and uajislatcd by myself in this tookj seven are chapters from the Zj^xV while the remaining two chapters consist of one selection from Mcnci tis and nne cuUecLloii of *^Aplv □rkros n£ ConfLicius,^ arranged or da$silied sayings se- Iccted from the Affnicas^ with a few sdections from other chapters of Uf^L By looking at the above table, J: will be seen tliat besides introducing oetv thaprers torn ihc tJ\j\ it coven In four chapters (TIT, IV, V, XI) the same field as the Four svhich Chinese childrcu were re¬ quired tu learn. In the dcmeniary grades. This method is therefore orthodox. I'wo of the fmr *‘Ccn* ral Harmony" and 'Tersonal Culiivatiooi” were taken from the lJI(i anyway and elevated into the position of parts of the Foixr together witJi tlic AfiiilcftS and ibc Bao/^ cf Mendui only by die Sung scliolat Chu Hsi (iijcKrioo), and there is no reason why the other chapters £>f thcLiJ^j should not have equal authority with those two chapters %vhich Chu Hsl selected- There is the general quotion as to the validity and accuracy of records of Qmfucitis^ sayings in and even in the Amhefs. This is the general question of what ex¬ actly Confurius or Buddha or Socrates said and to what cxtcut we can believe, for insrance, that PlatoV accounts of the Socratic dialogue were literally accumte. A synopEic INTRODUCTION 43 Study of the Four Gospels of the Christian Bible reveals discrepancies enough. And we find the same variations of the sayings of Confucius, given in slightly different words in the Analects, the Bool( of Mencius and the IJ\L It was inevitable that Plato colored the sayings of Socrates through his own pen, and the same was true of many of the chapters of the L/^/. Modern politicians who have the occasion to be interviewed by reporters realize the practical impossibility of obtaining a literally accurate report of what they have said. Nothing short of a dicta¬ phone can convince the politicians of what they actually said themselves. The Ul{i itself, as I have already said, is only a collec¬ tion of various records in the possession of the Confucian school, and is definitely of extremely diverse origin. Some of these, including the essay on “Central Harmony” arc ascribed to Tsesze, the grandson of Confucius, and some others, particularly a few in the “Great Tai” collection, arc undoubtedly handed down by Tsengtse or his dis¬ ciples. The chapters on education and music doubdess re¬ flect the ideas of the Confucian philosopher Hsuntsc, a contemporary of Mencius who spoke of the latter with contempt (“a gutter philosopher” was the phrase used). For the rest, a shocking proportion of the Uf^i is devoted to discourses on funeral ceremonies, while the “Great Tai” collection is devoid of these discussions. A good number of chapters arc devoted to the philosophic mean¬ ing and actual ceremonial robes and vessels of public wor¬ ship. There arc also chapters on the rules and custqms pertaining to all kinds of festivities— marriage, archery 44 the wisdom of confucius contests, dance, village festivals, drinking and games (Chapter XL for instance, describes a game in detail, simi¬ lar to those we see in shooting galleries). An important chapter. Chapter V, is the basis of the “modern script*^ school on the ancient system of administration, as the Chouli is the basis for the “ancient script” school. There arc other chapters dealing with the conduct of women and children and ordinary points of etiquette. The very 6rst chapter, for instance, besides giving the philosophic justification for ritualism, also covers advice such as the following: “Do not roll rice into a ball, do not leave rice on the tabic, do not let your soup run out of your mouth. Do not smack your lips, do not leave a bone dry, do not turn over the fish, do not throw bones to the dog, and do not persist in trying to get a particular piece of meat. Do not turn rice about to let it cool off, and do not take porridge with chop sticks. Do not gulp the soup up, do not stir the soup about, do not pick your teeth, and do not add sauce to your soup. • . • bite o£F boiled meat with your teeth, but do not bite o£E cured meat with your teeth.” This reads like Deuteronomy, and it is important that it be understood that the “religion of L//' like Judaism, embraces both religious worship and daily life, down to the matter of eating and drinking. The present plan of the book is therefore as follows: Chapter II gives for the first time in English a translation of The Life of Confucius^ the earliest and in fact the only biographical sketch of Confucius, written by the great historian Szema Ch’icn. Chapter III on “Central INTRODUCTION ^5 Harmony” gives a complete and adequate philosophic basis to the whole Confucian system, while Chapter IV on “Ethics and Politics” develops a coherent argument, whether sound or not for the connection between ethics and politics, between personal life, home life, national life and world order. Chapter V then gives the “aphorisms” of Confucius, selected and re-grouped from the Analects, on the whole the most witty chapter of the whole book. Chapters VI, VII, VIII form what I call the “Three Con¬ fucian Discourses” on the social order, which should sufficiently explain the true meaning of li, erroneously represented as mere ritualism. Chapter VIII in particular contains a short but important statement of Confucius* vi¬ sion for world peace and his highest ideal of a moral or¬ der. Chapters IX and X then give us the Confucian ideas on education and music, singularly modern in point of view. The chapter on music is one of the longest in Ul^i and is actually compiled from a dozen chapters from the lost book on music. After all this, the reader is given a se¬ lection from Mencius, which represents a most impor¬ tant and influential development of Confucian philosophy. All the chapters except VIII and X are translated in full, the two exceptions being entirely too long. I have done the translation of all the following texts myself with the exception of the chapter on “Central Har¬ mony.” Ku Hung Ming’s translation of that chapter is so brilliant and at the same time so correct and illuminat¬ ing that I am sorry he did not translate more of the Con¬ fucian texts. It makes that chapter intelligible to the mod¬ ern man. I havQ however, considered it advisable to 46 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS leave out hls own comments bringing Goethe and Mat¬ thew Arnold and the Proverbs from the Christian Bible to elucidate the meaning of Confucianism; readers who are interested should go to Ku Hung Ming’s own book {The Conduct of IJje—]6\in Murray, London). I have found it necessary also to make a number of corrections where Ku departs slightly from the Chinese text; besides, I do not accept Ku’s rearrangement of the chapter, and have made my own. I have generally refrained from mak¬ ing comments, and have confined myself to making sec¬ tional divisions and providing sectional headings which will help the reader to follow the argument or the de¬ velopment of ideas more readily. But comments are im¬ plied throughout in the work of translation, and I regard a translation of this kind as commenting itself, for there is no really intelligent translation without the translator’s interpretation of the text to be translated. This is especially true of translation from an ancient Chinese text into mod¬ em English. In the first place, the words used arc neces¬ sarily so different in their general connotation, and in the second place, the ancient texts are unusually terse and con- dse, almost oracular in character at places, and one has to supply the necessary connectives and other words made necessary by the English syntax. Furthermore, Chinese interpretations of the same text vary a great deal, and the translator has to choose from one of them, or make a new one himself if he is convinced that he has new light on the subject. I therefore withhold myself from adding com¬ ments in the Ku Hung Ming manner, except where such comments are strictly necessary for guiding the reader INTfcOD UCTI ClK with regard to die dcH^dupmcnt of idca^ or ior crphming CErL:dD Icrms. Finally, I Jiavc found ii necessary in Chaprets ill and IV lo rearrange or re^idit the ancient Lcjfbi. 1 realize fully lueh a responsibUiiy. On tlic other hand* it b generally admjLtcd dial the icxt5 of CbapLcrs III and IV eontain possible omlaicsf in arraxigemcnt* due tq the fact ikiE the separare paragraphs were Inscribed On ilifferenr pieces of bamboo and lied together in bundles. There arc signs of reshufRing when these hambciD inscriptions were tran¬ scribed on iilk in the Han Dynasty. Anywayp everyone admits thar succeeding paragraphs in “Ccniral Harmony" do not follow one another logically, aldjough die main theme is always there. Chii Hsi look the bold seep to re¬ ed it the chapter on ‘^Ethics and Pohtics/" resulting in the iransference of a whole section to an earlier part of the esjjyy and ntaklng the devdopmmt of thoughc tauch easier to follow. He even went as far as to wice a para¬ graph of his own* declaring that he did so b order to supply a missing paragraph, but in the process enabling him to put a hir of Sung phiJosopliy into the sicred text about meditation of the universe. However, if one con¬ fines himself to mere reshuffling of already existing texts^ with a view to establishing a mnre connected develop¬ ment of thought^ without personal additions to the text itself, I bdieve it is justifiable on the ground of making a clearer presentation of ideas its sole aim. Naturally, 1 have not Undertaken such reshuffling without the tnosi Careful consideration and undcFstanding of the reasoc why such derangerntnls of the origlna] text took plapc THE WISDOM OF OONi^tJClUa fV. OPJ rifE METHHH OF TRAf^ SLAT J Off A Kctlc marc must be said about the [ircsent method (J itrunslatiija. 1 consider n fransbdon in this Case as iodis^ dnguisbable from paraphrase^ and bcliei?* chat is the best most satisfyitig method. The situatioo i$ as follows: The andent texts were ex¬ tremely sparing b the use u£ words^ owing of course to the merhod of imeribiog on bantboo sticlcAf Most of the Jmprtant ideas and character] jritbns that cHVered a whole class of qualities were expressed by monosyilabk words, and m jccardanDC wldi the general nature of Chinese grammar, the meaning was indiated by syn¬ tax or word order rather than by the usual English con- neetives^ hlerc arc two extreme Lnsbuices la the Chinese Conn: “Confndus eomplctcly'dit-off four — no idea-^o must— no J(;h— no T'j “1-anguage expressive only ” It is clear dial unless connectives ar^ supplied by the transfamr, the translation would be practically mueadahJe. The ex-* tent to which connectives and amplifying phrases arc d- low^iblc has by necc-'uity to be left to the discrcUon of die translator^ and for this the tramtamr has no other guide than his ow^ insight into the w^Isdum of ConfuduSi as^ ssted, of coursqi by the commentatars. The first job is of course to deicrmbe the scope and con- notation of a term in the gmrral classleal usage and sec^ ondly its particular meaning and shade of meaDing in a given sentence. In the above instance of the ward \u, litis word meant several things: ‘'strong,” “stubborn*” "per* IWTRODUCTIGH ^ (istcnoc,’’ "narrow-imodcdncaj,” '"vulgarity," lirnited ic Imowlctlgc," and “mmcrinitt also." From these different possible JSeaaiags, the translator lias to in.T]te liis dioice. That ti ilie terrible responsibility atid tJie latitude given to tbc translator of ancient Cbincse texts^ and it Is clear that a dioicc of a differcDC word would alter tie t^nt- of the line completely. In this particular iostancej J have transinted the passage as follows; "Cbufucius dcnotmced (or tried compleiely to avoid) four things; arbitrariness of opinioji, dogmatism, narrew-mindcdncts and ego¬ tism.'’ It of course, open to question wliethcr the phrase “no must" should be translated as “don't insist upon a particular course/* “don’t be persistent," “don’t be in¬ sistent," or "don't assume that you mtui be right (or don’t be dogmatic).” Any of these translations involves as much parapbrasLng as the others. In translatiag the phrase "no idea," I have paraplirascd it as meaning '"don't start out with preconceived notions,*’ or “don't be arbi¬ trary,’’ That is n sense or shade of meaning won from a knowledge of the general meaning of the word “idea" la tbc Chinese langu.ige, md from an [nsight into the whole character of Confucius* conduce But the mere use of the phri^ ’'prcDunpcived notion" or ^^bitriuiocs$ of opinion/^ pecessariiy expresses what ac best was only im¬ plied in the Chinese word "ida.'* Id the rnorc fundamental concept^^ like /4 Asin, cJtur^g,. etc., I Iiavc adopted a method of provisboally ^nslating these words in my mind by a cenain English concept and going over the body of tlse texts ciontainiog these words to see which one would cover the field of 50 THE WISDOM OP CONFUCIUS rnuning mE>jt adrcju^tcly in Lbc majority of CAJCS, eiHow^ ing, of course, severd me^Iogs for one word. Thus I have comt to th* conclusion that !i usually trandjitcd as ‘^nLuar* or "^ceremony" must be translated aa ^ihc prin¬ ciple of sodaJ order” in die geoeraJ social phdoSOphy of Confucius, asitl as “moral discipline" in ceitam passages dealing with personal conduct* I have also come to the conclusion that the translation of the viiord fen as ‘^kmd- ncsi," "eharity,” or ^'benevDleiicc'^ is completely ijiade- qiiate, buE represents CoDfudus' ideal of the “true inaUp^ Of the "gre^c man'^or the 'Wsc complete man.” Likewise Attn cannot be tr.inrbtcd ns “honesty" or "keeping one's promise,^ which latter quality Confudus rather despised and aetually didn't care about m bis own conduct. Some- times hm means a condition of "mtiitinl confidence in the imet'* and sofnetimea j£ means "faithfulness." In the actual act of translation^ the translator is faced Wtdi two jchi after he has grasped the meaning of the sentence. First he is faced with the choice of one of a number of synonyms, and failure to get at the exact word would cumpJclely foil to render the meaning of the remark clear to the reader. I found it impassible, fnr in-^ Stance^ aJwviys to translate the word fcA as “virtue" or •'character*” or the meaning would be hopelessly lost for the reader^ Thus, Confudus said, “Thoroughbred^ don^t pti^ise its strengdi praise its cAnrader" Tlic meaning bo- cDuies clear only when we traosJate k os fijllows: ""In dis- cuBsing a thoroughbred^ you don't admire bis atieagthi hut admire his Now comes this same word for "charactef" in another passage: “0>nfiidus said* 'One iHTioDucrion ^1 having vJnut mujit Live wurda; one having wmdi not alway* has vinne.' " The meaning bemmes dear unly when ivc tmndaie the word for "character^ nr ‘Virtue" here by die word soul jn the TngJish language,, as fbl* lows: "Confuciua sid, 'A tnan who has a beautiful soul al¬ ways has lome bcauilM things to say, but a man who say* beautiful rhtngs does not necessarily have a beautiful soul. Then again occurs the same ivotd elsewhere in the phrase /e/i yin; to translate this a* ''viTtuous sounds" may give the impreision of scholarly Hdclity, bur merely hides the lack of understanding on the prt of the scholarly translator that it means "jarred music." Again Omfudus said, "Ejjtravagaut than not humble; frugal than (vul¬ gar Of sttibhom, etc,). Rather than not humble, be {u" The cotmecUoo hctKTcn exmavagance and Lick of humil¬ ity must be quire vague, and becomes dear only when we reabze that people who live extravagantly are liable to be etmcnled. A fully dear and adequate rfiinslation must therefore involve a sure choice of words- 1 believe it should be transbied as foUuws: "Confucius said, The people who live cxtmvaganiiy are apt to be snobbish (or con- ceited), and the people who live simply are apt to be vulgar. 1 prefer vulgarity to snobbery (or I prefer the vulgar people to the snubs)/ " In the second place, tlie traasbror cannot avoid putting the thought in the more precise concepts of a modern bnguage. The translator does not only have to supply the connectives, but has also to supply a liner definition of ideas, or (He English will be extremely bald. Thus in the example given above, "Language cxpresitve only,** 146M 5J tnt WISDOM Ol» CONFUCIUS the modcin tr^ioshtior is forced to trandiite it as foUoTOI "Expressivciicss is the onJy prindph ol knguage,** or "eipfcssiveness is the sole coftceffi, or aim^ or principl^^ ni rhetoric.” It is clear ibat there arc at least a riozca ways of trajislating tlib line in any case. But it h inevitable that the translator liquid have to slip in a word like “prio- ciple” or "aim" or "coocern*^ or "standard ” It simply can- not be helped, if the traoslatwi is not to become onread- able. TAr of p&reniArfci^hi the resulting text of the translation, 1 have to resort to the use of prcnthcscs after dodging the fltpove difficulties. The parentheses fite used for two purposes* First, for giving an aheruate rmiisla^ tjorip usually indicated by **(or ****** ).” The situation is often such that no one Can be sure that a particular interpretation Is the only correct onr^ Secondly, the paren¬ theses ore used exclusively for explanatory matter neceyi- sary to a dear ufidcrstanding of the test without refci^ cnee to foctuotes. Without this device, xudi explanatory icfcrcDces wotild be endless. In thix case, tlie parentheses are used with the sole purpose of supplying the minimuFTi explanations to enable the reader to read a p.i5S3g£ tmootkly and understand its meaning without difficulty. The footnoies are then reserved for my comments and other reference material. I Chapter II THE LIFE OF CONFUCIUS {Kungtse Shihchia—Shil^i, Book XLVII) The following is a translation of the life of Confucius in the Shil^i by Szema Ch’icn who lived about three hundred years after Confucius (145-85? B.C.). The translation of this document is important for two reasons. First, it is the earliest and in fact the only connected bio¬ graphical sketch of Confucius, and it exists in that great standard book of Chinese history, written by a man who is acknowledged to be the father of Chinese historians and a prose master. The authority of the Shif{i is unques¬ tioned, and Szema Ch’icn himself travelled extensively and visited the birthplace of Confucius and talked with old people who kept alive the ancient tradition about Confucius. It is therefore as accurate a picture of Confu¬ cius’ life as we can get. In the second placc^ Szema Ch’ien was thoroughly open-minded and unbiased; he was strictly an historian and not an advocate of Confucianism, taking sides in questions. While he expressed his intense admiration for Confucius, he was not himself a strict ad¬ herent of the narrow Confucian school. The result was. 53 I 54 wiSBOM np caNJUcitJS he gftvc UA a. picture of Confudus the m.in, rather ih.iD Coofuciuj the Sdlor^ ^nd many Cbnfucian critics have cried [O diston the meaning of several passages lu dm life by far-fetched interprctatioiiSp and sometimes evea to deny outright the coitectoess of the siofy. At any rat^ we can take it a$ a t^ery fair picture, of Confudus as conedved to the mind of the moit Iismcd scholar of his Limesj living about tKrex centuri^ after Goalucius. THE LlPB QF CONFUCItrS 55 li AN'CESTHF, CIilIiJHDal> ANU TOtmi (5^1-523 MjC.) Confucius was bcni in the town qf Ts&y, in the munty of Ch'angpingj in the country of Lii- His early ^nccftor ivus K'ung Fangshu (who was 2 ninth-genf ration de sccadiaL of a king of Sung £iDd the foimh-gcncration an cestor of Coofudus), Fangshu was the fatlicr of Pohsia, and Pohsia was the fiither of Shulfang Ho^ Ho was tlic bdicr of Confucius by extm-raajital union with a girl of the Yea faxniJy * She prayed at tie hill Nidi'iu and begat Confucius in answer to Jicr prayer, in the twenty-second year of Duke Plsiaug of Lu (551 B.C.)+ There was a no* Liccahlc cauvoJution on his hMd at his birlli, and that was wliy he was caJIcd "Ch"b" (meanirig a '"hiir')* His lit¬ erary name w^ Chimgni^ and his surname w*a$ K'uog^ ("Cnnfudus'* means '^K^uog tJir Master'’). Soon afrer Con/udus wa$ horn, his fatJier died, and was buried at Fangshai^ which was m Eastern Lu (in Shantung), Tliereforc Caufudus was in donbr as to the place of his father's lombi hccaiise hia maihcr had concx.iled rhe truth from him. When he was a child, be used to play at making sacrifidal oHcriiigs and perfomv Ing the ceremonies. When Confudiu^ mother died, he * Canfuctu** r^Otbcr’i Dime wa* Ttfa- C3i£:qU4L TIif n^l^Aaf wimfi fm "ntnE-JTiPTita]'' ubjj^ ait exr uiaidD„'" |»obdbf} jsn^nirip -union in \hu wildi. Soffl£ iAurpmtrt trr na cxpLiio ih'u by (bt (hr wwd "wiW.” itmpijr incMJ lhac the marna^fc wai not la zkiiiianbtite with nmnil hk falher nurryii^ the pti after the a^e of plKEy-fptrrt ■ficr iriairinf Aitnthcr ifilc mad pa- ■iuced eiAE diuj^^hicfi, lui osa iob^ ki me Tet- irtcherL 56 THE WISBtJM OF CONFUCinS buried her temporarily^ for caudoo^s sake^ la the Suvec of the Five Faihtrs, sod it was aoc until in old womatip the moibcr of Wanfu ot Tsou^ informed him of die whcrcy ibouts of Jiis fotberV firive^ that he boded his pirenls cogeiher ax Fangsh-m, Once, n Baron of Lti, Chj^ was giving a b^^nquct to die scholars of the town, and Con* fiidua irait wliile still m motiming, Yang Ho^ 3. corrupt berated Confucius, saying, “The Baron is giving a banquet to the scholars and is not contemplating the pleasure of inviting yoii.*^ So Cdiifiicius left* When Confudus was seventeen years old, Baron Li Mcng fell sick* On his deathbed he gave his son, Biron Yi Meag the following advice: “K'ung Ch’iu {that is> Confudus) IS a descendant of great fiohJemea. The house of the K’ungs wis destroyed ia the counrry of Sung (Con- fudus^ ancestors were persecuted out of the country by ihdr rivals and migrated to the country of Lu)* His great ancestor^ Fufu Ho, was the oldest son of the Duke of Sung, hut gave up the ihiooe in favor of his brother, who became Duke Li* In a later generation;, Chengk^aefu assisted the Dukes Tai, Wu and Hsum of Sung in the government* His humility increised with bis three succes* (ivc pmmotiam. Hence the Cilpod of the K’ung house bote the inscription I 'With the first promotion, I bend nay head; with the second promotion, I bend my nock; and with the third promodon, I bend my back. 1 walk, along the wall, and nn one dares insult me. Herein I have my rice; and herdn 1 have my porridge, tn feed my mouth," Such was his hunulity* 1 have heard that philosophers must come from the houses of great men, although they THE LIFE OF CONFUCIUS 5; may not be in power. Now K’ung Ch’iu is young and a great lover of historic learning. Perhaps he is going to be a philosopher. When I die, you must go and follow him.” On his death, his son Baron Yi went to study under Q)n- fucius, together with Nankung Chingshu (most probably his younger brother). That year Baron Chi of Lu died, and his son Tai succeeded him. Confucius was born of a poor and common family, but when he grew up, he was put in charge of the granary of the house of Baron Chi, and he was noted for the fair¬ ness of his measures. He also was made to take charge of the cattle and sheep and the catde and sheep quickly multiplied. He was then promoted to be a minister of public works. But soon he left his home country Lu, was unceremoniously sent away from the country of Ch’i, driven out of Sung and Wei, and landed in difficulties and bodily danger in the suburbs between Ch’en and Ts’ai. After all these wanderings he returned to Lu. Confucius was nine feet six inches tall (the ancient unit of measure was very much shorter, for King Wen was reputed to be ten feet tall), and people all marvelled at his height and called him “a tall person.” The government of Lu had always been courteous to him, and therefore he later returned to Lu. His disciple Nankung Chingshu asked permission from the ruler of Lu to go on a trip to the Emperor’s capital, Chou. The Duke of Lu gave them a carriage with two horses and a page, and they both went to Chou to study the ancient rites and ceremonies and saw Laotsc there, ^\^cn Confucius was taking his depanure, Laotse sent him off with the following advice: “I have jB rnt wisPOM op conkucius heard diaE rich people pre^nE people with money and kind persons present people with advice, and I am going to present you with a piece of advice: A man who ia bril- lianE and thoughtful is often in danger of his life because he likes to cridcize people. A man who is Jearned and svcll read and clever at arguments often endangers himself bed use he likes to reveal pcoplc^s foibles. Du not tbiikk vl yourself only as a son or a niloisEcr at court, m BETWJTPS' THIRTT ASP PCFTT (5:21-503 HjC.) Confucius ihea returned from Chou to his own countryi L\}f and more and more disdplcs came to study under him. At this dme, Duke P'Lng of Chin was a prufiigatc. His six minisiers took the power In their bands and indulged in invasions of the country to the case. King Ling of Ch*ti (whose rainrry was to the southwest of Lu) had a powerful army which dominated China. Ch7 was a big country lying right next to Lu (on the no^th)* Lu was a small and weak country; if it allied itself with Ch^u, Chin was angry, and If it allied irself with Chln^ then Ch'u would come and invade the country; and if it failed to cement its friendship with Ch'i, Chi too wotdd invade the coixoiry. In the twentieth year of Duke Chao of Lu (p2. B.Cs)i when Confucius was already thirty years old (or twenty-nine in the English reckoning}, Duke Chlng nf Ch"i came to visit Lu> together with his minister Yen Ying. The Duke of Chi asked Confucius, ^'How is it that Duke Mu of Ch^in was able tn dominate the other eountriei, although his country was then small and situ- LIVE OF COeSTPUCEUS ^ sictl at a far-away comer of the empire ?” "'Aldiougli Ch'ia was rcpliecJ Omfuciiis, "its ambittoa was greaC| and altbough it was situaLcd at a far-away corner^ iheir cooduci of sffnirs was in. accordance with the main rnaral principlca. The Duke took Poll ilsi from prison and raised him to the rank of a nnhie. After lalkjog with him for three days, he put him Id dtarge nf the govern- ment* That was how the Duke cpmc mio power. He might even have become a ^kiog^ and not merely n *dic- tator' doiiiioaLing the tidier states as he did." The Duke of Chi was pleased at Confucius' remark. When Ceinfucjus was thiny-five years old (517 B.Q)^ Barun Ping oE Chi displeased Duke Chao nf Lia because of a quarrel witli Count Clmo of Huu over a ctKik fight Duke Chao Jed his troops to attack Baron P'ing, and Baron P'ing, together with the other two barons of Luj Baron Mcng and Baron Shusun, fought the Duke, The Duke lost the battle afitl tan away tcj Ch!ir where he was given a township at Kanhoti. Soon after this, the country of Lu was plunged into disorder^ and Cbnfueius went to Ch\ wlient he served as the secretary la Earon Chao KaO| in the hope of establishing a connection with the Duke of aCL He also discussed musk with the Master of Mtisk in ChT There he heard the music of Hn'ao (symbolic dance music ascribed to an andent Emperor ShUD^ ^^55" 0204 B.C) and tried to learn iL For three DDonths he for¬ got the taste of meat. The people of Ch'i were greatly impressed. One day the Duke a^^ked Confucius about go vernmenr^ and COnfueius replied, "The king should be like a ting, the ministers like ministers^ the fathers Lite 6o THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS fathers and sons like sons.” “Goodl” replied the Duke. “If the king is not like a king, the ministers not like min¬ isters, fathers not like fathers, and sons not like sons, how can I have anything to eat even if there is plenty of grain in the country?” On another day, he again asked about good government from Confucius, and Confucius re¬ plied, “Good government consists in limiting state ex¬ penditures.” The Duke was pleased and was going to give the land at Nich’i to Confucius. Then minister Yen Ying spoke to the Duke, ‘The Ju (later identified with Confucianists) are bad models to follow because of their garrulousness, and they make bad subjects because of their pride and egotism. Their doctrines should hardly be applied to the people because of their emphasis on funer¬ als and their habit of letting a family go bankrupt in or¬ der to provide an expensive burial. They also make bad rulers because they go about preaching and begging and borrowing. Since the great men have died and the im¬ perial dynasty of Chou is in decline, our rituals and music today have degenerated or been partly forgotten. Now comes Confucius with his insistence on ceremonial robes and the details of ceremonial processions and court eti¬ quette. One can spend a lifetime and not be able to master these studies, or spend entire years without being able to master the details of ceremonies. I rather question whether it is advisable for you to put him in power and change the customs of the country, bearing in mind the impor¬ tance of considering the common people.” Thereafter the Duke always received Confucius politely, but did not ask him questions regarding the historic rites and ceremonies. THE LIFE OF CONFUCIUS 6l Another day, the Duke said to Confucius with the desire of keeping him in the country, “I’m not able to offer you the position of Baron Chi, but I will give you a position somewhere between the Barons Chi and Meng.” The nobles of Chi were plotting against Confucius, which came to Confucius’ cars. The Duke said to him, “I’m sorry I m too old now to be able to put your doctrines into practice.” Confucius then left and returned to Lu. When Confucius was forty-two (51 1 B.C.), Duke Chao of Lu died an exile at Kanhou. Duke Ting succeeded him, and in the summer of the fifth year of Duke Ting’s reign, Baron P ing of Chi died, and his son Baron Huan succeeded him. (Here follow two brief anecdotes. Con¬ fucius was consulted as a learned historian about certain finds which had been unearthed. One was about the dis¬ covery of animal bones during the razing of a city wall. One of the bones was said to be as long as an entire car¬ riage, apparently the remains of some dinosaur, and a king sent a messenger all the way from a distant place to ask Confudus what bones these were, and Confucius was ready with an answer from early history.) Baron Huan had a favorite secretary by the name of Chungliang Huai who had a private quarrel with Yang Hu (also referred to in the Analects as Yang Ho), and the latter wanted to drive him away from the city, but stopped on the intervention of Kungshan Puniu. Yang finally arrested him and Baron Huan angrily protested, upon which Yang put the Baron in prison and made him rign a pledge before releasing him. Henceforth Yang be- fa TMt TVfsnow nF eoWPUCius liawd ail tier more aJTOganrly toward the Baron, bur on his part Barca Hum Chi had also usurped the authurity uf the Dulcc^ so that ibc govemmcnc of Lu fell iuto die hantk of the Barons, The country was tliertloK plimifcd into a stale of tucra] chao.^ from tiic lofds down to the people^ and Qjflfuclus dodded aot lo go into the govern- ojciiit, but retired to study, or edit the books of poetry and liistoiy and niual and music ^Tbe numbci of his disciples rapidly grew, aad there were many who came from dis- lani parts of lie land^ in. Trifi POIICIO OF OftEAT PflWER a.c) In the eighth year of Duke Ting of Lu (502 B.C.)i Kungshan Puniu did not get along with Baron Huan Chi and allied himself with Yang Hu to stir up a rebd^ lion* displace the eldest son of the Damn .md make the children of their coaeubines, who were friendly to Yang* their heirs. They therefore arrested Baroti Huan Chi* but the biter escaped by a msc, and in the foUowiog year, Yang was defeated and escaped to die country of ChT At this time, Confucius was fifty years old* Knng^han Purdu started a rebellion against Baron Huan in the city of Pi, ajid Baron Huan sent a messenger to ask Cdnfucms to see him* Confucius had then* for a long time, devoted himself to the pursuit uf learning* he was mild and mellow and did not know exactly where to begin to ripply his teachings to die practice of govemmenL He said* *Thc Kings Wen and Wu rose to power from the small dlics of Kcag and K"ao and finally cstabluhed the empire of Chou. THE OF COHruCiUS 6j Vif I know, h imiiU place, hue perhaps j smy try " So Confucius waj about tOgOi bul lus disciple, Tselu (a kind of St. Peter), was dispicastd aud Ifkd lo stop him- “Sinoe the Baron asks to see me," replied Cbnfuduj, "he muit have a phn In hi* mind, and if he would put tne in powo^, we might achieve jorncthing resemblmg ihc work o£ Emperor Fiog” (who rcsiored the pwer of the Cboti Dynasty, beginning the so-called Chou Period). But after all he did nor go. Later on Duke Ting made Confuciiu the magutniEe of Chimglu. AIlcj: a year the town became a model city for all its neighbors. From the magistracy of Chungrti, he was promored to the office of the Secretary of Public Works (or Labor) and finally became dbc Grand Secr^ toiy of justice. Jn the spring of the tenth year of Duke Ting {500 B.C.)| Lu signed a Utaty of friendship with Ch'i and in the summer a Ch'i tomiatcr^ by the name of Li Chu said to the Duke of Ch'i, "‘Thi* jj getting danger¬ ous for us with Confucius in office at Lu." They ihen ar¬ ranged for a good will conference at Chiaku betwoco the two cDun tries. Duke Ting of Lu was going to attend the good'^will conference in his carriage, hut Cdnfiidirs isx his capacity as an acting Chief Minister, saJd^ "1 tiavc heard k said that in attending dvil conferences* one must scud along a military delegation^ and in attending military conferences, one must amd along a dvil delegation. The rulers of ancient times always provided themselves with a roilitary escort when they visited a foreign camntry. I recommend that we bring dong the Right md Left Sodictaries of War." To this the Duke gave his consent tHE WISflOM OF COrJPUClDS and they siartfd om foward Chbkn with the S«rmarfes of War. Thff formal meeting place where the oat ti was to be uikcn was provided with an iltar surroonded hy three juicccssi VC can hen rerncE^, The rwo delegations met with die tijuaj cercmoiiies. Th^ bowed to each other went Up fhe terrace, and after drinking the ceremonial ctip of wine, an official of Ch’i came fonvard and requested permission for the playing at an orchestra from diflcrent kinds. Tlie Duke of Ch'i gave hi5 approval, and thcii the enfertaincTi came forw'srd started a big noisci the civil dancers with their banners and pcfinaois of OH-tai! and pheasant fcathcrSj the milirary dancers with their spears, forks, jwords and shields. Confucius dicn came forward up iKc step, and advanced just below the first terrace; he lifted his broad elccve^ and said, ^'Why the presence of these barbarian muoidatis, when the rulers are celebrat¬ ing a good-will confereace? 1 request that they be dis¬ missed The Ch'i ofRcial tried to send therri away, btit the musicians refused to go. Everybody turned his eyes to¬ ward the Duke of Ch’^i and his Minister Yen Ying, The Duke was greatly embarrassed and then weaved his hand for the etiieriainef J to leave the place. After a while,, the Master of Ceremonies of Ch'i came forward and re¬ quested permission for ihc performing of palace musicp and the Duke gave his consenti The actors and dwarfs in costume then ^gaii to play, and again Dsnfudus went forward up the steps and advancing to the first terrace; he oaid* “Common people who Lry to corrupt the rulers should be kilkdi I jnequest an order from the Master of Gere* THE LIFE OF CONFUCIUS 6^ monies. The Master of Ceremonies had these actors exe¬ cuted and their limbs were separated from their bodies. The Duke of Ch’i was gready ashamed and impressed and thought that he had better return to his country. Speaking in a tone of great concern, he said to his minis¬ ters at court, “The people of Lu have helped their ruler to act like a gentleman, while you people have taught me to behave like a barbarian. And now I have committed an offense in the eyes of the Ruler of Lu. What shall I do? An official replied, “When a gendeman repents of his mistake, he makes amends by acts, and when a com¬ mon man repents of his mistakes, he makes amends by words. If you are sorry for what you have done, then I suggest that you make amends by real acts.” Therefore the Duke of Ch ’i returned the lands of Yun, Wenyang and Kueit’ien which they had taken away from Lu, as a token of apology. In the summer of the thirteenth year of Duke Ting (497 B.C.), Confucius said to the Duke, “A subject ought not to keep a private armour, and a lord ’ ought not to have a town with over a hundred parapets (each parapet representing thirty feet).” The Duke then made Tselu, Confucius’ disciple. Secretary of the Barony Chi, and ordered the razing of the cides of the three great Barons. First, Baron Shusun’s city of Hou was razed. Baron Chi was going to raze his city Pi, but Kungshan Puniu and Sun Cheh led the people of Lu to attack the Duchy of Lu. The Duke and the three Barons went to the palace of Baron Chi and went up the Terrace of Baron Wu. The people of Pi attacked them there, but could not capture the place. The batde then raged around i6 THE WUUOM 05 CONFUCIUS the Duke, anfl Confucius ordered the lords Shen Kouhsu and Yq Ch’i to go down sind m«E ihe attackers. The rebels were defeated and the soldiers of Lu clusc J ihem and defeared them ac Kumi. The two Batons Shusun and Chi then fled 10 the ajuntry of Ch’i, and the city nf Chi was razed down ro the gioundi T. he city of Ch citg, die itjoaghold of Baron Meng, then came iicjil in order to be raaed, and die magistrate of Cb’cng said w> Baron Mengi "Wben this dey is razed, tlie people of Ch'i wdll have an open way to attack Cn £rOtn the north. Besides, Ch'ciig is the stronghold of the Meng house. Without Cb’cng, there will be no Mengs. I refuse to hove it razed." In December, the Ehikc laid stage to the city, but did not uptiirc it^ ill the fouriccTirh year of Dufe away by asking one of hb folio wm, B.irDn Wu Ningi to go and serve In the government of WcL After this, he pssed through P’u where he stayed for over a month and then returned to Wei. He stopped at the home of Chu Foyu (a cidturcd old gcntlcmait whoTn Confucius respected). The Queen Naneia of Wd sent a message io Confuciusi saying, 'The gentlemen of foreign cuuntrics who do ua the honor of visiting nur country and wish to be friends nf our King always sec me- May 1 have the pleasure of your company?^ Confucius tried to dc^ dine, but could tm get out nf iL The Queen saw Con- yo the wisdom of coMPucitja fuditS from bchifid a curLaiii of Until* Conftidus cnticrEd and kowtowed tidugnoriU^and ihc Qukd nude a double curtsy from behind the cunnin, 2ud her jade hangings jingledi After the Interview, Confucios not mtend to SEC her, but during the interview, we saw cadi other wiEh perfect dcOonJm*'’ Tselu waa greatly displeased (for Naudii was notoriously loose in her morals) ? and COnfudus swore an oath, saying, “If 1 bad done anything wrongs may Heaven strike me! May Heaven strike meP Confudus stayed for over a month at Wei. One day the Duke was riding in a carriage with die Queen, the eunuch Yung Chu acting as the driver and Confucius following behind in a second carriage (or occupying the sccund driver's scat). Tlius they paraded through the streets, at¬ tracting the pcopk^s attention, and Conludus remarked, ^1 have never yet seen, people atitacted by vinuous schol- ars as they are hy beautifuJ wumcn/* Confuciua regarded this as a disgrace and Jeft Wei for Ts^ao. That year (4® B.C,) Duke Ting of Lu died. After leaving Ts^an, Canfucius went to Sung and atuih ifd the practice of ceremony with his disciples under a hig tree. A military officer of Sung, Huan Tud, wimted to kill Confucius and uprooted the big tret Confudus decided to leave Sung and his disciplea said, “We had bet¬ ter hurry*" Confucius said, "Heaven has endowed me with a moral destiny (or mission). What can Huan Tuti da in me?” ConfueJus went on to Cheng (in motlciti North Ho¬ nan) and the Master and disciplca lost track of each other. While Confucius stood alune at the East Gate of THE LIFE OF CONFUCIUS 7I the outer city the natives reported to Tsekung, “There is a man at the East Gate whose forehead is like that of Emperor Yao, whose neck resembles that of an ancient minister Kaoyao, and whose shoulders resemble those of Tsech’an; but from the waist down, he is smaller than Emperor Yu by three inches. He looks crest-fallen like a homeless, wandering dog.” Tsekung told Confucius this story (when they met) and Confucius smiled and said, “I don’t know about the descriptions of my figure, but as for resembling a homeless, wandering dog, he is quite right, he is quite right!” Confucius then went on to Ch’en (Ch’en, Cheng, Ts’ai, and Sung were all quite close together) where he stayed for over a year at the home of the magistrate of the city Tsengtse. The King of Wu (a big country to the southeast in modern Kiangsu) invaded Ch’en and cap¬ tured three of its towns. Chao Yang invaded Chuko (494 B.C.) ; the army of Ch’u laid siege to Ts’ai and the people of Ts’ai migrated to Wu. Wu defeated King Kou- chien of Yueh (farther down southeast in modern Che¬ kiang) at Kueich’i. A hawk, with an arrow piercing its body, descended at the court of Ch’en (where Confucius was staying) and died. The arrow was made of f(u wood and was provided with a flint arrowhead, a foot and an inch long. The Duke of Ch’en sent a messenger to ask Confucius about this arrow, and Confucius replied, “This hawk must have come from very far away. This is an arrow used by the barbarians of Shushen. When Emperor Wu conquered Shang and built roads across to the ‘Nine yr and ‘Hundred Man’ barbarians, he ordered tribute 73 THE WrSBOM OF COMFtlClUS £rom the differeac lands as a sign of their perpetual hom¬ age. The barbarians of Shiishcn then sent in tributes of arrows with wood and flint arrowheads^ a foot and an imrli long. The Enipcrof gave these arrows 10 his eldest princess as a sign of his Jove- 5he was married to a Duke YuhU| who became the first Duke of Ch'en. It was the custom to prsent gifts of jade to the Emperor*:^ Tcjativcs of the same aurnamc as a symbol of alTcction, and ta bring tributes from distant lands to the Emperor’s relatives of a di/Ferent surname, that they might not for^ get their allegiance to the Im periaJ House* That was how the Shushen arrows came to ChVn- You may look in the old archives and may be able to find some yet ” ActuaUyi they did find simUar arrows in the archives^ as ConfucLcts had told them. Confucius stayed m Ch^en for three years. It happened that the countries Chin (modem Shensi) and Ch'u (mod¬ ern Hupei) were fighting for power and often invaded Ch’en. When the euuiitiy Wn invaded Ch^cn and Ch^cn Ch'kng was attaeked, Coniuriiis said, ^'A hj let us go home I I’hc young men of our courttry are cither brilliam and errade, or simple and retiring* But they have not lost their original simpJidty of character." Confudus therefore left Ch'cn and was passing through die dty of P'u. It happened that a certain Kungshu was siartiiig a re* ExdJlDn at P^u and the people of P^u surrounded Confuclusi He had, bowever* a tlisdple by the name of Kungliang Ju who was following Confucius with five carriage. Kungliang Jti was taJL able* and di^tingiiisbed for hif bravery. He said, “Isn’t this fate? the last time I was ao companying you at K’uang, we ran into trouble, and now we run into trouble again. I would rather fight and die this time.” There was then a furious battle and the na¬ tives of P’u were afraid and said they would be wilUng to release Confucius if he promised not to go to Wei, and Confucius pledged an oath that he would not go there. He then left by the East Gate, but went straight to Wei “Why, can one break an oath like that?” asked Tsekung. “Yes,” replied Confucius, “it was an oath under duress, which is disregarded by the gods.” The Duke of Wei was delighted to hear that Con¬ fucius was coming back and went to the suburb to wel¬ come him. “Do you think I could attack the city of P’u?” asked the Duke. “Certainly,” replied Confucius. “Bui my ministers think it inadvisable,” said the Duke, “foi P’u serves as a buffer state to protect us against Chin and Ch’u. Isn’t it inadvisable for us to attack it?” Confucius replied, “The men of P’u are ready to defend their coun¬ try to the last man, and their women, too, are ready to defend their homes. What we want to punish, however, are only four or five of the rebel leaders.” “Good,” said the Duke. But actually he did not attack P’u. The Duke was then old and did not attend to his duties and was unwilling to put Confucius in power. Confucius sighed and said, “If some one will put me in power, I shall need only one month (to lay the foundation for a new order), and in three years time, I shall accomplish great results.” Confucius then left Wei. A certain Pi Hsi was acting tHfi WJlDO^f OF CONPUCIU5 a$ iht tnagisiniic of Chuugfuou (in the country of Cbio)i and Baron Chicii Chao WiiS fighring with Fan Chung* hsing and attacked hU Cicy* Pi H-d then rcbdkd and sent a tne^enger to Confuduii to come and hdp liitn. Confudus was thinking of going, but Tsclu protested* saying. "'Master, 1 Iiave heard from you that a gentleman does nut enter the country of a ruler vvho IcacU a bad per¬ sonal life. How is it now rhat you arc going to help litis rebel Pi Hai at Chungmou f ” "Yes, I did say SO*** replied Cfinfucjus. "But as tlic saying goes* a truly hard substance is otjt afriiid of grindkigp and a truly white aubstance is acjt afraid of dyes. Am I a dried up gourd that can slaiid hanging on the wall and go widiout food (for days) C^nfucLua was pLiying on a musical stone, the and a man carrying a wicter basket was passing his dfjor and said, "How can a man have the heart to enjoy pLiy" ing idly on the musical stone like tliaL? Sucb $. stodgy person doesn’t Acem to know lilmself^ What can I say about such a person?"" Confucius was once learning to play on (a string ifistruTTienr) from the mtiuc master Hdaiigtse^ did not seem to make much progress for ten days. The music master said to him* "You may well learn something else iiJid Confucius replied, *i have already learned the melody* hut Kive not learned the beat and rhythiU yet*^ After some time, the music master said* ^*YoU have now learned the beat and rhythm* you mu$t take ihe nest Btep.^ have not yet learned the expression*" said Con¬ fucius. After ;i while* the music m.istcr again said, "Now you have learned the cspiessinn, you must Lake the next THE tJFlE OF CON Py Cl US And Coafudus replied, have ncjt yet ao linage m my tnmd of the per$caaiily of the compose r*^ After 3»mc time the mmic master $aid, “Tlicic's a man behind this musics who Is occupied in deep reEectton and who sometUnM happily lifts up liis head and looks far away, fising his mind upon the eternal" “IVc gof it nuw*"" said Confucius. “He is a lailp dark man and liis mind fetms to be that of an empire builder. Can it be any other person than King Wen himself (tlic founder of the Chou Dynasty)?" The music ouster xOS? fruto hh scat and bowed twice to Couftidua and saidp ^tt is the composition of King Wen.'" Confudtis felt that he could not do anything In Wei and therefure was going west to Chin to see El ton Chien Chao. On reaching the bank of the Yellow River, he heard the news of the death of Tu ^liagtu and Slum Hua. He stood an the hank and sighed, “How beautiful Is the water! Eternally it flaws I Fate haa decreed that I shil^ld not cross this river,” do you raean?” asked Tsc- kung coming forward- And Confudus repliedp ‘'Tu Mingtn and Shun Hua are good mjnustcrs of Chin. fore Baron Chleo Clmo got into power, he said that he would insi^ on raking these two men, should he get into pwer, and now that he is in power^ he luis killed ihcm, I have heard that when people diaembowe! embryns or kill the young, the unlcora refuses to appear in dte coun- trysidc^ and ihac when people dry up a pond m order to catch fish^ the dragon refuses to bring the yio and yang prlneiplcs into hannoTiy (resulting in famine or BcKxl)p and that when people snatch birds' nesu and break birds' 76 !rH£ WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS eggs, the phocnis refuses ta colnt. Wily? Because a gejl' dcmjii avoids those who kill thdr dwo kiod^ 11 even the birds and beasts avoid the unrighteous, how much more should I do the samci"* He therefore returned to the village of Tsou and composed a piece of music for a stfiag initnimcni ciUed "Tsou li'ao'' m coaimtmora- bon of ihe two good mjnisi:er& Confucius then returned to Wd again and stopped at tht home uf Chu PoytL One day, the Duke of Wd naked him about militery tactics and Confucius replied, "*1 knuiv mmetbliig about the ceremonkl sacrjficeSy but as for the sdcncc of warfare^ 1 know nothing about it wharsoercr*’* The next day when Conf udua was talking with the Duke, the latter merely turned up his head and looked at the flying wild geese in the sky and did nor seem to pay any attention to Confucius. And so Confucius left for Ch'cn agaicL In the summer ol that year (^193 B.Q), the Duke died and was succeeded by his grandson Chch, who was known as Duke Ch^u of Wei. In June, Chao Yang gave the eldest son^ Kuei Huci, refuge at GhTf Yang Hu lieu sent eight ii dI cHine in ^miur^itfElDn tr> u-IhE he wJ b I^d shovi il)4 pmcnlill^ ane, wEifii tuir liuIrcJ Uk go tu mDu. Huirtan mtapc ll lull d luch coecta^kcbni, but Conihjciu enua wkiuliJ |j[7t lot fvntndicUDEii b CnnJ^ciui' lilc. Ouk' fuenu' icmaik diMal liu Wftflilc Up withnuE £nc«i'' *"11 1* a up in the j.bcive bodn-nt^ musiC \je ti^cD m i tiufflorout irnrirk. Moru 19 h^impnltt Conludiu' diJlcrcci aEEiEuJct m the tw<7 lALuicQtj vrtmEd be futile. Y The ddeil km wai a^pfrvfl! of hb rbEitlul nicraaiMi to ihe DmJjJ bcowic of the ina^uu cif Uv nptorimn ijuecti Niinda wlm haJ hci nWgie mocced the dcujirtd Duke. THE LfPl OF COWftrCTUS 7W rntJi dncMccJ iii mourning w wela>mc Kuci Hud, pc* tcucUng tlisiL dicy were nccompacying hiiu directly [rom his own Dnchyi Wei, in recognition of hh rights- Tbi welcoming dcleg^itiork waiJed in like Luiial fashion of ^ funci^ proce^&ion, and Kuei Hiid hcocefordi rcnLimecl Bt Cbl In the winijcr^ the state of Ts'ai removed irs capital m Cboulai 'ITiii wa^ in the third year of Duke At of Lu (49a B.C.)^ when Confucius was sixty years old* The Jtaie of Chi then scot an army to help Wei besiege the city of Chi * where the exiled prince Kuci Huci wai staying. In the summer, the ancestral temple of Huanli in Lu was btimt down and Nuukung Cliingshu led the pnple to fight the fire, Confucius was in Ch'en at thii moment, but when he heard of the fire* lie said that it must have been the ancesiraJ temple of Huanli that wat burnt (because the wrship at Uuanli was against die rules of the ancient feudal order), Lat*r Uiey found that Con funus" guess was right. In the lummcr Baron Umn Chi was ill imd lie drove over to the city of Lu, Upon seeing the city wall, be sighed and said, ^*This Lu once had a chance of becomiiig a strong state, but unfcrtUDatdy k lost that opportunity because 1 had offended Coafudus.^ Then be turned zround and spoke to bis heir Baron K'ang Chi and said, know that when 1 die you will become the Chief Minister of Lut and when yon do, you must call Confucius hxck into * Thii cky oT rUiH trai itnl in tbr mke ilfa\ thr Iwe nunc: bdn^ ditlcrenlJv in CiitmuE^ ^ THU WIElIDM OP COWl^VCIVi pomtJ* Hu^in died a few days afterwards and Baron K^ang mccjccdcd bim:. After the buriij ccremonyi Kc was going to «nd for ConfuciuSj when \uk brother Yii Siikl, “Our deceased Eachcr once appoidicd Coofutiiis to a position of power and tlicn foiled to go through wkb. it, thus making himself a laughing stock of the ocher Dukes. Now^ i£ you Uy to appoint him again and then change your mind^ you wiJl again make yourself the laughing stock of the other states.” "Whom then woidd you KiiggcBt?" askird Baron K^ang^ “Send for fan Ch‘iu” {a disciple of Confucius)^ was the reply. A measenger wai therefore sene to ask for Jan Ch'iu^ When Jiin Ghlu was about to d£parij Confucius said, "When die people of Lu send for Chiu, they are going Co give him real authorityi and not merely a small position.** That day Confucius said, “Lee us go bome! Let us go honicl The young men of our country are either brilliant and crradc or too simple and rciirijig. They make good material, and T must try lo cut them into shape." Tsekung knevr chat ConfuduE was thinking of going home and on prting he spoke 10 Jan Chiu, "Whtii you are m power, you must send for Confucius^ V. IN K.^irK£UlTLEit IN CH^EN iiND TS"a1 (49X-48g BjC.) After Jsn Chiu had Icft^ Omfudus proceeded In the following year (491 B.C) from Ch'cn to Ts'oL The Duke Chao of T$^ai wa^ going to Wu in obedience to 3 sum- molts from the King of Wu. Now Duke Chao had pre¬ viously deceived his subjects when he ixloved bis caplEoI THE LIFE OF CONFUCIUS 7^ to Choulai, and when he was going to Wu, his ministers were afraid that he was going to move his capital once more, and Kungsun P’ien shot the Duke and killed him. The next year (490 B.C.), Confucius went from Ts’ai to Yeh (another small state), and the Duke of Yeh asked Confucius about good government, and Confucius re¬ plied, "Good government consists in winning the loyalty of the people nearby and attracting the people far away.” Another day, the Duke asked about Confucius from his disciple Tselu, and Tselu did not reply. When Confucius heard this, he said, “Ah Yu (familiar name of Tselu), why didn t you tell him that I am a man who pursues the truth untiringly, and teaches people unceasingly, and who forgets to eat when he is enthusiastic about something, and forgets all his worries when happy or elated, and who is not aware that old age is coming on?” After leaving Yeh, Confucius returned to Ts’ai. Ch’ang- chu and Chiehni were plowing the field together. Con fucius thought they were retired philosophers and sent Tselu to inquire the way of them. “Who is that fellow driving the carriage?” asked Ch’angchu. “That’s Con¬ fucius,” was Tselu’s reply. “Is he K’ung Ch’iu of Lu?” And Tselu replied, “Yes.” “Oh, then he ought to know the way.” And Chiehni asked Tselu, “Who are you?” “I am Chung Yu.” “Are you a disciple of K’ung Ch’iu ?* Tselu replied in the affirmative, and Chiehni said, “Oh, the world is full of those people wandering about, but who is ever going to change the present state of affairs? Furthermore, rather than follow one who avoids certain types of people, why not follow one who avoids society So THH WISDOM OF CDf^FUCIUS altogether?’' Tsclu told this to Confucius aiitl Coafudui sighed and saiilp "Birds and bcasia {or tho^e who tiy to imitate diciEiJi are nos right cotopaiiy for tiSi If there were a moral order in the present worldj why should 1 bother to change it?" Another day Tselu was walking on the road and he met an old man who carried a wicker baskes and asked the lutceti *’Havc you seen the The old man re- plied^ "Who is die "MaiSCr?— a man who doesn't work with his arms and legs^ and who doesn t know how to difldnguhti between the different kinds of grainsl” And the old man pbnted his slick on the graund and began to weed the field. Tidu told this jfory to ConfuciuSi and Confucius saidf must be a reLired philosopher." Tsclu went again so find him, but he had disappeared- Confucius wandered in Ts^ai for three years. The sUW of Wu W'as attacking Ch'eOi and Ch"n came to the rescue of Ch'cn (this wa* in 489 B.C.) . The army of Cb ti was encamping as Ch'engfu, and when they heard that Con^ fudu$ was somewhere between Ch^cn and Ts^aj* they sent wmebndy to ask for ConfuciuSp Confucius was going to pay his respects. Then she ministers of Ch'cn and Ts’ai plotL^ together, sayingi "Confucius is a very -ible mail. He has pointed out the weaknesses of the rulers of the dififerent states. Now he has remained for a long time amund here and he doe50*^i seem to like what we are dj> ing. Now Ch"o is a powerful ^tatc and Is thinking of itS' tng Confucius, and if Canfudus should ever get into power in Ch'tii our countries would be in trouble and we ounclvcs the nunislers would be in danger.” They there- THE LIFB OF CONFOCtUS 3t fnn? sent soldicrx to surround CemfuCtus in die country^ side. Couludus^ party cauld not geE away and Lhey were short of food supplies. Many of those in thn party fell sick and were confined to bed^ but Coafnclus kept on reading and singing and accompanying himself wdth a string ifi* strument Svilbout stop. Tsdu came to Confucius with evidenr anger in his fao: and sdek ^Doca a gentleman sometimes aJso find Wmsclf in adversity?” ''Yes,"* repJiec. Cnnfuciui^ "a gendrman also somedmej finds himself in adversity;, but when a common man finds hirmdf m ad- versify* he forgets himself and does all sorts of foolish: things.” Tsekung waa evidently impressed with the apt¬ ness of the remark and Confudua said in him, *Wh Szc, do you think that 1 have merely tried to learn as much as possible and store it away in memory?" "I think so* hn\ it truc?'^ said Conrucius, "1 have a cciiLral thread whicli runs through all my knovviedge** Confucius knew then that his disciples were nfigry or disappointed at heart, and so he asked Tsdu to come in and questioned lum* "It is said In the 0/ SongSt "Neither buffalos* nor tigers, they ™nder in the desert.* (A comprison ro themselves.) Do you ifiink that my teadiinga are wrong? How is it that 1 find myself now In this situaduii?'^ Tsclu replied* "Perhaps we arc not grc.it enough and have not been able to win people’s confi¬ dence in us- Perhaps we are not wise enough and people am not willing tn follow our teachings*^ ^'Is that SO?” said Confucius. ”Ah Yu, if the great could always pin the • Tt(k h rtifwbaT mipUincil iri tKe to- be ihe Gulden JUUc OC ibe -ut Kj;x:ipfeKityL Ba -THE WISDOM OF CONFUCHra of The pcopltr did Poyi ond Shuth^i have 10 go ,irid die dE starvation in the mouniains? If the wise TTica couIJ a] wap have rhdr reaching^ fol lowed by oLhers^ why did Prfnec Pi lean have to cojnmjt suieldc?*^ T#elu came out and Tsekung went iDi imd Confuciui said, “Ah Sze, it is said in the Soo\ of Sangx^ 'Neither hudalos, nor tigen^ they wuzidcr in the deserts* Are my teachings wmng? How is it that 1 find myself now m this sicuationf” Tsekung replicdp '"The htistcr's teachings arc too gncai for die people^ and that i$ why the world cannot accept them. Why don't you come down a little from yotir heights?" ConEudLis replied, ’^Ah Sstc, a good birnier plants the Held but eannot guarantee the harvest^ and a good .inisan mn do a skillful job> but he cannot guarantee to please his cEistoidcrs. New you are not in¬ terested in cultivating youndves, but are only interested in being accepted by the people. I am afraid yon arc not setting tbc highest Standard for yourself" Tsekung came out and Yen Huci wenE in, and Caa- fucius said, "Ah Hue!, it is said in the Boo^ of T^euher buifalDfl, nor tigers^ they wander in the desem' Are my teachings wrong? Huw is tt that I find myadf now in this situation F' And Yen Hud replied* '*Thc Master's teachings arc so great- That is why the world caonot accept ihenL Howevcr> you should just do your best to spread the ideas. Whai do you cart if they ore not accepted? The very fact that your teachings are not a& cepLcd shows that you arc a true genrlcman. If the truth is not cultivated, the sliame is oursj hut if we have already 'TltE LIFE DP CONFirO^trs 8^ sutnuously cultivated the i:ci.ichiag$ of a moral order and They are not accepted by tlic people, it is ihe iLjmc of those: in power. What do you caic if you are not accepted? The very laet that you are not accepted shows that you arc A true getuleman.^ And Ganfuclus wa$ pleaded and Kiid smilingly, “Is that so? Oh, sun of Ycrii if you were a rich man, I would be your hutlcrl'* Confucius then sent Tsetung to Ch'u, and King Chao of Ch'n scaiE an army to welcome Confucius, which got him out of Ills diihculiy. The king was going to give Con^ fudus land of seven hundred /i (or sctdcmrcnts nf twenty* five families each). A minister of Ch'u by the name nf Tschsi said, “Docs your majesty have a diplomat as able flS Tsekung?** "No," was the King’s reply* 'TDoci your majesty have a chief inmlster as good as Yen Huci?" “No," said the King again. "'EJoes your majesty have a general as good as Tselu?" “No," said the King* *T)oes your majesty have an adnuDistrotor as gr>ocf as Tsai Yu ?** ’‘No/ said the King. ’'Besidta^*’ condnued the minfater, “the afiowror of the rulers of Ch"u was appobced to ibb country with the mnlc of a Bamn, and its original rerri^ tory was only fifty /i (/f, about one third of a mile). Now comes Confuciusp who is caUdng all the time about the ancient systems of the Three Great Kings and the moral tradirion of Duke Chou and Duke Shan* How do you expect our country m gn on ruling thoLisands of square miles from gencralioo ta generation if Confucius is able TO put Into practice his ideal social order? King %Ven rose from the dry of Feng and hi-*! son King Wu rose from the dty of K’ao, starting only with, a territory of a hurt' 84 WI«J>OS4 OF CONFUCIUS drcd tif but Lbey fi4ifllly lueccEdDd in cstaijU^hing an cm*^ pirc over lIjc wfaolc of China. 1 hardly think that h ia for die ff3dd and impractical you arel What db you want to esUblixh a mr- rcct terminology for?** '*Ab Yo, you are simple miadcd Endeedl" Confudujt replied, "If fhc icrminology is no^t c^)lTecr|^ then the whole style of one's speech Mis out of form; if one's speech is not in form^ then orders cannot be carried out; if orders are not carried out, then the proper forms of worship and social mtercDursc (In ritual and music) cannot be restored; if the proper forms of worship and social intercourst art not restored, then legal justice in the coumry will fail;* when legal justice fails^ "Tbii pu&^e bcfc! 1:1 iidit ratal fuJly Uie phUoufilik hici^ anacbed bl '^riliuJ uid miuk" and alloWi inadc^bl^ of tnriflntuif CfimcK phrue /i and yo metdy si “riniai jnet muiic/^ The annnorteaq ntuaS aod ii wc mliranly iii>~ Krprtt ihfap tKwmWr wnd the idminiurRti^R bxal jtiiiieg cdimEA \m JnuJc, rnitf lit WV umplify jj. piUkdfillfll 86 THE WISDOM OP CONFUCIUS then the people ire aL a Ims lo know whoi to do or what not to du. Wlieft a geodem-m iratitetea somcdiixLg, he is jure by wh&c terminoJogy li should be called, and wheni be gives 5n order, he knows that the order can be carried out without queslion. A gendemao nerer uses hk ter¬ minology IndiscruiiiaaLelyh" The following year (4^4 B-C,) * Jan Ch'iu^ who was then jsskiing in the atlrnuu^LtalloD of the government of Lu, led the army o£ Baron K'ang Chi against Ch'i and defeated the latter H the banlc oE Lang. And Baron K aog asked Jan Ch‘iu, "How did you eutuc to know the science of warfare? Did you Imrn it by study or by na^ tore?" Jan Ch'iu replied, "I learned it from Dmfucius." "What kind of a person is Confurius?" asked Baron K'ang, And Jan Ch’iu replied, ^‘If you should put him io power, his reputatinn would spread immediately* You cDuJd apply his teachings to the people and lay them be¬ fore the gods, Qiu) even the gods will find no fault widi them. What he is seeking is to put a country into a con¬ dition of perfect moral order. Even if you should give him the nik over iStOfio families, he would not abuse die power for his own selfish cndii.'’ ^^May 1 tliexi suaamon him?” asked Baron K.'aiig. "No,^ repLi^ Jan Ch^iu, “you lonal iinler (“formi nf putilb Mwiliip hktIjJ lQlcr£mirK"‘>, m wi[l be mAil? ddr iu Chapttn. VI tci< VlIJ. Tbc phiJoup^ie rricanin^ IkTa ii ikiT it the buk EivorjJ and kcuI order ii sm rotoml and dtr proper hstiu of miod we aot embtiahed, it n iPfjrrfitiat foDy » hope for the atabluhment of prk? pJmI ntetr hy Klying on ptlRUhiiti dw U«r * There k UHat ttmTuuDd] Ld the chrofiotonv hac^ but cvidtsAci; eluwt k wu 111 4^4 fi.Cr shonlcj iiQf wciilci |>c ijnpolitCj mg bim like a common iiMO j j^ou should i^nirta^ him lo It happened then ih^st K'ung WentM of Wei Wiis going lo aimck T’uiihu. He ii^^kcd G>nfudus* advice about tactics^ and Conludus declined pohteJyt by saying that be didu^t know about tatties. After the interview, Confucius ordered Ids carrbgc for departure, sayingp ‘^A bird cna choose a tree for it* hahiradon, but a U:cc ennnot cluxpie the bird.” K'uog WetiLsc sdll tried to make hjjn Slay, I hen Baron K^ang Chi drove away Kung Huat Kung Pin and Kung Lin^ and sene presents lo Confuciui Lu welcome him. iTieo Confudus returned to his own country Lu. So Confucius had left Lu and been abroad for fotirtocn years before he returned to Lu (in 48^ B-C).* vif. smfoiAxz.r unoRS and personal tf ahjts of coNirocivi (484-^481 B^) Duke Ai of Lu asked Conf ucius about govemmedt^ and Confucius rephetk ''Hit secirct of governmem lies in se ieedng the right ministers/* Barun K^ang Chi asked Con fuclus concerning government, and Cuofudiis replioth “Raise the nghtcous men into pwer and Jet them serve as the measure for the unrighteous, and the unrighteous will return to nghteousuess." f Baron Kang was worried about bandits or thieves in the country^ and Canfudus * i J |can. -couniilia ^D^ieq hii learlag Lu m 4^^ BJX TV chii^Di^ logical dam Siosa Ql'kil Eiftudf give the year oI de- pitmuv 31 49a B.Gl, vhkh ccatrHiictf hb own t An mini^k of ihe Ccmfudin theory of imiradoB, to the hirin dT the doocrinc by EJL4ffi|3t («r duptET V* Set sh 8S THIS WISHDM OP COKTVCITI^ said, “If you youricii do floL love jwoneyj, even chough you should prcscjii iKe lUcvc$ with money, thty won't uke h'* But aftcf allg the government of Lu did not m its way cicsif to putting Qjnfuciua id powcfi nOr did Confueiui desire or seek nffia^ In die time of Confurius;, the power of the Chou Etnperois had dedinedj the forms of worship and social intercourse! Cntusl nod music^) had dcgeii' erated, ^od tcarniDg and scholarship had fallen mto dtoiy. Confucius studied the religioui or cercmnnial order add historical records of the three dyoastics (Hsb, Shang and CKod), and he traced the events from the times of the Empemrs Yao and Shun down to the times of Duke Mu of Ch’in and airajiged them in chronological nrdcr. And he once said, “1 should be able to talk about (he feudal order {it or “rituab'*) of Hsiai but there arc not enough surviving cusiottis in the city nf Chi (ruled by itic de* scendants of the Hsia rulers )< I should be able to disniss the feudal order of the Shang Dynasty (noted for the rule of the priestcraft):, hut there are nnt enough aurvLving customs in the ciry of Sung (ruled hy the dcaoendaULs oi the Shang limperon)^ If there were enough surviving cuslomsj I should be able to reooruttrna them with evi^ denoc.” And he surveyed tlie changes of customs between the Hsia and Shang Dynasties, and aficr noting how these customs ran on into the Chou period with rnodilkaiioiis, he wid, "1 am even predict hnw the future historicil de- vdopuicot will be for a hundred generations/" He noted how one dynasty (Shang) represented a culture with a THEI^fFEOFC0NFi;CllJ^ veilfh of ceremonial forms^ aild how die oLber dyniist)^ (Hsia) represented :i rultum of the simple life, and how the Chotj Dynasty iuid cumbincd and merged the two previous cultures into a perfect, beaudful pattern, and ht thcrcTorc decided that he would choose the Cbou culture as the jded,* Therefore, Confudus handed down a m* dition of historic records (for lOStanec, the present BaoJ^ of Hiftory) and various records of sindePt customs and ethnolngy. la discussing music with tlie Grand Music Master of Lu, he said, 'The principles of music may be kuowo. A performance should begin peacefully^ then it devrlop ialLi full harmuny and clarity, and doses with a condnua^ uon or repetition of the theme*'' He oooe also laid, "Aftci my return ro [m from Weit I have been able to renort the miuical tradition and classify the music of rriir^ (cer¬ emonial anthems) aud yu (classical music of Chou) and restore the songs to their respective origiaol music.f In * CciofiidLii thcnffcKTC laid worked wjt i cwicrrtF Ktcat intmi o£ kvc^ anlrr ipflij ricff pFwl rirfelnutnn mSuI IkliUaii:, \a ttM OklLQ tilt Cluau (x iio-ul B.C.) pattern, ^bkh Wu A mciA betwoea the limpltf tjmna o^ Hlla Caaj^5-i;94 &,C,> md the more eiibonlx rjiVrm of Shin^ ^oc Vifl, C-tX). Tfeii rmtiadiwl in ib* tKink CitntiiMf ivhiirli par^'Kii'Erd lit lu.vi*' bciiD ilcfiifd by Duke OaAU II ibc lauaAisis ^ llu: Chisti DjrCLlity, iCCotdwg to l£ic icnpt" Kh»a. The "isoderfl icripi'' kIwoI rctuili the prpicnf rr^i tJ ei A ^li:c. lAd Tnijankiu, -moTvywrit that i>iiifu£itrf wu iht jireHeH fc^UTf, tryinfT to jii*c hlinmt jtutbDfky to tui own Mdl ooDCCpoofli, by it bi Pukr CbuUp a tume U fCAjurt With. The h*m of thii ’^tnudem icrifrt” idbcul ic 'T'^f Kififj Ordrr.** Cba|AcT K of likK m wbkh a complete fowimcaR] ryFim ii iwtfinei3, + The Boo^ ef Sorsjj^ edited by CoofudiPH fchfiwi at preteaf i cbiilfica- licH] iibik] fiotir fti|Uii:4l ^txgttTKfi fl} the iHWgt (a) the greH yt, (j) po T HI WISDOM Of CONFUCIUS the ancient tinted, there were over three ihoownH mngj, but Confudus look uut the duplicates and selected Lbuse that wtrt suited to foim.* The collect ioa began with die songs of Clfi and Houchi (mythological aocesion of the Chou Emperors)* covered the great period of the Shang and Chou kings stud carried ir down to the times of the cyranrs Vu and Li. It begins with a song of marital love, and therefore Jt is said ”thc Song Ku&f$^^ lA heads the collection of /'Vflg; laming heads the oollcction of the 'Little Y^: heads the collection of ‘The Great Yti/ ind Ch'fngmiao heads the collecrion of the Confucius personally swg all the three hundred and Bve songs and pbyed the music on a string instrument tn make sure that it fitted in w'ith the score of Ajtaoji wu, ye and fuDg. Through his effnrtSp the iradirion of ancient rifcs and music was dietcfofe rcsaied from ohllvJna and handed down lo pMerify, that they might help in the carrying out of this ideal of a king's government and in (he teaching of "the sb aru^* (the six brandies of snidy in the schools of Confucius^ days : eercmunlcS^ musics ardi- cry^ carriage-drivings reading and iiiathemalics; also tahen ns synonymous w'ith the "six classics")* In his old age, Confucius developed a bve for the study of Vising, or the lioo{ of CAang^s, ita Pre/iwre, Tuen, rtkc natv Jttf, ud (4) tbt /•Cftf, nr pcipula# folk mUlk af hii da;^ ptoupftS accocdinv ta the crvunlrva- A|kut from the mUfiTb vlmnn m tract ^ ditfcniKr ran lir ffluflil in the diUercili h dj iIk KXI ■ canrafciciL ^Ckiafudui dkJ ineludt an amiiuflg numhef nf law irfSiyp, of irtfei meefiflFi of lavcfi ind cfapcmenl*, whicli wm in tfafJllfd va rvcJ«li but wtri^k li*i^ aliwit)4 £fl^ahctn«i the Ccnfiiciin raviici m THE LIFE OF CONFUCIUS 91 Hsi, Hsiang, Shuol^ua and Wenyuan. He read the Vising so thoroughly that the leather strap (holding the bundle of bamboo inscriptions) was worn out and replaced three times, and he said, “Give me a few more years to study the Vising, and I should be pretty good at the philosophy of the mutation of human events.” Confucius taught poetry, history, ceremonies and music to 3,000 pupils, of whom 72, like Yen Tutsou, had mas¬ tered “the Six Arts” (probably referring to the Six Clas¬ sics). There were a great number of people who came to study under him. Confucius taught concerning four things: literature, human conduct, being one’s true self and honesty in social relationships. He denounced (or tried to avoid completely) four things: arbitrariness of opinions, dog¬ matism, narrow-mindedness and egotism. He showed concern and care in three circumstances: ceremonial bath (in preparation for worship), war and sickness. He sel¬ dom talked about profit, heaven’s will or destiny or fate, and the true man.* If a man was not deeply concerned or determined to find out the truth, he would not try to explain and stimulate his thinking, and if Confucius told him one-fourth of what he wanted to say, and the • This last statement is literally incorrect because Confucius was talk¬ ing all the time about the true man; only when it came to pointing out fiving examples of *‘truc man/* he constantly held back, as explained in my introduction. Evidently terms like “gentleman** and **a true man** and “a real man** can become quite current concepts or expressionst without anyone being able to define them. Who can define what is •‘true manhood**? Socrates talked about “knowing thyself/* but philoso¬ phers as well as common men will never be able to come to an agree mcnr as to what is our true selves. THB WISDOM" Of CQKPOCIOS man did not go back and reflect and think out the inipli- cations m the rcmaiamg three-fourths £or htmsdf, he wDLild nor teach him agiin. In Its. private in his native vilhgc at with bk own people* he was gende &iid rcfinedi like one who could ROi ult much, but a[ the pbcci oi public worship* anti At the courts, he was eloquent, yet very carcfiJ in his choice of wards, Ac court, he wauid calk very serenely and respectfully with his superiors^ and quite a^ably with his inferiorsn On entcrinE; a public hall, he wuuld bow and hasten forward respectfully. When a king's jUMsengcr he would at once asisume a serious demcajm, and when A king sununoued hitn, he would go wnhaiit wail¬ ing for die carriage- When fish or meat were not fresh, or when they wtre. not cut neaily, he would not cat them. When ihc mat was not Lid oui properly, he would not lit down. When he aic in the corupony of people in jnfltiming, he would not cal hi$ fill* ^ should cry (at a funeral oeremoay), he would not sing that day» When he saw people in mourning Or passed by blind people, he would change his couUtcnancCp even though they were children, (He said) *1 never take a walk in the company of three persons, without hnding that one of them has something to teach me." “What concern or worry me aj"c the following: that 1 have forgotten to oiltivatc my character, that I liavc neglected my studies ■ TliF murri^l bere, il wdl « maPV qiictwiiM* in Lhu » nri- 4enih t-ktii from ibc 4fnir^. Mflii d Uk ^OfEnEiolii ajk £tlUv d^Miab noi tJiMri TcrfaHy identic ^tb tina in tbe Aa^tert. THE LIFE OF CONFUCIUS 93 that I have not been able to follow the right course when I see it, and that I have not been able to correct my mis* takes.” When he heard a man sing and liked it, he would ask for an encore, and then join in the refrain. He refused to discuss the mythological, expbits of physical prowess, unruly people, and the spirits.* Tsekung said of Confucius, “The Master taught us literature and scholarship; this we can learn from him. What we cannot learn from him or what he did not teach us was what he thought about Nature and the ways of Nature (or Heaven).” Yenyuan (or Yen Huei) sighed and said, “You look up to it and it seems so high. You try to drill through it, and it seems so hard. You seem to see it in front of you, and all of a sudden it appears behind you. The Master is very good at gendy leading a man along and teaching him. He taught me to broaden myself by the reading of literature and then to control myself by the observance of proper conduct. I just felt carried along, but after I have done my very best, or developed what was in me, there still remains something austerely stand- * Confucius had a deep religious sense and feeling of awe before the gods, whom he frankly declared that he could not know. He was, in any case, deeply concerned over the ceremonies or religious worship, and he also prayed, not in words, but apparently by a silent attitude. For when he was seriously ill and one of his disciples asked him to pray by going to the temple, he replied by saying that he had been praying for a long dmc. Also, he did not believe in answers to prayers m die usual sense of the church-goers, for he said, **A man who has com¬ mitted sins against Heaven has nowhere or no God to pray to.** The evident implication was that he did believe in prayer under other dr- cumstanccs, and the efficacy of such a spiritual communion lay in put¬ ting the man's own heart or conduct in harmony with God’s laws. 94 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS ing apart, uncatchablc. Do what I could to reach his posi¬ tion, I can’t find the way.” A young man of Tahsiang said, ‘‘Great is Confuciusl He knows about everything and is an expert at nothing,” and when Confucius heard this he said, “Now what am I going to specialize in? Shall I specialize in archery, or in driving a carriage?” Tselo said, “Confucius said of himself that he didn’t go into the government, and that was why he had plenty of time to study the different arts and literature.” In the spring of the fourteenth year of Duke Ai of Lu (481 B.C.), there was a hunt in the country and Baron Shusun’s driver, by the name of Chushang, caught a strange animal which was regarded as bad luck. Con¬ fucius lcx)kcd at it and declared it was a unicorn, and then the people brought the animal home.* Confucius then said, “Alas, no tortoise bearing magic anagrams has ap¬ peared in the Yellow River, and no sacred writings have come out of the River Lo. I have given up.” t When Yen Huei died, Confucius said, “I see Heaven is going to take away my mission from me.” And when he saw the unicorn during the hunt in the Western countryside, he said, “This is the end of it all.” And he heaved a sigh, saying, “There’s no one in this world who understands me.” And Tsekung said, “Why do you say that there is DO one who understands you?” And Confucius said, “I don’t blame Heaven, and I don’t blame mankind. All I •Confucius* own annals. Spring and Autumn, ended with this year, and it is usually said that this book ended with the appearance of a vnicom, a sign of the appearance of a sage. t According to tradition, the appearance of these things would be con¬ sidered an smen of the appearance of philosopher>king. THU LIFfi OF CO NFUClUfi gj fry to do i% my best to ac<]uire knuwJcdgc^ and to aim at a higher ideal. Perhaps Hmen is die only one who imderstunds taeP He £aid of Poyi and ShodiU that dicy did not coinpromise llieir prindplesj and were not dis* graced (thcw persDCtS and the foLto^ving were Earnouf sciiohra living as rcdujtes) ; he said of Uuhsia Huci and ShaolicQ that diey compromised their principles and wcie disgraced^ he $aid of Ytichung and Yiyi that they lived in seclusion and indulged in high talks of philosophy, but that these people were at least aot matcrialiitie and that they adjusted themselves to their circumstances according to rhe principle of expediency. ‘^Bnt I'm different from all of them. I decide according to the dreumstances of the time, and act accordingly” (literally "no mny^ no may Confucius aaid, *TliLs won't do I This won't do! A gcatlcmaxi is ashamed to die withour having accomplished sometbingp I realize that I cannot get into a position of power to put Into effect my governmental ideal. How am I going to account for myself in the eyes nf posterity He therefore wrote the Spring and jiutamn (Chronicles) on tile basis of the existing histories, heginning from Duke Yin (7x3 B.Q) and coming down to tfic four¬ teenth year of Duke Ai (4S1 thus covering the period of twelve Dukes (of Lu), He wrote finom the point of view of Lu* but tried to diow proper respect to the Chou Emperors^ harking back to the Shang Dynasty and showing the changes in the systems of the Tliree Dynaj^ tks. He adopted a most concise style, but injected into ir ^ THS WlAUOM OF CONFUCIUS SI profound meaning. That was why, altkjugh die rulers of Wti and Ch'u usurped the tide of ^^kings/' the Spring and Aiitamft degraded ihcir ranks and simply called them “Barons.*^ At a cerLtio ooufereoce, the Emperor was actually summoned by the Dukes to appear^ but the Spring and Auiumfi, lA an effort to wlutewash the mat¬ ter, wrote, **The celestial emperor c&itie to hunt at Hoy- ang" In thb manner, he used different words implying approval or condemnatioD In critidsm of the practices of his times, in the hope that should a gtcat king appear m the future and open that book and adopt the prinoplei implied diercio, the unruly princes and robbers of power would be ashamed and restrain themselves. When Con¬ fucius was an ofidsil, he would gn avn- die cases of law¬ suits and nSicial documents with his colIe^Lgues and seek their Opinions, and nnt make his own decisions, but in writing the Spring &nd Atttamn^ he wrocc down and de¬ leted exactly as he thought fit, aixl the disciples like Tsehsla were not able to put in a word^ When Confucius caught the Spring ^rtd A^4^umn to his disciple^ he said* • The future generations shall understand me through the Spring ffnd Anistinn and shall also judge me on the basis of the Spring find An/uTitn ” vm. WJS (479 BJ&) AND FOSTEJUTY Next year (4S0 B.G.) Tselu died in Wei^ Gonfudos him* self also fell iU, and Tsekung came to visit him. Confuciua WHS just then walking slowly around the door, supported by n walking sticki and said to him, “Ah Secji why do THE LIF£ OF CONFUCIUS 97 fou turn up so l^tc?" ConiLldlJS tkcil figlicd aod u soLigi "Ahf ih£ T"jii}iarL (Maan»ln) is tnifl^hling down! 11i£ ptllsr Is falling dowfiE The phileMoph« is |Mssifigou!i!’' He then shed tcajA and spoke to Tsekungi *Tof a long firnc the world Luis been living id mond ckans^ ond no ruler bds been able \o bUow me. The people of Hsia Dynasty kepc iheir cedins before burlap above eni stepf (of the Chinese couityard)^ the people of Chou Dynasty kept their coifias above the weslcm steps, and ihe people of Shang Dynasty kept them (in the jnaiJi hah) between nvo pillars; Last night I drcnnit I was ting and reociving (or maldog) a libauon between die twe, pillars. Perhaps it was because 1 am a descendant of the Shailgs/’ Seven days afterwards he died, aged seventy- three (or 5cvcnty-twn accorcling to Englisli reckoning). Tliia was on the day of Aprih in th«= ftixteemh year of Duke Ai (-179 B-C). Duke Ai sent 3 prayer to tlie fuuera! of Confuduij which said, “AJasl Heaven has po mercy on mC| and hai nut spared me the Grand Old Man. He has left me, ihf poor self, alone and helpless at the head of the statC;^ and 1 am a sick person now. Alas! Father Ni (or Chung Ni, Confiicjus" name) t Great is my sorrow! Do not forget me (literally 'do not mind yoursclF)!" Tsekung said^^ 'Did not Confudus die within the country of Lu? (It was the Duke's fault that Conf udus was not pul in power,) "rhe Master said, 'When ihe ceremonies are improper, thingr ^ THB WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS become disorderly, and when the terminology used is in- correct, then things are out of place. Disordcrlincss means that a man who has lost his moral principles, and out of place means that a man does not get what he deserves (or is not placed in the right position).’ When the Master was living, he could not use him, and waited till he is dead to send a prayer to his funeral, which is improper. In calling himself a poor self, he also uses a wrong terminology.” Confucius was buried in Lu, on the River Sze in the north of the city. His disciples all observed the regular mourning of three years, and after the three years of mourning were over, they said good-bye to each other and left, weeping again at the grave before they departed. Some stayed on, but only Tsekung remained in a hut near the tomb for six years before he left. Over a hun¬ dred families, consisting of Confucius’ disciples and na¬ tives of Lu, went to live near the tomb ground, and there grew up a village known as K’ungli, or “K’ung’s Vil¬ lage.” For generations sacrifices were offered at the Temple of Confucius at proper times, and the Confucian- ists also held academic discussions and village festivals and archery contests at the tomb. The tomb ground con¬ tained a hundred mow!^ and therefore could accommo¬ date the disciples in its halls. The personal belongings of Confucius, his caps, gowns, string instruments, carriages and books, were preserved in the Confucian Temple by succeeding generations. This was kept up for over two hundred years down to the time of the First • A mow is about oxic-sixtb o£ an acre. tHE LlJiE DP CONFUCIUC ^ Emperor o£ tile Han Dynasty (frooj ^ B.C), whn wor$Jiippcd Confucius with gra.n(l olTcrings (of cows^ tb«p and pigs^ a great boDOf). WJieiicvcr priocfis and high ministers arrived ar the pbee* they first paid tlicir ro spects at tlic Coitfutaan Temple before assuming oiQce CodIucIus begat Li^ aJias Puyu, whn died before C6j> fuel us at the age of 50; Poyu begat Ch*^ Allaa Tscaar. who died at 62^ who waa nnce arrested ia Sung and wlw? wrote the C^ntrat Harmony; Tsesze begat Po, alias Tse- shaxigp who died at ^7^ Tseshang begat D^iUp alias Tso chia* who died at ^5; T«chb begat Ch'i^ alios Tsecliin^ who died at 46; Tseching begat Ch'uanp alias T scelcaOj, who died et 51 k T^ekao begat Tseshen^ who died at ^7, whr once become the miaisier of WeS; Tseshen begat Fuj who died at 57^ who was once fiofhih (sehoW or master of partietilar Clauicii) under King Ch'cn Shch ^nd died at Clren: Fu"s younger brotberp Tschskog, who died at once served as poshih tioder Emperor Hsiaohud (of Han) and again as magistrate of CltWgsha and was nine feet six inches talli Tsdui-ong begot Chungp wli^o died ai 57J Chung begat Wu; Wu Yen-isien and Ankuo^ Ankua was poshih under the present Emperor and was once magistrate of Linhuai and died young; Ankuo bc> gat Aug and Ang begat Huan^ The Master riisccrtan soys: • *Thc Boo^ of Songs say^ High is die mountain I look up lo, and bright is hii * 52r/iij €lt\rn WU d!k;h\ Tor ihi FTiD CcKin. ncnici^r fram A fjmib wiikh ZieEd ihlt polittoCL '"TaJ-fiiih^kiiitjr" or “Maitcr tOfim" 11 bit o^dil dtft Af the end pF r^etf b lin hr H Imr omuneBt^ ipprecbitifia ot crilkum vC [hr lii44'*f Charulcr. example for our emulation! Although I cannot reach the top, my heart leaps up to it.” As I read the books of Confucius, I thought to myself how he must have looked. When visiting Lu, I saw the carriages, robes and sacred vessels displayed at the Temple, and watched how the Confucian students studied the historical systems at his home, and hung around, unable to tear myself away from the place. There have been many kings, emperors and great men in history, who enjoyed fame and honor while they lived and came to nothing at their death, while Confucius, who was but a common scholar clad in a cotton gown, became the acknowledged Master of scholars for over ten generations. All people in China who discuss the six arts, from the emperors, kinjp and princes down, regard the Master as the final authority. Chapt^ JII CENTRAL HARMONY f^Chungyung: ong^iull^ LHh CL XXXI) This is the book of Ciungyung, tmially iraosbrcd as "The Doctfiiie of the Mean/* or *Tlic Coldco MeaD«^ k coo$tituic5 the second of the "Four Books, ^ the following chapter (IV) being the £rsL its impoixiace in rhe Confucian philosophy wUl be readily Mcn from the text iLsdi I have put il here at the bcginiimg of the CoDfuciao texts because it gives the best approach to Coftfucian philosophy. In itself it fbnus a fakly adequate and complete basis for the philoxaphy of GooXudanism^ The bookj according to early authorldesj was wriiien by TseszCt grandson of Confucius^ disdple of Tsengtse and teacher of Mencius. Besides this chapter, Tsesze Is iradi- tiuoally said to have been rtsponsible for Chapters XXX, XXXll and XXXIIl of U^i also. The identity in ityli and thought berween Mcociiis and this essay, capeaally Scciions I, 7, 8, is unmistakable, and part of Section 7 is actually repeated in A/crtcriw. But if Tseszc was respon*" sibie for this work, he was a worthy teacher of Mendst^ for we here certain germinal idca^ which maliije 101 THE WISDOM OF CONPUCIVS and ripeD into the full eloquence of McJicitis* Careful studcDts will sec u deep conneaTon beiivecci dus chapter ood the philosophy of Mencius (Chapter XT). This is the oaly chapter In which I have not made my owu transbtion* rhe one used being by liic late Kj Hungming. Ku's translation has merits winch are suffi¬ ciently apprent to make any josfification for its use here suprRuoua. It Is iniercstiug to note that Ku iranslaics as “the ttior^ sense," yi as "the sense cf justice " // as "moral and religious insLiLuEions (of the Thicc Dynas^ ties)/’ and elsewhere as "the laws and usages of social life/^ too as “ihc moral law," as "the mural man,“ Arwo- fjfl 33 “the vulgar man/" and ^ die "universal moral order" and in another place as ‘To find the central due In our moral being which unices us to the universal order*"' Thotc rcnderixigs are esscncially concct; some arc even bnllianL I have, hcwever, found it neccSsaiT m add, delete and substitute phrases or lines, bringing about, I believe, a closer adherence to the original, and have na rurally changed cettijin spelling! of Chinese names lo make them uniform with ihc rest of the book- Ku hiis made a rearrangement of the sections, which 1 have not followed. It is admitted in general that the dif¬ ferent sections or "chapers" OS they are called in Chinesiv are put togetlicr without a pretense at a propf order, the most evident cases being the "Chapters" ^ 14 :ind 16 (uujuberi in the original, not jndicated below). "Chapter 28" is 3 very bad chapter, with a dearly bter intcxpolstion* which I have deleted; the rest T have incorprated into "Chapter 19" in Seoinn 7 here* It is not pssible to g)0 hiln dfiajJcd npUn^tians here without uking up a great dca[ of ipaoc to dJicitu the intcrnaJ evidences. For the mn- tcaitace of students who iuve access to the Chinu teittj J give below the aumbers of the Chinese "chapters” and thdr present sequence as rearranged now under the dif¬ ferent ECCtloDS: Section One: i. Section Two: a, 4f 5i^ 7i' ^ 9r Section TArcc: la, i6* Section Four: 131 X4, SeCtioit Fjoe: ^ 17, 18, Section Six: the greater part of aOj ex¬ cept the end. Section Seven: the end of aOj Section Eight: 22, 23* 24, 25, a6. Section Nine: 271 28 (partly de¬ leted and partly coEttbined with 29)1 29, 3i» P* Sec^ cion Ten: jj* 104 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS I. THE CENTRAL HARMONY What is God-given is what we call human nature. To fulfil the law of our human nature is what we call the moral law. The cultivation of the moral law is what we call culture. The moral law is a law from whose operation we can¬ not for one instant in our existence escape. A law from which we may escape is not the moral law. Wherefore it is that the moral man (or the superior man) watches diligently over what his eyes cannot sec and is in fear and awe of what his ears cannot hear. There is nothing more evident than that which cannot be seen by the eyes and nothing more palpable than that which cannot be perceived by the senses. Wherefore the moral man watches diligently over his secret thoughts. When the passions, such as joy, anger, grief, and pleas¬ ure, have not awakened, that is our central self, or moral being When these passions awaken and each and all attain due measure and degree, that is harmony, or the moral order (Ao). Our central self or moral being is the great basis of existence, and harmony or moral or¬ der is the universal bw in the world. When our true central self and harmony are realised, the universe then becomes a cosmos and all things attain their full growth and development. CENTRAL HARMONY 105 n. THE GOLDEN MEAN Confucius remarked: “The life of the moral man is an exemplification of the universal moral order {chung- yung, usually translated as “the Mean”).* The life of the vulgar person, on the other hand, is a contradiction of the universal moral order. The moral man's life is an exemplification of the imi- versal order, because he is a moral person who unceas^ ingly cultivates his true self or moral being. The vulgar person’s life is a contradiction of the universal order, be¬ cause he is a vulgar person who in his heart has no regard for, or fear of, the moral law. Confucius remarked: “To find the central clue to our moral being which unites us to the universal order, that indeed is highest human attainment. For a long time, people have seldom been capable of it.” Confucius remarked: “I know now why the moral life is not practiced. The wise mistake moral law fbi something higher than what it really is; and the foolish do not know enough what moral law really is. I know now why the moral law is not understood. The noble natures want to live too high, high above their moral ordinary self; and ignoble natures do not live high •Chung means •‘central,’’ and yung means -constant” The whole idea expresses the conception of a norm. It is possible diat Sections 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 originally formed a separate book, later amalgamated with the other Sections (i, 7, 8, 9. *<>)• Th^ »^*cs of the two parts are quite di^erent This accounts for the abrupt change from chungho (central harmony) in the first section to chungyung (Golden Mean) in die second section. THK WISDOM OF GOMFUCrOfl enough, fiC+i HOC Up Co their uiuniJ ordinary rnie ici£ There is no one who does not MC dud drink, Bui few rhero are who really know ilavor.'^ Confucius remarked^ '■^TTicre is m the worJd now really DO rrwr-il sodil order at aU*"^ Confucius ronarkedj '"'Men all say "I am wLse'j bur when driven forward and taken in a net, a trap, or a pjc- fall, there is not one who knows how lo find a way of es¬ cape. Meo all say, '1 am wise^ but in finding the true central clue and balance in their moral being (j,c.^ their normal, ordinary, true sdf }, they arc not able to keep it for a round month/' Confudiis remarked of hh favorite disciple. Yen Hnci: "Huet was a nmu who all hia Jffc sought the cen¬ tral due in hi« moral being, and when be got bold of one thing that was gfiod, he embraced it witli all hii might and never lost it again " * Confucius remarked: "A man may be able to pm a aiimtjy in order, be able to spurn the hoiiors and axiolu^ menta of olhre^ be able lo traiiiple upon bare, naked weap one with all that he is srill not able to find the umtnil clue in his moral being." Tscfij asked what constituted strengih of character, Coofudus said? “Do you mean strength of character of the people nf the southern countries or force of char¬ acter of the people of the notthern countries; or do you ^ ftWf ^ iCtf HtfJtgfamg: Am. ihp Fjiffmcif ^han la ihc icxf afeffTfi if ihc type rif |}ic irndl^nul Oiiluri^ rcpFdcuBtiTC of w^tt Mr- Maidicw Arjuilkt dOi Hdlcnlinip ^ Ytn Hlu?! Im^c U the tjpc of itr cm^tkifU^ nr rrli^riogj nature, We Aprwc]ia£ive lof Whal Uf. AfMd coJU Bdbnkm. CliNTaAU HARHDUT mean strcngtli of cliaracteT of your type? To be paiiect and gentle, ready to teadi, leittroing nnt evil for evil: that is the strength of character of the people of the souih- cTfi Kunmes, It is the ideal plate for the moral man. To he under arms and meet death xvjdiuut mgret^ that h the wrength of dunmr of llie people of the northern Coun- tries- Ic ii the ideal of brave men of your type* Wherefore the man with the true strength of moral chamctcf li one who Is gentle^ yec firm. How nnflinchiDg is his strength! When ihcic h moral sodsl order m the country, if he enters pubtic life he does not change from what be wcti when in rccttcnicnt. When there is no moral sodil order in the country, he is content imio death. Hew ujiJKnehing is hj$ strenglliP Cjonfucius remarked^ "There are men who seek for the abstruse and strange and live a singular life in orefor that they may leave a name to pc^tenty. Thh is what I never would do. There arc again good men who try to live in conformity with the moral law^ but who, when they have gone half way,, throw it up. T never Could give it Up. Lastly, there are truly moral men who uncon¬ sciously live a life in entire harmoDy with the universal moral order and who live tinknowa to the world and unnoEtced of men without any enneem* It is only men of holy,, divine natures who arc cap.ihle of thls*^ ^ • For fuller lod cxpc^kubi. Cif tire Gdkfcn McM, Kc Oupti^r Stf hnni ^ psruiaiUfly Sectkiu 8 (iJm tTpn of flKIUI lutej). rUE WISDOM OF CONPUClLTK rctS ttl. UOftAL U^W £V^VW£J£&£ The moral law is to be found cverywhete, and yec h k a secret. The simple Intdligence of ordinary men and women uf the jKuple may uodersUiiid sometlung of the moral Llw; but in its utmost readies there is somedmig which even the wisest and holiest oE men csinnot understamL The ignoble natures of ordinary men and woinen of the people may be able to carry out the moial law; bltt lo its Utmck^l reaches even the wisot and holiest of men eznnot live up to JL Great as the Universe is, man is yet nnt always ^itis- ijisd with it- For there is nothing so great but the mind of the moral man can conceive of sonicLhIng itill greater which oodiing in the world can hoidp There ts nothing 50 small but the mind of the moral man cm ooncclve of something still smaller which nothing in the world can sptlu The Boa\ of Songs aays: “The hawlc soars to the heav^ tm above and £$hes dive m the depths below.^ That is to say, there is no place in the highest heavens above nor in the deepest waters below where the moraJ law u not to be found- The moral man finds the moral law begin¬ ning in the reladon between man and woman; but end¬ ing In the vast reaches of the univerK. Confudus remarked: '*Thc power of Apirirual forcca in the Universe— how active it is cvcrywherct Invisible to CENTRAL HARMONY IO9 the eyes, and impalpable to the senses, it is inherent in all things, and nothing can escape its operation.” It is the fact that there are these forces which makes men in all countries fast and purify themselves, and with so¬ lemnity of dress institute services of sacrifice and religious worship. Like the rush of mighty waters, the presence of unseen Powers is felt; sometimes above us, sometimes around us. In the Boo\ of Songs it is said: “The presence of the Spirit: It cannot be surmised. How may it be ignored! Such is the evidence of things invisible that it is im¬ possible to doubt the spiritual nature of man. IV. THE HUMANISTIC STANDARD Confucius said: “Truth docs not depart from human na turc. If what is regarded as truth departs from human nature, it may not be regarded as truth. The Bool^ of Songs says: ‘In hewing an axe handle, the pattern is not far off.* Thus, when we take an axe handle in our hand to hew another axe handle and glance from one to the other, some still think the pattern is far off. Wherefore the moral man in dealing with men appeals to the com¬ mon human nature and changes the manner of their lives and nothing more. When a man carries out the principles of conscien¬ tiousness and reciprocity he is not far from the moral 110 THE WltDOM OF CDNFUCIIll lair* Wliat you do noi wiah oLh^ri ihodd do unto you* din Tint do unto ihcm. "There are four dungs in the moml life of a man* not ooe of wtiich 1 have been able ro cany out in my life- To serve my 6ther as I would expect my amn to serve me: that I have not been able to do. To serve my sovereign as I would expect a minister under me to serve me: tliaf 1 have not been able to do. To act lowards my elder broth- £fs as I would expect my younger brother to act towards me: That I have not been able to do. To be the first to be¬ have towards friends as 1 would expect theni to behave towards me: that 1 have Dot been able to do. "In the discharge of the ordioAry dudes o£ life and in the exercise of care in ordinary conversauon, wheoerer rherc h shortcoming, never fail to strive fnr improve¬ ment, and when there is much to be said, always ixy (css than what is necessary; words having respect to ac- dons and actions haviiig respect to words. Is it not jujt this thorough gcauinencss and absence of pretend which characterizes the moral man?*** The moral life of man may be likened lo traveling to a distant place: one must start from the nearest sLagc* It may also be Likened to ascending a height : one must be¬ gin from the lowest step. The of Songs says : "*When wives and cliildreo and their um are one, Tis like the harp and lute in unison. When brothers live id concord and at peace The sirain of harmony #hall never cease. * Frtf lurthrr cbodabooi dse 1b4ifnuiiiilc fdodird ol ''EnrtHidpf nan. by iMiJip" m qwtrtkuu irooi tbr ''iWefi/, CXiapfcr V. 6. C^^XkJLL HAHuaNT Hi The hmp of hippy udLoq Ji^htj the bcRiic, And biig^ht d;t|a iciUow when ilic ^lildrcD camtJ^ Confucius, cofumeaung on the above, rcmarlced; stfcb a ttare of iiiing£ whn more jatiitactwn an parents baveP" Tbe moral maa conforma himielf ro Iu4 Hfc circum^ atincxj; he doci ant desire anything ouUide of hit pan- doiL Finding hInucEf in a posidoix of wealili honor^ he Uvet ai becomes one living in a poaidon of wealth and honor Finding himself In a position of povertj and humble clrcumjtances, he lives as becomes one Jiving in a pDsidoii of poverty and humble dreumstancet. Finding hicuself in imdvilLxcd cnimiria, he Hvu as becoitiei ooe living in undviliEed ajuacdei. Ftnduig hirmdf in dnajm- itanoEf of danger and difficulty^ he aett according to what is ncqulred of a man under such drcumstances. In one word} the moral man eziui find bimsdf in no dtuation in life in which he is not master of hmudf. In a high position he docs not domlaear over his sub- ordinates. In a subordinate poiitlcn he Joes not ojurt ihe favors of Jib superiors. He puts in order Jiis own per- iOiml conduct and seeks noLhing from others; hena he has no ojiiipJainE m uiakcp He complains not against Ood, nor rails against men. Thus It is that the moral man lives out the evetj cencf of his life, calmly waiting for the appointment of God^ whereas the vulgar person takes to dangerous courses, expecting the unceitalEi dianccs of luck* Confucius remarked: *'1d the practice of archery we 112 THE WMDOKi DP CDNFUCZUt hive fomcdiing resembling the prmdple ia a. moral man'f lift. When die archer miiscs the center of Lhe target, he i^trL« mimd and sceka for die c^use of bi$ failure witkld himself." V. CfiJtTAIH MODiLS Couiucius remarked: "There the Emperar Shun* He wai perbap what may be considered a tmly great in- lellecf i Shun had a natiual curloplty of mind aiid be laved TO jDf^tlire into ordinary eonvemation. He ignored the bad (words?) and broadcast flic good. TaJdag two eic- treiw cou niseis, he took the mean between them and applied ihcm in dealings with his people* This was the charactedsdc of Shun'i great intcllea.^" Confudus remarked: ^'The Emperor Shun might per* haps be cotuidcrcil in die tligtical sellsc of the word a pious man. In moral qualities he was a saJnt. Zn dignity of D^Kc he was the ruler of the ernpire* Tn wealth all that lhe wide world contained belonged to hlttu After his death his spirit was sacrificed to in the ancestral temple, and his children and grandebiidren preserved die sacev fice for long generadons. "*Thuji h is dull he who possesses great moral qualitia will certainly attain to corresponding high poshion, to corresponding great prosperity* to corresponding great name, to corresponding great age. 'Tor God in giving life to all created things is surdy bountiful to them according to their qualities* Hcnec the tree ihit is full of life He histcri and sustains, \vliile that CENTRAL HARMDNr Ifi which is ready to £sJl He cun olT and destroys** Tlic of Sf}ttgf ^ays: That RTOi and noble Prirw dlsplsycd The KCK of n^br ir\ all he wrought; The sparit of bk wisdom swayed Peasant and peer; the cmvdp the court So Hcav'n, that crowned his lireSji mtored Tlic cDuodcu honors they bad known; For Hcav'n aye k«peth walcb and wardj The Mandate gave to mount the diionc. li JS therefore true that he who posicwes exircediiigly great mor^ cjuglilies wLU certauily receive the divine jn;n3tlate to the TmpcriaJ throne*" Confucius rernarlicd: "ITie man perhaps w'lio enjoyed the niest perfect happiness was the Emperor WetL For father he had a rctmukahlc man^ the Emperor Chi, and for son also a remarkable maUp the Emperor Wii* Hit lather laid the foundation of hb House and hi* *on car¬ ried it OIL The Emperor Wii, conrinuiDg the great work begun by his ancesturp the great Emperor* his grandfather Chi and his father the Emperor Wen, had oniy to buckle oji his armor and the Empire at once ^me to his posses- siotL la dignity of ofHcc he was the ruler of the Ernpire; ia weaJtJit all that the wide world contained belong^ to him. After his death his spirit wa* sacrificed to in the ancestral temple* and hb children and granddiildrcn pre¬ served the sacrifice for long generations* ■I Caiuxit fdfnin fram fBjrifii; tiibotc lo Ku Hgjjpming iw Itfldcf- iQr thii wktli T|ir luf^isEnjr thuif ii Uui It Ir ilizmjn ^iULbil » tflfi fidfiML 114 wisnoM OP cowFUCiti* *'Tht Emperor Wu received Heaven'^ mandare to rule in hU old ^tge. His brother^ Duke Chutij ascrlBed the *chicveTnent of himding die Imperial House equaltj to die morai qualities of the Emperors WcQ and Wiu He carried the Itnpcriai title up to the Great Emperor (Wen^s giaadfaEher) and die Emperor Chi (Wen's father). He saeriBced to aU the past reigning DuJtes of the House with imperial honors* (‘"'lliis rule is now unlvcrsalLy observed from the reign¬ ing princes and nobles \o the gentlemen and common people. In the case where the father is a noble and the ioD is a airnplc gentleman, die father, when he dieB» is buried with the honors of a noble, but sacriiiced to as a simple gendemaiL In the ease where the Either is a simple grndeman and die son a noble, the father, when he dieSj is buried as a simple geodeman, but sacrificed to with the honors of a nobleman. The rule for one year of moum- ing'for idarivci is binding up to the rank of a noble, but cbe rule for three years of mourning for parents is bind¬ ing for all up to the Emperor. In mourning for parcoti there is only one rule, and no durinedon i$ made between noble and plebeian.^) * Confucius remarked t ‘^Tlie Empemr Wu and his brother, Duke Chou, wene indeed cmiiiently pious men- Now^ true filial piety consists in successfully edifying out the unfinished work of our forefathers and transmlLtiag their schicvenicnts to po.'^crity. “Ill spring ^jid autumn they repaired and put in order the anccitrsd temple, arranged the saoifi^cial vcucli^ •Hie torcfeuif piTj^aph II |3Mt fli the otiginil Cootucka ic». 0£^TKaL JI5 hibited the regalia and hcirlooim of the family;, and pre- Kfltcd the appropriate uffcringi of ihe sseason. 'The principle m the order of precedence iO the cere¬ monies o£ worship in the ancescnil temple is^ in the fint place^ TO arrange the members of the family according to descent- Ranks are next considcredi in order to rMog* nition to tile principle of wclal dbtinaioiL Services ren¬ dered are neit con^dered as a recognition of diidnctiDn in moral worth. In rhe general banquet those below take precedence of those above in pledging the company, in order to show that eoimderacion b shown to the meanesL In conclusion^ a separate feast is given to the eldcn, in order to recognize the principle of senioriry according to age. **To gather in the same places where our fathers heiort ua have gathered f to perfonn the same ceremonies whieb they before us have performed; to play the some music which they before us have played; to pay rcipect to those whom they honared; to love those who were dear to them — in fact, to serve those now dead as if they were hving^ and now departed as if they were sHIl with us: this i$ the highest achievement of true filial piety. ’"Tlic performance of sacrifices to Heaven and Earth is meant for the service of God. The performance of ccie- monies in the ancestral temple is meant for the worsltip □f ancestors. If one only understood the meaning of the sacrifices to Heaven, and Earth, and the significance of the services in ancestral worship in summer and auiimui, it would be a$ easy to govern a naiiou as to polnr a finger at the palm^** Il6 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS VI. ETHICS AND POLITICS • Duke Ai (ruler of Lu, Confucius’ native state) asked whai constituted good government. Confucius replied: “The principles of good govern¬ ment of the Emperors Wen and Wu arc abundandy il¬ lustrated in the records preserved. When the men arc there, good government will flourish, but when the men are gone, good government decays and becomes extinct. With the right men, the growth of good government is as rapid as the growth of vegetation is in the right soil. Indeed, good government is like a fast-growing plant. The conduct of government, therefore, depends upon the men. The right men arc obtained by the ruler’s personal character. To culdvatc his personal character, the ruler must use the moral law (fao). To culdvatc the moral law, the ruler must use the moral sense (/en, or principles of true manhood). “The moral sense is the charactcrisdc attribute of man. To feel natural aficedon for those nearly related to us is the highest expression of the moral sense. The sense of jusdcc (yi or propriety) is the recognition of what is right and proper. To honor those who arc worthier than our¬ selves is the highest expression of the sense of justice. The rcladve degrees of natural affection we ought to feel for those who arc nearly related to us and the rcladve * This section must have been placed here from other **ancient records.** Confucius had a number of ioterviews with Duke Ai, some in the “Great Tai** collection; aee for comparison Chapter VII of the present book. CEVTHAL MARMONT grades of honor we uughl to show to those worthier than oursdves: these give rise to the forms and distinctions in social life {it, or principles of social order). For tiniefii locbl inequalities have a true and moral bads {or unless those being ruled fed their proper place witli rcipcct to their rulers),, govcrqnicnt of the people is an impoisibil- Therefore it is necessary for a man of the goverming class to set about r^ulating hk personal conduct and character. In considering how to regulate hia persona] conducl and charadcr, it is necessary for him to do his duties toward those nearly rclarwi to him. In consideriiig bow to do hh duties toward those nearly related to him^ it is neccssajy for him to understand the nature and or^ ganizstion of human society. In considering the nature and organization of human society it b necessary for him lo understand the laivs of Godd ''The dudes of uoivcrsal obligation are firCt and the moral qualities by which they are carried out are three- The duties are chose between ruler and subject, between lather and son, between husband and wife, between elder brotlier and younger, and those in the kiiercoufse be¬ tween friends. These are the five duties of universal ob« ligation. Wisdom, compassion and cuuragt * — these are the three universally recognized moral qualities of mau. It matters nor in what way men come to ibe exercise of tlicsc moral qualities, the result is one and the aamc» "Some men arc born with the knowledge of these moral quaJirJesj some acquire it as the result of education; some * Ka IraiiU^ics tbrin u *'inir[fijrnnc^ nioni cbinclcr Aiict ir8 THii wiiDOM OF co^rFcrc]us acquire it ^ cbe resuk of li^rcJ cspcncncc. Bui when ihe knowledge h iicquircd^ it aimat to one and liic lame thing. Some exerdse these inoral qualides Djilu rally and osily; some hteause dicy find it advantageous to do jo^ same with effort and diffiodey. But when die achicver&ent b made it there will be sufficiency of wealth and revenue in the tountry. When the rolcr shows kindness to the strangers from far countries, people from all quarters of the tvorld will flock to the country. When the ruler takes inicrcjt m rhe condition and welfare of the princes of ihc empire, he will inspire awe and respect tor his authority diroughout the whole world. ^By attending to the dcanliuess and purity of bb per son and to the propriety and dignity of hb dress, and la every word and ad permrldog nothing which b con^ trary to good taste and decency f that is how the ruler cultivates hb personal oonducL By hanishing all Eatterers Jio irni WISDOM OF cox fuc tits and keeping away from die society of woitica, hcjldlng In low estimation pcKsessio© of worldly goods, bur valu¬ ing moral qttalitles in men^Iiar is hnw the ruler give* eoccuragemeni to worthy men. By raising them to high places of honor and bestowing ample emoluments for their maintcmiritc; sharing and sympathising with their tastes and opinions-^tiiat rs how the ruler inspires hvc for bis person among the members of hh family. By ca- teoding the powers of their functioiis and allowing ihem discretion in the employ menr of their subordinates— that ii how the ruler gives enmuragement to the high minis¬ ters of state. By dealing loyally and punctually with them in all engagements wliicli he makes widi dieni and allaw- ing 0 liberal scale of pay— that is bow the ruler gives en¬ couragement to men In the public service. By strictly limiting the time of jiheir service and making nil imposts as light as possible — that is how the ruler give^ encour^ agcmcni to the tuoss of the people. By ordering daily in¬ spection and monthly examination and rewarding each acojidJug to the degree of his workmanship— that i$ how the ruler encourages the artisan elass. By welcoming them when they come aud giving them proteetinn when they gOj commending what is good in ibcm and making aU bwance for their ignorance— that is how the ruler siiows kindness to strangers from far countri^ By restoring lines of broken succession and reviving subjugated s^tes, putting down anarchy and disorder wherever they arc fbundp and gi vliig support m the weak against the strong, iiieiag stated rimes fur ibcir atiendancc and the attefidaner of their envoys st court, luading them wiih presents when CKNTIAL IfAAMOKr m they leave, while exacting little from them in the way of CODlributioQ wfjcn they coine^hac 15 Iiow the mlcr fates interest in the welfare of the princes of rhe empire* “For every one who is c*tUeJ to the govemmeot of na¬ tions and empire, these are the oine cardinal direaiooi to be attended lo; and there h only one way by which they can be carried oou “In all marrers success depends on preparation ^ with¬ out prcpaiatioa there will always be failure* When what is to be said is previously determined, there will be no difFoilty in carrybg it our. W'htn a line of condud is previously determined^ there wiB be no occasion for vexi- Lbn. When gcncraJ principles are previously deter mined, there will be no pcrplejilty to know what to do**' VI n i£iNe nifE's jhue sitF “If the people in infcrbr positions do not have conJidenee in diose above them, govenimem of the people is an im¬ possibility* There is only one way to gain confidence for one's authonry: if a man is not trusted by his friends, he will not have confidence in ihow above hiriL There is only one way to be trusted by ooeV friends: if a man is nut affectionate towujrd hJs parents, he wiU not be trusted by his friends. Tticre is only one way to be uffectlonaie reward one's parents: if a mail, looking into his own hearty is not true to himself, he will not be affectionate toward bis parents* Therv is only one way for a man ta be true to himself. If he does not know what Is good, man cannot be true to himself. UZ THS wriflOW OF CONFtJOrus ''iking true io oncscll is ibo law ut God. To try to b« true Eo oneself is the law of raao,* who is niEumlly irue to is one who, with^ out dfort, bits upon what is righi^ and without think¬ ing undcrstantls what he wants to know^ whose life it easily and naturally in harmnoy with the moral Iaw« £uch a one b what we oaLI a saint or a man □£ divine nature. He who learns lo be hb true sdf b one who finds out whar is good and holds fast to ic. “In order to learn to he one's true self, it b necessary ta obtain a wide and extensive knowledge of what has been sold and dune In the world; entJcsIly to inquire into it; carefully to ponder over It; dearly to aifi it; earnestly to carry it out. ”It ma tiers nor whac you learn; but when you oner learn a thing, ynu musf never give it up until you have mastered it« It matters not what you Inquire into, but when you Inquire into a thing, you must never give ii up until you have thoroughly Understuud iL It matters not what you try m think out, but when you once Liy to ihink out a diiug you must never give it up undJ you have got what you wanL It matters not what you uy to j:ift out, but when you once try to sift out a thing, you must never gi^'e ic up until you have sifted it out clearly and distinedy. h matters not wlial you try to carry out, hut when you once try to carry out a thing you must never ■ TEbj pwfi t^rnn tbc bcffliUlinff ^ Kcliofl m in ihr p/ McAatUf thkJe IV, Part |+ Tljc completfi iatimfkw k aIu Iq ■‘Cwfueiui' Fllllil]r RdUDinU'^ CAuyu}^ witheut the ifiC- tvn llul follfftn immediaty^Ty- ClKTJIAli |!4]lllON*r give it up until you hn^t doDc k tborougbljr and vrell. If aiuthu- man succeed by one cfforEj you will \m a huo- drccl cHort^ If anoilicr nrni succeed by ten cliortSi you will me a ihousaod dlorta. '*Lct a man really proceed m this imnocrp and, Uicugh dull, be wUJ surely become infelligent^ though wedc, be will surely bocDme strung,'^ To arrive uoderscanding from bemg one^s true sdi is called nacurct and ro arrive at being true self from understanding is called culticrc. He who is bis true hai tbcieby undenUDding^ and he who has undentanding find^ thereby bb true $el£* VUl. THOSE WUO Afut AfiSoLUTR HtUE SELVES Only those who arc their absolute true sel ves In the world un fullil ihdr own nature^ Only those who fulSl their own mture can fulfil the nature of others; only those who fulfil the nature of others can fulfil the nature of thiDg^; those who fulfil the nature of thiop are worthy to help Mother Naluje iu growing and sustaining lifn; and these who are worthy to help Mother Nature in growing and sustaining life are the equals of heaven and earth. The next in order are tho$e who are able to attain to the apprehension of a particular branch of study. By such studies^ they are also aNe to apprehend the truth. R^iza- tion of the tnte sdf mnipels expressiou} expression be- comes evidence; evidence become$ clarity or lumiiKMity trf ■ ThJ* panfrapb Ccmstlitiaij a ”diapi£r" br iudf m ^ doMf ifitL Tlic tmuUitiDn of rtiiJ pjraj^pll ind the fbJlowdir two par^gTMphl- II caikvlj miae, dUHefiai fra™ Kii'#. J24 TH£ WI5]>02bl DF CONFUCIUS knowledge; ckrity or iumincsiEy of knowledge Active knowledge becomes power and power becomc^c a perv£dii)g infiuecce^ Only those who arc absolutely their trtie selves io chi^ world can have pervading influence Iz 14 an atu'ibtite of the possession of the absolute true self to be able to foreknow^ When a nation or family is abaiit to dourisb, there are sure tn be lucky omens^ When a nation or family is about to perish^ there are sure to he signs and prodigies. These tbiugs manifest iJicmsclvci izi the mscruments of divination and in the agiutiou of the human body. When happiness or calamity is about to tsamc^ it Can be known beforehand. When it is gpodt it can be known beforehand. W^hen it is evil, it can also be known beforehand. Ttiereforc he who has realized bis true self is like a cel^iiaJ spiriL Truth means die fulfilment of our self; and moral law means following the l.iw of our being. Truth j$ the be¬ ginning and end (the suh^inncc) of matenai existence^ Without truth there is no uiatedal existence. It h for this reason that the moral man values trtiLh* Truth ii not only the ftilfilment of our Own being; it is that fay which things outside of us have an CKi$tence- He fulfilment of our being is moral sense. The fulEJment of the nature of ihingi outside of us is inrcUect, These^ moral sense and intellect^ are the powers or bcultica of uur bc^ ing. They combine the inuer or subjective and outer or objectiTc use of the power of the mlnd^ Therefore, with truth, everything done is right Thus absolute truth is indwrticiiblc. Being indcstnjcti' hie, it IS cternaL Being ctemab it is self-exisrent. Being CEKTItJlL UkRUOHt wlf-cxistcnij It is lafiDlLCK Brkig IdiinitCt it 15 vflJt deep. Bcii^g V2MX and deep* it is transceadciit:i] and mtd* ligexLL It is because it 1% vast and deep dial it cuutaiiu aU exi^encf. It is became it is tranic^ndeiarat and intelligent that it embraces all exigence. It is bcciuK it li infinite and eternal tliat it fulfils or perfects aJl exislence. In vastneu and depdi it is like the Earth. In Transcendental intelli* gence it is like Heaven^ loiiuitc and etenuk it is the 1>- finire itself* Such being die naLure uf absolute iruthi it tnanifestt itself WJEhout being seen; it produces effects without mO^ tk>n; il accomplishes its ends without action^ ihe priudplc in the ooursc and npefaibn of nature may be sumiucd up in one word : because it obeys only jt« own immurabJe law, the way in which it produces the variety of things is uo fathomable* Nature is vaitt, deep, high* intelkgeni, infinite and eter¬ nal. The heaven appearing before us k only this bright* iliiniog daass^ but in ita immeasurable exieiir;, the *un* din moon^ Stars and constenaiiom are ^spended In it* and all things axe embraced under iu The earth, appear^ ing before k bur a handful of soil; but in all its breadth and depths it sustaiiis mighty mouutaitLs without feding their Wdght; rivers and seas daah agaiuit it without cam- Jng it to leak. The mountain appearing before uj is only a mass of rock ; hut in aU the vastuexs of \n aizc, grass and vegetation grow upon it, birds and beasts dwell on it, and treasures of precious minerals are fbtitid in it* The water appearing befpre mj ii but a kdleful of liquid; but 126 THB WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS in all its unfathomable depths, the largest crustaceans, dragons, fishes, and turdes are produced in them, and all useful products abound in them. In the Boo^ of Songs it is said: **Thc ordinance of God, How inscrutable it is and goes on for ever.” That is to say, this is the essence of God. It is again said: “How excellent it is, The moral perfection of King Wcn.^ That is to say, this is the essence of the noble character of the Emperor Wen. Moral perfection also never dies. IX. EULOGY ON CONFUCIUS Oh, how great is the divine moral law of the Sage. Over- flowing and illimitable, it gives birth and life to all created things and towers high up to the very heavens. How magnificent it isl How imposing the three hundred prin¬ ciples and three thousand rules of conduct I * They await the man who can put the system into practice. Hence it is said: Unless there be the highest moral character, the highest moral law cannot be realized. Wherefore the moral man, while honoring the great¬ ness and power of his moral nature, yet does not neglect inquiry and pursuit of knowledge. While broadening the scope of his knowledge, he yet seeks to exhaust the mystery of the small things. While seeking to attain the highest understanding he yet orders his conduct accord- •TTiiiik of Deuterontma. 127 ing m die middk course {litenill^ Going over what he has already learned^ he gains tome nirw knowledge. Earnest and simple, he rcspccLi and obeyi the Uws and usages of social life (/i). Therefore^ when in a posiEbn of auihoriiy^ he Ii not proud; in a Bubordinatc position^ he b not msuboxdiiLltc. When there h morJ social order in the coLintry^ what be jpedcs will bring prosperity to the nadon; and when them is no tnora] soda] order in the country, his silence will m- furc forbcanmcc for himself.* In the HgoJ( of Sortgs k b said: *lVhb wisdom and good serucp He guards hi* life from hum.*' That ii the description cf the moral mao. To attain to the savereigdty of the worldj rhere am three imporiant tilings necesiaiyj which would mate it perfcct.f Although a man may occupy a position of authorityi yeti unless he possesses the mor^ character fining him for bis task, he may not take upon himaclf to make changes In the established religious and artistic inslitudDDS (liter-' ally “ritual and music"). Although one may possess the moral character Hiring him for his task, yet, unless he occupies the posiEion of aurhoriry, he may not take upon * rWr m icaDiuclkM] bciwixll tbe of llnr trifr pdf and hamwiijr wiih lEie ouukle worU* tKtwnn Bvsnf " t'ni^ fdlinwii^ PBra pftf]igfjptu arc bcvfporaud ticfc fnjfn ^bipWf aS^" Tht ^'threc unportAdE thioffi" (po^WU dbanevs ud ■PiNil ^ historr) becorae odicrwiic uaijiiEitifibb. 128 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS himself to make changes in the established religious and artistic institutions. Confucius remarked: “I have tried to understand the moral and religious institutions (li) of the Hsia Dynasty, but what remains of those institutions in the present state of Ch’i does not furnish sufficient evidence. I have studied the moral and religious institutions of the Shang (Yin) Dynasty; the remains of them arc still preserved in the present state of Sung. I have studied the moral and re¬ ligious institutions of the present Chou Dynasty, which being now in use, I follow in practice.” Coming from those in power, a system may be lacking in historical authority (“historic evidences”), however excellent it may be; what is lacking in historical author¬ ity cannot command credence; and what cannot com¬ mand credence the people will never obey. Coming from those not in authority, a system may not command re¬ spect, however excellent it may be; what docs not com¬ mand respect cannot command credence; and what can¬ not command credence the people will never obey. Therefore every system of moral laws must be based upon the man’s own consciousness, verified by the com¬ mon experience of mankind, tested by due sanction of historical experience and found without error, applied to the operations and processes of nature in the physical uni¬ verse and found to be without contradiction, laid before the gods without question or fear, and able to wait a hun¬ dred generations and have it confirmed without a doubt by a Sage of posterity. The fact that he is able to confront the spiritual powers of the universe without any fear Cfil^TKAl. HAftMDNY fhowx tKit he uadcrsuiids the \^ws, of God. The £ict that he is prepared Lo wail a huodred geoeratiuoi for confirmLttion from the Sjge of posterity without any mil* giving shows that he imdcrAt.inds the bw« of mm. Wherefore k b tliaL k U true of Lhe rcuily great mot^\ man that every move he makes becomes an example for generations; cveiy acr he does becomes a mndd for gen- eratinps and every word he uticn bccDoica a guide for geuerallons. Tliose who are far away look up to him^^ while those who are near do not deeresie their respet for him- ta the of Songi it b said! "There they found no faidr of him, Here they never tife of him; Thus from day to day and night to oighe Tliey will perpetuate his praise T Tliere never was a moral man who did not answer this description and who yet could obiain timely recognition ihjuughuut the worlds Confucius taught the truth originally handed down by the ancient Empemn Yao and Shun, and he ado[Hed and perfected the system of social and rdlgious taws esfab- ILshed by the Emperors Weji and Wu* He shorn that they haiinonize with the divine order which govemf tlie revo- lutioiu of the seasons in the Heaven above and that they fit in wi[h the moral design which is to be lecn in phyiical nature upon the Earth below« Tlicx moral laws form one system with the laws by which Heaven and Earth support and contam, over¬ shadow and canopy all thJngL These mnrat Uwi form jyo THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS the same system with the laws by which the seasons suc¬ ceed each ocher and the sun and moon appear with the alternations of day and night. It is this same system of laws by which all created things arc produced and develop themselves each in its order and system without injuring one another, and by which the operations of Nature take their course without conflia or confusion; the lesser forces flowing everywhere like river currents, while the great forces of Creation go silently and steadily on. It is this (one system running through all) that makes the Uni¬ verse so impressively great. It is only the man with the most perfect divine moral nature who is able to combine in himself quickness of apprehension, intelligence, insight and understandings qualities necessary for the exercise of command, mag- nanimity, generosity, benignity and gentleness— quali¬ ties necessary for the exercise of patience; originality, cn- ergy, strength of character and determination — qualities necessary for the exercise of endurance, piety, noUe seri¬ ousness, order and regularity — qualities necessary for the exercise of dignity, grace, method, subdety and penetra¬ tion— qualities necessary for the exercise of cridcal judg¬ ment. Thus all-embracing and vast is the nature of such a man. Profound it is and inexhaustible, like a living spring of water, ever running out with life and vitality. All-em¬ bracing and vast, it is like Heaven. Profound and incx- hausdble, it is like the abyss. As soon as such a man shall make his appearance in the world, all people will reverence him. Whatever he CENTRAL HARMONY I3I says, all people will believe it. Whatever he does, all peo¬ ple will be pleased with it. Thus his fame and name will spread and fill all the civilized world (literally “China”), extending even to savage countries, wherever ships and carriages reach, wherever the labor and enterprise of man penetrate, wherever the heavens overshadow and the earth sustain, wherever the sun and moon shine, wherever frost and dew fall. All who have life and breath will honor and love him. Therefore we may say: “He is the equal of God.” It is only he in this world who has realized his absolute self that can order and adjust the great relations of human society, fix the fundamental principles of morality, and understand the laws of growth and reproduction of the Universe. Now, where docs such a man derive his power and knowledge, except from himself? How simple and self- contained his true manhood!* How unfathomable the depth of his mind! How infinitely grand and vast the moral height of his nature! Who can understand such a nature except he who is gifted with the most perfea in¬ telligence and endowed with the highest divine qualities of character, and who has reached in his moral develop ment the level of the gods? • Ch'en Li regards this phrase as the best descriptioa of /cw, or *'mi I manhood." X. EPILOGUE In the Boo\ of Songs it is said : “Over her brocaded robe. She wore a plain and simple dress,” in that way showing her dislike of the loudness of iu color and magnificence. Thus the ways of the moral man are unobtrusive and yet they grow more and more in power and evidence; whereas the ways of the vulgar per- son are ostentatious, but lose more and more in influence until they perish and disappear. The life of the moral man is plain, and yet not unat¬ tractive; it is simple, and yet full of grace; it is easy, and yet methodical. He knows that accomplishment of great things consists in doing litde things well. He knows that great effects are produced by small causes. He knows the evidence and reality of what cannot be perceived by the censes. Thus he is enabled to enter into the world of ideas ind morals. In the Boo^ of Songs it is said : How deep the fish may dive below. And yet it is quite clearly seen.'* Therefore the moral man must examine into his own hem and sec that he has no cause for self-reproach, that he has no evU thought in his mind. Wherein the moral man is superior to other men consists even in those things that people do not notice. CEKTRAL harmony 13J In the BooJi of Songs it is said; “In your secret chamber even you arc judged; See you do nothing to blush for, TTiough but the ceiling looks down upon you/’ Therefore the moral man, even when he is not doing anj^ thing, is serious; and, even when he docs not speak, if truthful. In the Boo^ of Songs it is said; “All through the solemn rite not a word was spoken, And yet all strife was banished from their hearts." Hence the moral man, without the inducement of re¬ wards, is able to make the people good; and without the show of anger, to awe them into fear more than if he had used the most dreadful instruments of punishment In the Bool^ of SongSy it is said : “He makes no show of his moral worth, Yet all the princes follow In his steps.” Hence the moral man, by living a life of simple truth and earnestness, alone can help to bring peace and order in the world. In the Boo^ of Songs, it is said: “I keep in mind the fine moral qualities Which make no great noise or show." Confucius remarked; “Ajnong the means for the regener^ ation of manldod, those made with noise and show arc of the least importance,” THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS 134 In another place in the of SongSy it is said: “His virtue is light as hair.” Still a hair is something material. “The workings of Al¬ mighty God have neither sound nor smclL” That is the highest development of our moral nature. Chapter IV ETHICS AND POLITICS {Tahsuch, Ul(i, Chapter XLII) This essay, originally Chapter XLII of LJI(i, is now ranked among the Four Boo\s, and as it stands first among these, all Chinese school children used to begin their first studies with this essay. The philosophy behind this essay and “Central Harmony,” which used to come next, was of course entirely beyond the mental range of children of seven or eight. Nevertheless, they were stu¬ diously conned over and committed to memory so that the lines in these essays stuck in their minds for life, and served them usefully afterwards. Regarding the basic im¬ portance of this essay, the Sung Confucianist, Ch’eng Yich’uan, said, “This Tahsuch is a book in the surviving tradition of the Confucian school and constitutes the gateway through which beginners enter into the path of virtue. The fact that we can see now the order and se¬ quence in which the ancients proceeded in their educa¬ tion, depends entirely on the existence of this essay, with the Analects and The Boo\ of Mencius coming next. All students should begin their studies with this essay; then it may be hoped that they will not go far wrong.” 135 136 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS The original title of this essay is Tahsueh, translated by James Lcgge as “The Great Learning,*’ but more ac¬ curately translated by Ku Hungming as “The Higher Education.’* According to the school age defined for this “higher education,” it seemed to correspond to the Amer¬ ican junior college. This is made clear in another chapter of Ul{iy which I have translated here as Chapter IX, where the educational system for the princes and sons of aristocrats is more concretely described. (Chapters VIII and XII of not translated here, throw further light on the educational system.) The whole Confucian point of view regarding education seemed to be influenced by the basic assumption of an intellectual upper class, who were to be the rulers or who were to assist the rulers in the art of government; hence the always implicit assump¬ tion of preparing to govern a country in discussions on education. This essay seems to have been written ex¬ pressly for the education of the princes (see especially Sec¬ tion 8), and this explains, I believe, its tide Tahsuehy of “The College,” where the princes were educated. The use of the word chuntse (literally “prince”) must have been general at the College, and later became a more general term for “the gendemen.” In content, this essay actually deals with the connecdon between the culdvation of per¬ sonal life and a general world order, or between ethics and polidcs. The usual version of this essay has been re-edited by the Sung commentator Chu Hsi, resuldng in the transposi- don of an entire secdon to an earlier part of the essay and in a much clearer arrangement of ideas. The disarrange- ETHICS AND POLITICS I37 ment was said to be due to the mixing up of the strips of inscribed bamboo, which were perforated and tied to¬ gether in bundles by leather straps. While I regard Chu Hsi*s transposition as admirable and have adopted it, he did not seem to sec why the original disarrangement took place. The result was, there was an awkward transition at the end of his transposed section, resulting in two iden. tical lines coming together — ^“This is knowing the root. This is knowing the root. This is the perfection of knowl¬ edge.” What Chu Hsi did was to regard the second of the identical lines and the third line as the conclusion of a separate “missing paragraph,” and he proceeded to sup¬ ply the “missing paragraph” himself, giving him an op- portuniiy to put in a bit of Sung philosophy regarding meditation and the arrival at true knowledge. This cn- Urcly changed the picture of the object and method of investigation of knowledge, which has caused unending dispute and no end of speculation. I have (by comparing iJic original version of the text of Cheng Hsuan, prior to the editing of Chu Hsi) come to the conclusion that the mistake was due to the existence of two identical lines originally apart in the same essay, and as these were learned by rote by old scholars who had survived the mas¬ sacre of Ch’in Shih-huang, a wrong connection leading off from an identical line was perfectly natural— similar to what often happens in the composing room. The re¬ sult of this perception of the original error, existing in Cheng Hsuan’s text, leads me to believe that there was no “missing paragraph,” but merely a wrong transposi¬ tion, and that the object of investigation of knowledge 138 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS discussed in that sccdon was just human nature and the human heart, and not the physical universe. This will be quite plain in the following text, re-edited by mysel£ I have kept to Chu Hsi’s transposition of an entire section, but have merely restored the original connecting identical lines to what I r^ard to be where they belong. I ETHICS AND POLITICS I. GENERAL IDEA OF THIS ESSAY The principles of the higher education consist in preserv¬ ing man’s clear character, in giving new life to the peo¬ ple, and in dwelling (or resting) in perfection, or the ultimate good. Only after knowing the goal of perfec¬ tion where one should dwell, can one have a definite purpose in life. Only after having a definite purpose in life can one achieve calmness of mind. Only after having achieved calmness of mind, can one have peaceful repose. Only after having peaceful repose can one begin to think. Only after one has learned to think, can one achieve knowl¬ edge. There are a foundation and a superstructure in the constitution of things, and a beginning and an end in the course of events. Therefore to know the proper sequence or relative order of things is the beginning of wisdom. The ancients who wished to preserve the fresh or clear character of the people of the world, would first set about ordering their national life. Those who wished to order their national life, would first set about regulating their family life. Those who wished to regulate their family life would set about cultivating their personal life. Those who wished to cultivate their personal lives, would first set about setting their hearts rights. Those who wished to set their hearts right would first set about making their wills sincere. Those who wished to make their wills sin¬ cere would first set about achieving true knowledge. The achieving of true knowledge depended upon the investi¬ gation of things When things are investigated, then true 140 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS knowledge is achieved; when true knowledge is achieved, then the will becomes sincere; when the will is sincere, then the heart is set right (or then the mind secs right) ; when the heart is set right, then the personal hfc is culti¬ vated; when the personal life is cultivated, then the family life is regulated; when the family life is regulated, then the national life is orderly; and when the national life is or¬ derly, then there is peace in this world. From the em¬ peror down to the common men, all must regard the cul¬ tivation of the personal life as the root or foundation. There is never an orderly upshoot or superstructure when the root or foundation is disorderly. There is never yet a tree whose trunk is slim and slender and whose top branches arc thick and heavy. This is called “to know the root or foundation of things.” • *The original text (Cheng Hsuan*s)» before the re-editing of Chu Hsi. ends with two lines: 'This is called 'to know the root of things.* This is called 'achieving true knowledge.' ** The second line then leads off to what are here Sections 4 and 5, which causes an abrupt break in the discussion. Actually, I believe these two lines belong to Section 3, where Confucius said that he was as good a judge as anyone, but that he would make it so that people who had committed crimes would be ashamed to defend themselves, and the people would be in awe of the great wise judge — as an illustration of achieving true knowledge or wisdom. I believe that this paragraph in the uncorrupted text before Cheng merely ended with the line "This is called 'to know the root or foundation of things.* ** Chu Hsi, on the other hand, took the two lines at the cod of this paragraph in the text he was trying to rc-edit and transposed them to a latter part, considering them the last lines of a missing paragraph. See note to Section 3. ETHICS AND POLITICS I4I II. ON THE MEANING OF CERTAIN EXPRESSIONS USED IN THE ABOVE SECTION What is meant by “making clear man’s character” is this: In the Announcement to Kang (a document in the of History)^ it is said, “He was able to make his character clean.” In T*aichia (another document in the same book), it said, “He contemplated the clear man¬ dates of Heaven.” In the Canon of Yao (another docu¬ ment), it is said, “He was able to make clear his great character.” These all show that the ancient kings started by making their own characters clear. What is meant by “giving new life to the people” is this: The inscription on the bath-tub of Emperor T’ang read, “If you make yourself fresh (or “renew yourself’), then daily make yourself fresh, and again make yourself every day fresh.* The Announcement to Kang said, “Be¬ come a new nation.” The Boof^ of Songs said, “Although the state of Chou is an old country, the mandates it has received from Heaven are forever new."* Therefore the gentleman tries at all times to do his utmostf What is meant by “resting, or dwelling, in perfection” is this: The Boo!^ of Songs says, “The Imperial domain * ActuaUy this was already a mis-rcading in Confucius* own day ol the bronze inscription. The sentiment is fine, but the philology was de» plorable. Actually, the inscription read, “My elder brother was called Hsin; my grandfather was called Hsin, and my father was called Hsin,** Hsin being one of the commonest names in the Shang Dynasty, and a term in the duodecimal cycle. •|> This last sentence does not make any sense in this connection, and seems to belong logically in the section about achieTing true knowledge. 142 THB WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS of a thousand li is where the people dwells It is again said in the Boof^ of Songs, “The twittering yellow bird rests or alights on a litdc mound.” And Confucius re¬ marked, “When the bird rests, it knows where to rest. Should a human being be inferior to a bird in knowing where to rest (or in knowing what to du/ell in) ?” The BooI( of Songs again says, “How dignified and inspiring was King Wen I How bright was his virtue! He was care¬ ful in choosing that which he would dwell in^ * As a ruler, he dwelled in benevolence. As a minister, he dwelled in respectfulness. As a son, he dwelled in filial piety; as a father, he dwelled in kindness; and in his dealings with the people of the country, he dwelled in honesty. The Bool( of Songs says, “Look at that curve in the River of Ch’i. How luxurious and green are the bamboo trees there! Here is our elegant and accomplished prince. He looks like a piece of jade, cut and filed and chiseled and polished. How grave and dignified in figure and ma¬ jestic and distinguished! It is impossible to forget our elegant and accomplished prince!” The expression “cut and filed” refers to polishing his scholarship. The ex¬ pression “chiseled and polished” refers to the cultivation of his character. The expression “grave and dignified” refers to his fear and caution, and the expression “majes¬ tic and distinguished” refers to his inspiring appearance. And the expression “it is impossible to forget our elegant and accomplished prince” means that the people could never forget his great character and his perfection. • This is also probably a misinterpretation of the original text by the early Confucianists. ETHICS AND POLITICS 143 The Boof^ of Songs says, “Ah I the ancient kings are never forgotten by their people!” Future princes re¬ spected what they respected and loved what they loved, while the common people enjoyed what they enjoyed and benefited from their beneficial arrangements. That was why for generations the people could not forget them.* III. ON ACHIEVING TRUE KNOWLEDGE What is meant by “achieving true knowledge” is this: Confucius said, “In presiding over lawsuits, I am as good as anyone. The thing is we should make it our aim that there may be no lawsuits at all, so that people who have actually done wrong will be too ashamed of themselves to indulge in words of self-defense. Thus the people are inspired with a great res[>ect or fear (of the magistrate). This is called “to know the root (or bottom) of things.” This is called “achieving true knowledge (or wisdom).” T • Here I have mainly followed Legge. Thii paragraph has been trans¬ ferred here from another place by Chu HsL fin Cheng’s text, the very last line sunds at the end of Section 1, from which place I have transferred it here. This is all the alteration I have made, besides following Chu Hsi’s transposing of Section a to where it stands at present. I believe the existence of the last line at the end of Section i in Cheng's text caused the displacement or shifting at Section 4 and two other quotations to follow immediately Section i. THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS 144 IV. ON MAKING THE WILL SINCERE What is meant by ‘‘making the will sincere” is that one should not deceive oneself. This sincerity should be like the sincerity with which we hate a bad smell or love what is beautiful. This is called satisfying your own conscience. Therefore a superior man is watchful over himself when he is alone. The common man docs wrong vrithout any kind of self-restraint in his private life, and then when he secs the superior man, he is ashamed of himself and tries to hide the bad and show off the good in him. But what is the use ? For people sec into their very hearts when they look at them. TTiat is what is meant when we say, “What is true in a man’s heart will be shown in his outward ap¬ pearance.” Therefore the superior man (or the prince) must be watchful over himself when he is alone. Tsengtse said, “What ten eyes arc beholding and what ten hands arc pointing to — ^isn’t it frightening?” Just as viralth beauti¬ fies a house, so character beautifies the body. A big-hearted man also has big proportions. (Probably a proverb, like “A fat man is gooinatured.”) Therefore a superior man must make his will sincere. V. ON SETTING THE HEART RIGHT AND PERSONAL CULTIVATION What is meant by saying that “the cultivation of the per¬ sonal life depends on setting one’s heart right” is this: When one is upset by anger, then the heart is not in its right place; when one is disturbed by fear, then the heart is not in its right place; when one is blinded by love, then ETHICS AND POLITICS I45 ihc heart is not in its right place; when one is involved in worries and anxieties, then the heart is not in its right place (or the mind has lost its balance). When the mind isn’t there, we look but do not see, listen but do not hear and eat but do not know the flavor of the food. This is what is meant by saying that the cultivation of the per¬ sonal life depends on setting the heart right. VL ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN PERSONAL AND FAMILY LIFE What is meant by saying that “the regulation of the home life depends on the cultivation of one’s personal life” it this: People usually lose their sense of judgment toward those whom they love, toward those whom they despise or dislike, toward those whom they fear, toward those whom they pity and toward those whom they pamper or are proud of. Therefore, there are few people in this world who can see the bad in those whom they like and see the good in those whom they dislike. Hence the saying that ‘Teople do not know their own children’s faults, as they do not know the imperceptible growth of the rice plants in their fields.” That is why it is said that those who do not cultivate their personal life cannot regulate their home lif^ Vn. ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN FAMILY AND NATIONAL LIFE What is meant by the* saying that “those who would order their national life must set about ordering their home 146 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS life** is this: There is no one who fails in teaching the members of his own family and yet is capable of teach¬ ing others outside the family. Therefore the superior man spreads his culture to the entire nation by merely remain¬ ing at home. The teaching of filial piety is a preparation for serving the ruler of the state; the teaching of respea to one’s elder brothers is a preparation for serving all the elders of the country; and the teaching of kindness in parents is a training for ruling over the people. In the An- nouncement to Kangy it is said, “Act as if you were watch¬ ing over an infant.” No girl ever needs to learn about nursing a baby before she marries. If your instinct is cor¬ rect (or sound or normal), you will not be fiir from the highest ideal, although you may not exactly achieve it. When the individual faniilies have learned kindness, then the whole nation has learned kindness. When the indi¬ vidual families have learned courtesy, then the whole na¬ tion has learned courtesy. When one man is greedy or avaricious, then the whole country is plunged into dis¬ order. Such is the law of things. That is why it is said that “A single word may spoil an affair, and a single man can set the country in order.” The Emperors Yao and Shun set an example of kindness to the world and the people followed them. The Emperors Chieh and Qiou set an example of cruelty to the world, and the people also fol¬ lowed them. The people did not follow what they com¬ manded, if their command was contradicted by what they themselves did. Therefore, the superior man searches him¬ self first before he demands it of others, and makes sure first that he himself is not a transgressor before he forbids ETHICS AND POLITICS 147 transgressions to others. There is never a man who does not apply the principle of redprocity (or the Golden Rule) in laying the foundation for his own personal con¬ duct, and yet is able to influence others to his way of thinking. Therefore, the ordering of the national life de¬ pends on the regulation of one’s home life. The of Songs says, “Look at that peach tree, so fresh and pretty! How green and thick are its leaves! The girl (a princess) is going to her husband’s house, and she will live in harmony with the people of her husband’s home.” By living in harmony with the people in one’s home, one is qualified then to be an example to the peo¬ ple of the nation. Again the Booli of Songs says, ‘TTicy (the rulers) live in harmony with their elder brothers and their younger brothers.” By living in harmony with thdr elder and younger brothers, they are then qualified to serve as examples to the people of the nation. The BooJ{^ of Songs also says, “The deportment of the prince is all correct, and he sets a country in order.” Because be him¬ self served as a worthy example as a father, son, an elder brother and a younger brother, therefore the people took him for their model That is why it is said the “Ordering of the naftional life depends upon regulating one’s home life.” VUL ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN NATIONAL LIFE AND WORLD PEACE What is meant by saying that “the restoration of peace in the world depends on ordering the national life” is this: THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS When those in authority arc respectful toward the old people, then the common people learn to be good sons. When those in authority show respect to their superiors, then the common people learn respect and humility. When those in authority show kindness to the young and helpless, then the common people do not follow the op¬ posite course. Therefore the superior man (or prince) has a principle with which, as with a measuring square, he may regulate his conduct. What a man dislikes in his superiors, let him not dis¬ play in his own dealings with his inferiors; what he dis¬ likes in his inferiors, let him not display in his service to his superiors; what he dislikes in those in front of him, let him not display toward those behind; what he dislikes in those following behind, let him not display toward those in front; what he dislikes in those on his right, let him not display toward those on his left; and what he dislikes in those on his left, let him not display in those on his right. This is the principle of the measuring square (or footnile). The Bool{ of Songs says, “How the people are pleased with their ruler, who is like a parent to the people.” The ruler loves what the common people love and hates what the common people hate. That is how to be a parent to the common people. Again the Boo!^ of Songs says, “Oh, the magnificent Southern Mountains! How majestic arc the rocks! How magnificent is the Grand Tutor Yin! The people look up to him.” Thus those in a position of authority should never ETHICS AND POLITICS 149 be careless; once they go wrong, the whole world will de¬ nounce them. Again the of Songs says, “Before the sovereigns of the Shang Dynasty had lost the following of their peo¬ ple, they could appear before God in sacrifice. Take warn¬ ing from the House of Shang. It is not easy to keep the Mandate of Heaven.” This shows that those who have the people with them can keep their rule over a country, and those who have forfeited the following of their peo¬ ple thereby forfeit their rule over the country. On this account, the superior man (or prince or ruler) will first be watchful over his own character. If he has character, then he has the people with him; if he has the people with him, then he has authority over a territory; if he has authority over a territory, then he has wealth; and having wealth, he then can get things done. Thus character is the foundation, while wealth is the result. If the ruler neglects the foundation and attends to the out¬ ward results, he will lead the people in mutual robbery or competition for profit. Therefore, when a ruler gains his personal wealth, he loses his people; and when he loses his personal wealth, he gains the following of his people. Therefore if a man is cunning or deceitful in his speech, he is answered by cunning or deceitful speech, and if his wealth comes in by crooked methods, it flows out again by crooked methods. The Announcement to Kang says, “The Mandate of Heaven is not fixed and unchangeable. The good rulers get it and the bad rulers forfeit it.” The History of Ch*u says, “The state of Ch’u has no treasures; doing good is 150 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS our only treasure.” Tsefan (maternal uncle to a prince of Chin in exile) said, “Our exiled prince has no treasure; association with the kind people is his only treasure.” The Oath of Duke Mu of Ch*in (to his subjects) says, “Let me but have one minister, plain and sincere, not pre¬ tending to other abilities, but with a big simple heart, generous and tolerant toward others. When he sees an¬ other person has a certain kind of ability, he is pleased as if he had it himself; and when he sees another man who is handsome and wise, he likes him in his heart, as if he said so in so many words, thus showing that he can really tolerate them. Well may such a person be an asset to the nation, for he shall be able to protect my sons and grand¬ sons and the black-haired people. But if a minister is jealous and hates a person, when he sees the latter has a certain ability, or tries to stand in the way of a handsome and wise man, when he sees one, such a person can really not tolerate others, and he cannot protect my sons and grandsons and the black-haired people. Such a person is a danger to the country.” It is only the truly great man who can send away such a minister and banish him, driv¬ ing him to live among the barbarians and not allowing him to share China with us. It is only the truly great man who knows how to love and how to hate. To see men of worth and not recommend them to office, or to fail to be the first to do so— that is being disrespectful or negligent of one’s duty toward his ruler. To see bad men and not be able to remove them from office and to fail to remove them as far away as possible — that is weakness. To love what the people hate and to hate what the people love — ETHICS AND POLITICS that is to aa contrary to human nature, and disaster will overtake such a person. Thus we see there is a basic prin¬ ciple for the sovereign: Through sincerity and faithful¬ ness, he maintains his rule, and through pride and self- indulgent living he loses it. There is a basic principle in the accumulation of wealth and it is this: If there are many producers of wealth and few spenders, and if people arc quick at earning money and slow at spending it, then wealth will always be suffi¬ cient. The true man develops his personality by means of his wealth, and the unworthy man develops wealth at the expense of his personality. There has never been a case of a ruler who loved benevolence, with his subjects failing to love righteousness, and there has never been a case where the people have come to love righteousness and the affairs of the state cannot be accomplished successfully. And there has never been a case where in such a state the wealth collected in the national treasury did not continue in the possession of the ruler. Baron Hsicn Mcng said, “The scholars who have just become officials and begun to keep a horse and carriage do not look after poultry and pigs. The higher officials who use ice in their sacrifices do not keep cattle and sheep. And the nobles who can keep a hundred carriages do not keep rapacious tax-gatherers under them. It would be better to keep a minister who robbed them of their own treasury, than to keep such rapacious tax-gatherers. That is what is meant by saying that “the material prosperity of a nation does not consist in its material prosperity, but in righteousness.* 152 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS He who is at the head of a government and is bent upon gathering wealth is forced to use petty persons in office. He may want to do good, but the petty officials rule the country and bring disaster to the state, and all his good intentions arc to no purpose. That is why it is said that “the material prosperity of a nation docs not consist in its material prosperity, but in righteousness.” * » * This idea was later fully developed by Meacius. ! Chapter V APHORISMS OF CONFUCIUS {J!he Analects) The Analects is generally regarded as the ConfuciaQ Bible, being a miscellaneous, unclassiAed and uned¬ ited collection of the remarks of Confucius on various oc¬ casions, mosdy without any suggestion as to the circum¬ stances in which the remarks were made, and certainly tom from their context. Reading the Analects is like read¬ ing Bartlett’s Familiar Quotations, an exciting taste of bits of choice sayings, giving the reader plenty of room for meditation, imagination and wonder as to what the variety of brilliant writers really mean. A comparison with chapters of the Likty Mencius, and other sources shows that the most pithy and epigrammatic sayings have been cut off from longer discourses and preserved because they were so much admired. It is illuminating, for instance, to read in the Analects the remark by Confucius that “I have never yet seen people attracted by virtuous scholars as they are by beautiful women,” and then to leara from Szema Ch’kn (see Chapter II) that he made this remark after he had paraded the streets of Wei in a carriage with -53 154 WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS a beautiful queen, and found the people looked at the queen but did not look at him. The text of the Analects itself does not mention the circumstance, and actually puts it in the form of a more abstract remark: haven’t yet seen people who love virtue as they love beauty.” The Analects is full of short sentences of four or five words, like the following: “The gentleman is not a vessel (has not only one particular ability),” or “The goody-goodies arc the thieves of virtue.” In the last instance, we are for¬ tunate to have an amplification of this idea of the “goody- goodies” in the Bool{^ of Mencius, One cannot believe that Confucius talked in three or four syllables at a time. It is further impossible to believe that the full meaning of Confucius’ replies to various questions can be under¬ stood without knowing more fully what the questioner asked. As Yuan Mei has pointed out, this was essentially a book of the sayings of Confucius, and therefore the questions of his disciples were cut as short as possible. Thus the only hint we get of the questions is mostly in one word: this man asked about “government,” that man asked about “true manhood,” and a third man asked about and Confucius came out with the most diverse and contradictory answers to the same questions put by different people- Actually the commentators were some¬ times misled into an interpretation that is not justifiable. Thus, once Confucius said to Chung Kung, “Look at chat beautiful calf, with such a light brown skin and such pretty little horns! Even if I wanted to spare it, do you think the (spirits of the) mounuins and rivers would spare it (ior sacrifices to them) ?” This is interpreted to APHORISMS OF CONFUCIUS I55 fnrnn that Chung Kung had such a beautiful character, fit to become a moral ruler, but Yuan Mci suggests that this was merely a casual remark of Confucius as he and his disciple were looking out of the window and saw a beautiful calf passing by. What then is the chief charm of the AnaUcts, apart from Confucian wisdom contained therein? Its charm centers around the character of Confucius and the differ¬ ent remarks he made upon his contemporaries, the charm of a biography and sayings of Confucius, disorderly, sug¬ gestive and done by a few impressionistic strokes. It is essentially like the charm of Boswell’s Johnson, and of the entire Johnsonian circle, here represented by the circle of Confucius’ disciples and friends. It can be opened and read from any page, revealing to us the charm of a wise, terribly rude and withal an affable character. That is the fascination of the Analects for the Chinese. For dogma¬ tism has its charm, and one is always impressed by the dogmatic judgments of Confucius and of Dr. Johnson because they both pronounced their judgments with so much force and self-assurance. The entire character of the Analects is therefore merely illustrative, and in itself gives us no well-rounded view of the Confucian system of thought, except by some very hard thinking on the part of the reader. We also get a glimpse through the Analects of the Con¬ fucian circle. Sometimes we get a suggestion by a mere word that Confucius was “happy” when he was sur¬ rounded by two or three of his favorite disciples. Mixed, of course, with the sayings of Confucius himself are also 156 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS quite a few sayings by his greater disciples, like Tsengtse, Tschsia, Yutse, Tsechang, etc., for the various chapters of the Anedeas are certainly of diverse origin, some being recorded by the disciples of the disciples. We have Yen Huei, a quiet, thoughtful person, the oldest of the dis¬ ciples, whom Confucius admired and praised in superla¬ tive terms. On the other hand, we have Tselu, the Con- fucian St. Peter, who constantly questioned the Master’s conduct. This man receives very rough handling in the AndectSy because he was dead and there were no disciples to defend him at the time the Analects were recorded. There were also the garrulous, fluent Tsekung, the very much younger, but philosophic Tsengtse (who later be¬ came probably the most important interpreter of Con¬ fucius), the more literary-minded Tsehsia, and the practical politician Jan Ch’iu, whom Confucius finally dis¬ owned from his circle of disciples. Confucius was, there¬ fore, broad enough to be a teacher of all types of persons, and it is said that each disciple was one “limb” of the "'body of the Sage.” Later on, the Tscngtse-Tseszc-Men- cius tradition developed the idealistic-philosophic side of Confucianism, while the Tschsia-Hsuntse tradition de¬ veloped along the line of historic learning and scholarship. Just as St. John developed the idealistic side of Jesus* teachings and added a little of his own, so we see, for in¬ stance in the chapter on “Central Harmony,” how Tsc- sze developed the philosophic significance of the Doctrine of the Golden Mean, of Humanism and of “the true self.” Briefly, we may compare Tsesze and Mencius to St. John and Hsuntse to Sl James. APHORISMS OF CONFUCIUS I57 The abrupt, jumpy style of the AnaUcts requires ol course some hard thinking on the part of the reader. It isn’t the kind of book that can be read with profit by a lazy reader who expects the author to talk on and on, while he assumes an entirely passive role. The full partici¬ pation of the reader is necessary and the truths must be apprehended by personal insight; the reader must draw upon his own personal experience. Of course the ancient Chinese school system did not expect young school chil¬ dren to master the philosophic meaning of one of the most mature philosophies of the world. What was ex¬ pected, however, was mainly a thorough conning ovei of the text so that the lines would stick forever in their memory, a fountain of wisdom to be drawn upon later on. But then the Confucianists also taught the proper way of reading the Analects. These were the methods ad¬ vised by the Sung scholars. Ch’eng Yich’uan said, “Re¬ gard the questions by the disciples in the Analects as your own questions, and the answers of Confucius as answers to yourself, then you will get some real benefit.” Chu Hsi said, “Read the Analects first. Just take one or two sec¬ tions a day. Never mind whether the passage is difficult or easy to understand, or whether it is a profound passage or not. Just read on from the beginning of the section, and if you don’t get the meaning by reading, then use some thinking, and if you don’t get the meaning by thinking, then read again. Turn it back and forth and try to get its flavor. Thus after a long while, you will understand what is in it.” In his letter to a friend, Chu Hsi said, “In read¬ ing be most careful not to read too much. Read a little 158 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS and it will be easy to thoroughly master it. All real insight from studies is gained in this manner.*’ Again in his Yulei or “Sayings,” we read, “To understand the language of the text is one thing; to appreciate the beauty of its meaning is another. It is a great common weakness of readers to understand the superficial side without catching what is good in a book.” Again, “The proper method of reading is to spend some real thought on it. At first, you will find that this understanding requires a lot of time or energy, but (after you have gained enough general in¬ sight and understanding yourself), it will require little time to run through a book. At first, a book requires a hundred per cent energy in reading; afterwards it may require only eighty or ninety per cent, and later on, sixty or seventy per cent, and at last only forty or fifty per cenL” To regard reading and thought as two necessary complementary elements in the progress of knowledge is basic in the Confucian system of education, and Con¬ fucius himself had something to say about these two ele¬ ments, as will be seen in the last section of this chapter. It is amazing that no Chinese scholar has tried to re¬ vise or re-edit the Analects^ in order to give the reader a better conception of the contents, although a few have written essays on the different ideas dealt with in the book (for instance, the Lunyu T*ungshih “Studies on the Analects^ by Ch’iao Hsun, 1763-1820, and the splendid work on the “Meaning of Words in Mencius,” Mengtse Tscyi Shucheng by Tai Chen, 1723-1777). No one, apart from Western scholars, has even compiled a collection of all Confucius’ descriptions of “the superior man.” This APHORISMS OF CONFUCIUS I59 most important conception forms a composite picture of the qualities of this “superior man.” In this chapter I have selected probably one-fourth of the contents of the Analects and regrouped them according to certain ideas. Unless otherwise indicated, the sayings arc all by Con¬ fucius and arc taken from the Analects. Where necessary, however (c.g., for a clearer statement of the humanistic position), I have drawn upon Chapters XXVIII, XXIX, XXX, XXXn and XXXIII of the Li*>^/-about a dozen passages, all told. Chapters XXXII and XXXIII, in par¬ ticular differ not in the slightest as regards contents and style from the Analects, and arc extremely rich in record? of Confneius’ sayings. X60 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS I. DESCRIPTION OF CONFUCIUS BY HIMSELF AND OTHERS Duke Ych (of Ch’u) asked Tselu about Confucius, and Tselu did not make a reply. Confucius said, “Why didn’t you tell him that I am a person who forgets to eat when he is enthusiastic about something, forgets all his worries when he is happy, and is not aware that old age is coming on?" Tselu was stopping for the night at the Stone Gate and the gate-keeper asked him, “Where are you from?” “I’m from Confucius,” replied Tselu. “Oh, is he the fellow who knows that a thing can’t be done and still wants to do it?” Weisheng Mou said to Confucius, “Why arc you so self-important and constandy rushing about? Don’t you talk a litdc bit too much?” “It isn’t that I want to talk. It’s because I hate (the present moral chaos).” Confucius said, “At fifteen I began to be seriously in¬ terested in study. At thirty I had formed my character. At forty I had no more perplexities. At fifty I knew the will of heaven. At sixty nothing that I heard disturbed me.* At seventy I could let my thought wander without trespassing the moral law.” Yen Huci and Tselu were sitting together with Con¬ fucius, and Confucius said, “Why don’t you each tell me your ambidons in life?” Tselu replied, “It is my ambidon in life to go about with a horse and carriage and a light fur coat and share them with my good friends unul they * Here is an example o£ the great responsibility and room for conjec¬ ture on the part of a translator of ancient texts. The original text merely consists of two works **£ars accord.** APHORISMS OF CONFUCIUS l6l xrc all worn out without any regret.” Yen Huei said, “It is my ambition never to show off and never to brag about myself.” Then Tselu said, “May I hear what is your am. bition?” And Confucius replied, “It is my ambition that, the old people should be able to live in peace, all friends should be loyal and all young people should love their ciders.” There were the famous recluses, Poyi, Shuch’i, Yu- chung, Yiyi, Chuchang, Uuhsia Huei and Shaolien. Con¬ fucius said, “Not to compromise with their own ideals and not to be disgraced— these were Poyi and Shuch’i.” He said of Liuhsia Huei and Shaolien that they compro¬ mised with their ideals and were disgraced, but that they managed to be able to maintain a standard in their words and their conduct. He said of Yuchung and Yiyi that they escaped from society and were unconventional or un- trammcled in their speech, and that they were able to live a clean private Ufe and to adjust themselves according to the principle of expediency in times of chaos. “I am dif¬ ferent from these people; I decide according to the cir¬ cumstances of the dme, and act accordingly.” * A great official asked Tsekung, “Is the Master a Sage? Why is it that he is so many-sided?” Tsekung replied, “Heaven has sent him to become a Sage, and he is many- sided, to boot.” When Confucius heard this he said, ‘Ter- • Laterally, in five words, **No may, no may not,** Later Mencius fully commented upon this, saying that Confucius was a great flexible char¬ acter, acting according to the requirements of the occasion. He could be an official if necessary, and he could refuse to be an official if neces¬ sary. In contrast with the other recluses mentioned, there was a positive tifge b his character, as well as a philosophic resignation. jfia THm WISDO^r OF COKFUCIU6 haps ihis great pfEcLil lmovv$ me welL J was a poor maB'i con and can therefore do many Things rhat bebng eo a j:omiiion man. Dues a supmor man have fn leam aJI these ihings ? Nuj he doesn^t.^' Tsethang siJd, “Cuofueius AaJcl, did nut enter the goverameciE^ that wo^ how 1 had time for Icamiiig the arrs.* ^ Coiifueiiii aaJd, 'There is pleasure in lying pillou^d ggainst a halt uim after a. meal of simple vegdabZes with a drink of water. On the uthcr hand^ to enjoy wealth and power without coming hy it through the right means is La me like so many floating ebuds/" Gonfudui said, *‘There are rhrec things abooc the su¬ perior man thar I have mi been able to attalo. The true man has no worries; the wise man has no pcrplcaitim; and the brave man has no fear.^ Tsekung lak!, “But, Maner, you are exactly describing yoorrelL'^ Coofiichjs said* "In the study of literature, I am prob¬ ably as good as anyone^ but pcixunaily to Ihie the life of the superior imn^ I don't think I have suoaseded'' Confuciiii saidj to bdng a sage and a true man^ I am not so presumptuous. 1 will admit, howeycri ihat I have unceasingly tried to do my best and to teach other people" Confucius said, “Do you think I know a great deal? I don^L There was an uneducated man wbo asked me about jomethingi^ and I couldn't say a word in reply. I merely discussed the rwo iidcs of the question and was at jny wit's end." Confucius saidi every hamlet of ten famiJici, th^ CQNFtICTlIS are nlway.^ some people as honest ^nd f.ikhFul as myself, hut none who is so devoted to stndyJ^ Confucius said, "1 may pcrbiips cumpw mysdf to my old friend Laop'eng. 1 merely try lo describe (or carry on) the ancient tradition, bur not to create something new. I only want to get at the truth and am in love with andcot studies.^ Confucius soidp "To silently appreciate st tnith, to leirn continually and to teach other people unceasingly— chat h just natural with me." ^The litings that trouble ar concern me are the fotlow- ing: Jest I should neglect to improve my character, lest 1 should neglect my studies, and lest 1 should hit! to move forvi'^rd when T sec the Hght course, pr fail to correct my- self when I see my mistakci'^ Confucius said, *^]'m not born a wix mao.. Vm merely one in love with andent studies and work very hard to team them^ Confucius said, *^Ah Sae, Jo you suppose that I merely learned a great deal and tried to remember it all " Yes, isnY that what you do?"^ said CooFuduSi "I have a system nr a central thread that nins through it alL” Confucius said, "Tlicre are ^me people who do not undcrsland a subject^ but go ahead and mveut tilings out of their own head. I am nor like those people. One can come to he a wise man by hearing a great deal and follow* lag the gpqdj and by Kocing a great deal and remember^ mg it." Confucius said, **SomeLjmc» I have gone the whole day without food and a whole night without sleeps uccupicd <64 THE W[St>Ohi OF CONFUOlljr^ in thiilkLEig iind unable to airlvi: at :iny rcaulti. So 1 de¬ cided to siiid^ agaifi.'^ CnnFudua said^ ^Whenever ivalkidg in a company oE three, 1 caa always find my leaclier among them (or one who has something to teach me). I flclect a good penoa and follow his CTcampIc^ or 1 sex a bad pcrscia and correct i[ in mysdi." Confucius sakl, "I woif t tcadi a man who h not anxious to Icarn^ Piiid will not cirplaki to one who is not nying to make things clear to himsdf. And if I caplaio onc-fourlh and the man doun^t go b3.ck and reflect and tlimk out the imphcatinijs in the remaining tiuee^loUithf; for him •df, 1 won't bother to teach him again.*' Confucius said, ^There was never yet a person who came to me with rhe present of dried mc^t (equivalent of tintion) that 1 have refuicd to Leach someddng/^ The young men of a oertaia village Hu were given to misdiict and one day some young people from that vil¬ lage eamc to sec Cuofudus, and ihc dlsdplcs were sur¬ prised that Confucius saw them. Confucius said^ "Don't be too hard on people. What conceras me Is how they oome^ and nor what they do when they go away^ When 1 Emu approaches me wicJi pure ulEendodi, 1 respect his pure [ntenEions, dlhough 1 caimol guarantee what he doc^ afterwards.** Confucius was in dificnltics at K'uang and he said, “Since King Wen died^ is not the tradition of Kmg Wen Id my keeping or possession? If it be the will of Hr^ven that this moral tradition should be lost, posterity shall never again share in the knowledge of this traditioiL But if it be tilt will of Hwvcn tiuc thh LrikjdjtiaD jhdl BOi be ]ust» whar can ibe people of K'iiang do lo me?'* Conhjciuj said. "Heaven has endowed me with a moral destiny (or mission). Wbac can Hiian T'ud (a mililary officer wbo was driving him away) ik> 10 me?” • Confucius sald^ "Give me a lew more years to Rniili the Study of the Boa\ of Changes^ then I hope T shall be ;iblc to be fra: ffOin Banking serious niistakca (or erron of judgment) i** These were the things Confudua ufieii talked abotirj Poetry, history* and the pcrformaDcc □£ L-eremoukv— all these were what he ofien talked ahouL Confudus seldom talked about profit or dcitiny or true manhood.f Confucius did not talk about monsEcrs, physical ex ploits* unruly conduct aud the heavenly spirita- Gonfucius taught four things! Literature, permoal con duct, being one’s mic self and honc^y In social rdatton^ ships. Confucius fished with a fiahing rod, but would not use a net. While shooting he would not shoot a bird ai resLf Confudus dcnuuiiccd of tried 10 avoid completely four * Sh C^EKcr U* Sc!rt3M 4^ (m flitter dftailc I thcK ii I» mher lOpte whkh Caatucmi bis di^cipitei mure ud- itinElr nSked tliin ''tnac Mnboed-** Sw belnw Siscliad Thk il thtMidjhie: a UlidiHoA^ unten it m^ua. thal Conf^Ul rcfujnl W admk ifMT mxaj pcrwiu svhcim hk diidptef admiRd oniy hr talted "true -f P^mIi tpWifalfy. l66 THE WitPOM OW COHFtlCtlfl thu^: ajbxtrsrliias of opluica^ dcgnXiitUal^ Emailoiiic^ and Coofuciu^ was gcndt but dignified, austere yet ooi hifjbj poJiic and compJtfdy at ease. Yco Huci heaved a sigh and said, ^You look up to it and it i&nu sd higL Yea try to drill through it and it scons 30 Lard, You taxm no see it in from of pu* and all of i sudden h appears behind you. The Master is very good at gently leading a man along and tcadiing luiu. He taught me to hioadcd myself by the reading of litem- lure and ihco lo control myself by the observance of proper conduct, I fust fek being carried alongt but after 1 h:ive done my very be^, or developed what was in tn^ thcic stilL rcioajna sometliiog ausLerely standing aporti unctftcbable. Do what 1 could lo reach his povtion^ 1 can’t find the wayn." SSumn Wufihu said to the oOieiaLi at courts "Tsekung Es 1 better man tlian CanFudus." Tsefti Cltiiigpo told this 10 Tsekung, and Tsekung said* *l.i is like ihe matter of boiucwans. My housewaU comes up only to the shouIder;i and the people outside anc therefore able ID sec my beau¬ tiful houscr whereas the wall of Confudus is twenty or thirty feet higb^ aod unless pu go right inside, pu do not see the bmuTy of its halls and the grandeur of it* fumifure. Bur there are very few people who can pene¬ trate iiuide that household. What Shusim says is there¬ fore prafcctly osy to undcrfluntl,'^ Again Shusun Wushu ukd lo belittle the greatness at Confuciuj^ and Tsekting saidj^ 'There’* no use trying. Confudus cannot be hdiided. Other great men are like APirOHESMf PF quNfUClUS X67 mniinds or hUlocIu which you can dimb up, but Con- fudus b Jitc the moon and the sim, which you never reach. A man can shut his eyes to the ^uu and the tnooni but what harm can It do to the sun and (he mexin ? Yon arc just trying to do the impossEhlex^ XL TIIE EMOTIONAL ANH AITIJTIC tltfi. Ul^ CONFUClUi When Yen Hud died, Confucius wep bitterly and hii followers said, "'You ore all shaten up." Coofudus said, "*Ajn I all shaken up? Bui if I donY fed all shaken up at the dcnih nf this penoo, for wbotn else shall 1 ewer fcd shaken up^" Confudus never ate his fill in the company of people in mourniog-p Tf he wept on that day^ tlien he did not sing. Whai Confudus imk very seriously were; The cere¬ monial hath before religious worship, war, and sickness. Someone asked Confucius about the mcanmg of the Grand Sacrifice to ihe Imperial Ancestors, and Confucius said, *^1 don't know. One who knows the meaning of the Grand Sacrifice would be able lo rule the world as oaily pointing a finger at the palnL^' When Confucius offered sacnfice to hi* anchors, he felt as if bis ancestors were present bodily, and when he ofTcred sacrifice to the other godsp he felt as if the gods were present bodily^ Confudus said, "If 1 donY offer sac* rifiec hy being personally present, It is as if I diduY sacri¬ fice n alL." Wangfun Oua naked, "Why do people say that it is better to get on good terms with the kitchen god thus £68 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS with the god of the southwestern corner of the house?** Confucius replied, “Nonsense, if you have committed sins against Heaven, you haven’t got a god to pray to.” • Tsekung wanted to do away with the ceremony of sac¬ rificing the lamb in winter. Confucius said, “Ah Sze, you love the lamb, but I love the ritual.” Confucius said, “Respect the heavenly and earthly spirits and keep them at a distance.” Confucius said, “My, how old I have giowni For a long time I have not dreamed of Duke Chou again.” t Confucius heard the music of Hsiao in Ch’i, and for three months he forgot the taste of meat, saying, “I never thought that music could be so beautiful” When Con¬ fucius was singing with some other men and liked the song, he always asked for an encore and then would join in the chorus. Confucius said, “Wake yourself up with poetry, estab¬ lish your character in li and complete your education in music.” Confucius said, “Since my return to Lu from Wei, I have been able to classify the different kinds of music, and the ya and the sung are restored to their proper place.” Yen Huei asked about running a government. Con¬ fucius replied, ‘*Use the calendar of Hsia Dynasty (the Hsia year begins with “January,” or about February in the solar calendar, while the Chou year begins with “No- * These gods in modem China arc supposed to intercede for human be¬ ings before Heaven. •j-Duke Chou was the symbol of the moral ruler and founder of the governmental system of the Chou Dynasty which Confucius was trying to restore. AfHOlTSMS PF CONFUCIUS 1% vcinb«**)j adopt the (heavy and strong snd mmpAra- tivdy unadorned woodm) farrbgci o£ the Shang Djr-^ nasty^ and use the imperial cro^^n o£ the Chou Dynai^^ For muiic, adopt the dance of Ihiao. Suppress the musk «£ Cheng and keep away the petty flaitcrcrr. The music of Cheng is Jascivions, and the petty Baticicrs axe dangerouSi^ {Tselu was playing the sek^ and) Confucius S^ld, '“How dare Ah Yu play such stfodoui music in my lK>tLicI^ The disciples then began to look down upon Ticlu and Con- fucius said, ^'Ah Yu has entered the liaU^ but he has noi entered rhe inner rcMm.^ Confucius wotdd not use navy blue or rarfet for binding and collar of his drouc. He would not have red or purple pajamas. In summer he would wear under- cli^thes beneath the thin (tfaiuparent) coarse or fine lintn gown. He would match a lamb coat with a hbek ma terra! ; uiALch a coat of white fawri with wbiEe material^ and match a fox coat with brown (or yellow) material He always wore n nightgown longer than his body hy half. At home he used to wear a long-haired foi coat Except during rooummg^ he wore all sons o£ pendants (on his girdJe)- For him rice could never be white enough and mJnee meat could never be chopped fine enough- When the food was mushy or the Bavor had detcHuiatedr or when F Hie Aftbodoi iacciprrtatiflEi is tliai Tidu Lad madf fome prAgnoti in Idmifii tht vsxhia^ of Cckofudui, but Ljd m nujua-rd them ^ J im nwfcEfiwt lu iHuL iLjt Cotilucitu mouit that Tie3u wai udj m ihr Mjukfe LjI] asd aoi in iLc kotr cLamlier, and thjt tLdtkri-e ft wu M » imloivivsblc ^iet all. lyo THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS the fish had become bad or the meat was tainted, he would not eat. When its color had changed, he would not eat. When the smell was bad, he would not eat. When it was not cooked right, he would not eat. When food was not in season, he would not cat. When the meat was not cut properly, he would not caL When a food was not served with its proper sauce, he would not cat. Although ihcrc was a lot of meat on the table, he would not take it out of proportion with his rice; as for wine, he drank without any set limit, except not to get drunk. Wine or shredded meat bought from the shops he would not eat. A meal without ginger on the table, he would not cat. He did not overcaL During thunderstorms, his face always changed color. lU. THE CONVUSATIONAL STYLE Tsclu, Tseng Hsi, Jan Ch’iu and Kunghsi Hua were sit¬ ting together one day and Confucius said, ^>0 not think that I am a little bit older than you and therefore am as¬ suming airs. You often say among yourselves that people don’t know you. Suppose someone should know you, I should like to know how you would appear to that per¬ son.” Tsclu immediately replied, “I like to rule over a country with a thousand carriages, situated between two powerful neighbors, involved in war and suffering from famine. I like to take charge of such a country and in three years, the nation will become strong and orderly.” Con¬ fucius smiled at this remark and said, “How about you, Ah Ch’iu?” Jan Ch’iu replied, “Let me have a country APHQllI^Mr DF CClNFtrCEUS ifL sbcty Ot seventy ii square or perhaps only fifty dr sixty ti square* Put it in my char^^ and In three yearsy the pcdpte wUI havecuuu^ti L&eat, but as for teaching them moral or- der acid music, 1 shall leave it to the superior man.” (Turn¬ ing lo Kunghsi Htia) Confudus saidj "How about yoU| Ah Ch^fh?" Kunghsi Hua rcplicdp "Not tliat I say 1 can do it, bur fm willing to leHirn this. At the cereaionics of religious worship and at the conference of the princes, I should like to wear the ceremonial cap and gown and be a minor oflfidal assisting at the ccraiioay*" '"How about you. Ah Ticnf" The latter (Tseng Hsi) just phiy* ing on tile and with a bang he left the iiwimmciit and arose to speak- "You know my amhiEion is diilcrcDt from theirs.** ^Ic doesn^E maticr,” said Confudus^ ‘*we ate )ust trying tn find out what each would like to do-'^ Hien he replied, "In late spring, when the new spring dress is made, 1 would like to go with five nr six grown-upd and six Or seven children to bathe in Uic River Ch^ and after the bath go to enjoy die breeze in the %Vuyi woods, and dien sing on our way home/" Confucius heaved a deep sigh and said^ *Yoti arc the man after my own Leart.” Conftidiis said^ "Do you think tliat J have hidden any* thing fmm the two or tlirce of you ? No, I have hidden nothing from you. lliere is nothing that I do that I don't share with the two or throe of you That is 1." Confucius w'cnE ta the ciEy of Wu (where his disdple Tscyu had been made the £nagIfCtaie)i and heard the peo¬ ple singing to the accompaniment of string instruments, Confucius grinned and said to Tscyu, “You arc trying to kill a chicken with a big cleaver for killing a cOw.” THE WIIDO^ OF CONFUCIUS rp 'Tlttr 1 hwd from you” icplicd Ticytt^ when the superbr man tud le^raeil culture^ ht became kind to peupJc, when the common people learned culturq they would become weU-diidplincd." Confudui (lumcd to tho other di^iplei and) Eiid, ^'You fellows^ what he nys U right. I waj only pulling bb Seme people cj£ TAhsiang said^ ^"Grear indeed h Con- fiKiujf He knowi about everything and a an expert at aoLhiug.” When Gonlbdus beard ttis^ he said, "Now wkat am 1 going to ipcdallze in? Shall I tponalize in archery, or id driving a carriage?’^ The Secretary of Juxticc of Cb^eo asked Gonfudui if Duke Chao of Ld imdcntood propriety (or /f) and Con^^ (bdui replied that he did. After Confudiia had left, die Secretary asked Wuma Chi to eomc In aod laid to him, “b a superior man partial lo his own country? 1 heard that A supenor niai:i should not be prtbh Dube Chan married a princess of Wu* who was of the tame family naine^ aud called her Mengtie of Wu. Now if ihar man uudcrstaudj propriety;^ who Later on Wtima Chi told this to Cuoludus^ and Confudua idd^ ^'How lueby 1 ami Whenever 1 make a tniiUkc, people are sure to disjcover it." Tsekung said, "Here U a beautiful piece of jade, kept in A coiket and waiting for a good price for Cnn- fudus remarked, "For said For sale I Vm the one waiting for a good price for sate!" Sameouc asked about Tsech'an {a good muiIsLer of Cheng) and Confudua said, "He is a kind man.^ The ArnofttSMs OP coNFOcivf mad ilicd ^keJ about Prince Tsehsi (of Ch'u), and Qm- fucius siid, "'Ohp that fcUowI oh, that fcliowj" Cnnfijclus asked Kungming Chia obcuic Kujigsun Wentse, 'Is k true diat your Master docsn\ talk> doesn't smile add doesa^C take goods froni the pcopie?" Kiirtg- raiog Chia replied, ^Thac is aa cxaggcrat<^ story* My Master talks only \vhen he should talk and people arc not bored with his talk. He smiles onJy when he ii happy, 2ud people are not bored with Jiis smiles. Add he lakes goods from the people Odiy when it is right to do so, and p«jple do not mmd his taking ihdr goods.'* Confuduf said, "Really! Is that so?" Tsekung loved to criticize people^ and Goofucius said, "Ah Sztf you're clever, aren't puf 1 have oo droe tot such things*** Confucius said, "I gn:atly admire a fcUow who goes about tlie whole day with a well-fed stomach and a vacU' ous mind* How cad one ever do It? I would rather that he play ches^ which would seem to me to be better. "I have seen people who gather together the whole day and nev^f talk of anything serious among themselves, and who love to play little r ricks on peopltL MarvcBous, how can they ever do irl" Confudus said, "1 am going to remain quiet I** Tackling remarked, "If you remain quiet, bow can we ever learn anythiog to teach to the orhers?" And Confudus said, “Does Heaven talk? The four seasons go their way in sucocssion and the different things are produLred* Docs Heaven talk?" Confucius said, *"1 have sometimes talked with Hue! 174 WISI^OM OF CONFirCiUS for a whole day, and he jyK stiU there like a fonli Bui then he goes Into h(* own ruorti and think* about wfiai I have said md is able tu think ont some ideas of hii own- He is ncrt a fool” tv. TIIE JOHNJONlAlsr TOUCH CoiifucliiS saidt "By looking at a man's faults, yOit know the man*s character."’ * Tsekung asked Confudiis, ‘‘Whal kind of a person do you tfaiak can be pmpcriy tailed a scholar?'^ Confucius replied, "A person who shows a sense; of honor io bifi personal condurt and who can be relied upon to carry ouf i diplomatic mission In a foreign country with compe- rcooc and dignity can be properly called a scholar.'^ ‘"Whal kind oi a person would come nest?"* ^'Onc who is knowt^ to be a good sun in his femily aod baa a reputation for humility and respect in ^ village." “Wliat kind of a per lOD would come ne^ti a.ftcr that?^’ "A person who Js ex- trcmely careful of bis conduct and speech and always * LUL Cliapter X3 pie the creeps,^* a pun on the CMuese word li,} Whm Confucius heard this, be said, “'Oh, better for^^ Ij6 tHt WHDOM of COKFUCIUi hisio^I Let wb4t Ism come, cornel Don’t try to remedy the pialtl" Ju Fei wanted to ice Dwsfiidus and Cotifucius declined by sayin;; that he was del:. When ibc man was just out tide the door, Confucius took a string initiument, the ieh, and sang, in order to let him hear it (and know that he was not sek after all), Vang Ho wanted to sw Confucius, and Confudiis would not see him. Yang then presented Confudus widi a leg of pork, and Confudus took care to find out when he would not be at home and then went to pay tus return call, but met him on the way.* Yang Ho said to Con¬ fucius, "Come; I want to talk to you!" And he said, "Can you call a man kind who possesses the knowledge to pul the country in order, but allows it to go to the diigs?’* "Of course nor ” said Confucius. "Oin you call a man wise who lova to get into power *ind yet Jets an opponuniry pass by when it comes? " "Cf course not," said Confudus. "But lie dme i* passing swiftly by," said Yang Ho. Con¬ fudus replied (sarcastically), "Yea, sir. I'm going to be an ofHdal.” (VaOg Ho was a powerful but corrupt offi¬ cial in Lu, and Confiidus refus^ to serve under him.) Baron Ch'dig Ch’cn assassinated Duke Chicfi (in Cb'i),and Confudus took a ceremonial bath and went to see the Duke of Lu and said, "Ch’cn Hciig has assassi¬ nated the Duke, his superior. We must send a punitive expedition.” "You speak to the three Barons (iif Lu),” Confudus replied, “You know in lay capadty as an offi¬ cial, 1 have to tnfonn you formally of this mailer." "Yffii *11ii( Itwr U ratieiwd in ihc of Urartu. APHORISMS OF CONFUCIUS I77 speak to the three Barons,” said the Duke again. Con¬ fucius then went to speak to the three Barons who dis¬ approved, and Confucius said to them, “You know in the capacity of an oflScial I have to inform you formally of this matter.” Yuan Jan (who was reputed to sing at his mother’s death) squatted in Confucius’ presence and Confucius said, “As a child, you were impudent; after you are grown up, you have absolutely done nothing; and now in your old age you refuse to die! You’re a thief!” And Con¬ fucius struck him in the shin with a cane. Baron K’ang Chi was worried about thieves and bur¬ glars in the country and consulted Confucius about it. Confucius replied, “If you yourself don’t love money you can give it to the thieves and they won’t take it.” Baron K’ang Chi was richer than Duke Chou and Jan Ch’iu (Confucius’ disciple who was his secretary) con¬ tinued to tax the people in order to enrich the Baron. Confucius said (to his disciples), “He is not my dis¬ ciple. You fellows may strike the drum and denounce him. You have my permission.” Baron K’ang Chi was going to attack Ch’uanyu and Jan Ch’iu and Tselu came to see Confucius and said, “The Baron is going to send an expedition against Ch’uanyu.” Confucius said, “Ah Ch’iu, isn’t this your fault? The town of Ch’uanyu was originally designated by the an¬ cient emperors as a fief to maintain the worship of the Tungmeng Hill, and besides it is situated within the boundaries of Lu, and the ruler was directly appointed by the founder of the Dynasty, How can you ever think of IjS WIIBOfcf Ol? COKFUClUS sending AH csptfdiiion tn take it over (co cnKiTgc the tcffi- ujry ot the Baron) “The B^ten wants it. We tiem V re¬ plied Ch’iii. "All Chilli, ^ Evid Confudu^ “the ancient hiscorian Chou Jett Said, 'Do your best according to your official capacity, and if you can't stop it, then you quit/ If a pcTton is approaching danger and you do not assist hull, or if n person is lalliiig down and you do not sup- pore hinv then what is the inee of bdog an assittani or guide? What you have just said is wrong. When a tigo- or a buffalo escapes from the feaced enclosure or when a piece of Mcred jade is found broken in its caikct, wJkxsc fault is h (htit that of the keeper) ?" “But tint Ch'uanyu lies right licit to Pi (dty of the Baron) " said Jatt Ch'iii^ “and if wc don't cake it now, it will reniaia a constant ducat to our defense in the fuLure*” Confucim replied, “Ah Chiu, a gendeman hates the person who ia em¬ barked upon A course for selfish gains and tJica tries to create all sorts of preieits, I have h^rd that a man In charge of a state or a bmiJy doesn't worry about there being too few people in h, but about the unequal distribu¬ tion of wtiakh, nor does he worry about poverty, but aboiiL general dissatisfaction. For when wealth is equally dis¬ tributed, there is no poverty; when the people are united, you cannot call it a rnialJ nation, and when there is no dissarisfacrion (or when people have a sense of security), the cDuntry is secure. Actordingly, if people in the neigh- baring dtis do not pay homage to pu^ you attend to the civil devdopmenr In your own ojuntry to attract them, and when they come* you make it so tliat they would like to settle down and live in peace. Now you two as secret AFtlOltriKS of CONFUCIUI tarics asaiitmg your cfaici, have not been able to induce people in the neighboring dtk$ w pay homage and come Uj you* You the country of Lu divided against itself without being able to do anything about iti and then yon set about thinhing of startmg wars right inside the coun¬ try. I m afraid that what the Baron will have to wuriy about wiU nor be the dty o£ Ch'uanyu, but dghl within your own houwhqld." Vt Wrr AND WISDOM Confucius said, "To know whar you know and know what you don't know is the chaiacicristic of OPC who knows." Confudm said, "A maa who does not say to himself, 'What to do? What to do? —indeed 1 do not know what to do with such a personr Confucius said* "A nim who hfls conunitted a mistake and doesn'e correct it ia committing another misiakc." Cnnfucius said;^ "A mclou-eup that no longer resembles a inclon-mp and people still say, Amclon-eupf A melon- cupl" " COnfuciui. said: ‘4c is saidj Tt is: difficult to be 9 king^ but it is not easy to be minister, either** Baron Wen Chi said that he always thought three times before he acted. When Confuaus heard t^s, he re¬ marked, 'To think twice is squire enflugL” Confucius said, *'I do not expect to find a saint today* But if 1 can find a gcntlcmaii, I shall be quite satisfied.** Confucius said, "A man who has a bcauLiful soul ah l8o THE WISDOM OF COr^FtrCJUS ways ha$ some iKrautifd things to say, huts miitt wlio ^ys beaut] fill things does not necessarily have a beauuful soul. A true mao (or truly great man) will always be found to have cotirage, hut a eourageous mein, will not always be found to have True maiilioodp" Confucius said, man who hraga wilhout sliaine will find great difikulty in living up to his bragging “ Confucius said, ^Tlic man wlio loves tniih (or learn- iog) b better than the raan wbo knows itp and the man who finds bappincs* m it is beLter than the man who bves it*'' ■ Confucius sftid^ *'ln speaking to a sovereign^ ooe musr look out for three things: To talk before you are askciL is called 'impulsiveness.' To M to talk when you arc asked ii called 'lack of candor*' And m talk without notidng the sovereign's mood is railed ^blindness/” Confucius said, "When you find a petson worthy lo ulk to and fall to talk to him, you have lost your man. When you find a mad unworthy to talk to and you talk to him, you have lost (i-t, wasted) your words* A wise man neither loses his man, nor loses his words-*^ Confudus said, "A gendeman does not praise a man (or put him in office) On the basis of svhar he says, nor does be deny the truth of w^hat one says bceauac he dis likes the person who iays k (if it k good)." Tsekung asked Confucius, "What would you wy if all the people of the village like a person?” is not enough." replied Gflnfudus. *'What would you say if all * Tbrr? n rm injJictliaii in the ls3kl » iQ whether the ii bi IdiiOM tfuda Of laf^iog iLlTOlfif. JEl U4CI ibe Wai4 APr[OAtSM$ OF CONFUCIUS ifll ihe people of ilic viJkgc dislike a person?” "ThaE is not enough/* said Coafudus. *lt. is better when the good pci> pie o£ ebe village like him, and the bad people of the village dislike him-” (When you are disliked by the bad persons, you arc a good person^) Confucius said* “Tbc common man often gets in trouble because of his bve for the water (literally “gets drowned" in it); the gentleman often gets into trouble became of his love for talkingj and the great man often gets into trouble because of Kis love for the people. Ail of diem get submerged in what tliey come dose to or are familiar with. Water seetru so familiar to the people, hue easily drowns liiem because it is a thing that jcenis so easy to Approach and yec is dangerous to get too near to. Talking easily leads one into trouble because when you calk* you me. so many words* and it is easy to let them out of your mouth* but difficult to fake them back* The people often gel one Lmx) iroublc Im-causc diey are mean And not open-minded; you cod respect rhem* hut you must not insult or offend ihem^ Therefore the gentle^ man must be very caiefuL" Confucius slid, "The people who live crtravagantlj are apt to be snobbish (or conceited), and the people who live limply axe apt to be vulgir* 1 prefer the vulgar peo¬ ple to the snohi." Confuciui aaidp ”It Is easy to be rich and not haughty; it is difficult to be poor and not grumble*^ Confudus said* "When a country is iQ order, it ii a sh^ri!e to be a poor and common man+ When a country is iii chaos, it is a shame to be rich and an offidal/' iSl ‘THE WlSD but don't blossom, and 1 have seen rice plants that blos¬ som, but don't bear grains^ Confucius saidp "‘Even though a nuo had the beautiful talent of Duke Chouj hut if he were proud and egoistic^ be would not be worth Itxiking Confucius said, "l£ the superior man is not deliberate in his appearance (or conduct) ^ then he is not dlgnUted. Learning prevents one from being narrow-nundedi Try to be loyal and faithful as your main princtple* Have uo friends who arc not as good as yourself. When you have mistakes^ don't be afraid tn concct them.^ Confucius saidj “When you see a good tnaiii try to emulate his ocamplc, and when you $ee a bad man, search yourself for his faults.” Confucius said, ‘'Welt, wclll I have never yet seen a person who knows his own faults and accuses himidf before htmsdil" Confudus said, “Don't critidze otho^ people's faulK^ critidze your own." Tsekung said, '‘What do you think of a person who u not snobbish (or subservient to the great) when he is poor, and not cxmceited when he is rich?" Conftidus re- THE OF COHFUCft* plied, "ThiCi faJiJy good, k would be betrer if he went happy when he WiW poorj and had fcIf-discipUne when he wai rick"* ConfiiciuJ aaid^ ""You am kill llic general of an armyi but you caxuiDt kill die anibitlon in a comnion man.'* VI. HUMAKHM AND TBUH UANHOtiD Humanism i Confucius saidp "It is man that makes truth gneatp and not truth that makes man greats** Confudus saidp "Truth may not depart from human nature If whit is regarded aj truth departs from hurrun paiutep it may not be regarded as trtilh.'^ Tmiu asked about the worship of the ocleslial and earthly spirits. ConCudus soid^ “'We ifon't know yet how to lervc menj how earn we know about serving the spir-* its?” "What about death?" was ihc next rjucstionj and Confucius fiidp *"We don\ know yet about Mfct bow can we know about death?" A certain stable was burned down. On returnir^ from the court, Gonfudiis asked, "Was any man huit?^ And he did not aik about the horscSi T Ac measure of man ft rmm : • Confucius said* *To one who loves to live according to the prindplcs of fxue manhood without external in¬ ducements and who hates ail that is contrary to the prio^ dples of true manhood without external ihrens of pun- • d diptcT $KSMM a. APHORISMS OF CONFUCIUS 185 ishmcnts, all mankind seems but like one man only. Therefore the superior man discusses all questions of con¬ duct on the basis of himself as the standard, and then sets rules for the common people to follow."* {Lik}, Chap* ter XXXII.) Confucius said, “True manhood requires a great capac¬ ity and the road thereto is difBcult to reach. You cannot lift it by your hands and you cannot reach it by walking on foot. He who approaches it to a greater degree than others may already be called ‘a true man.* Now is it not a difficult thing for a man to try to reach this standard by sheer effort? Therefore, if the gendeman measures men by the standard of the absolute standard of righteousness, then it is difficult to be a real man. But if he measures men by the standard of man, then the better people will have some standard to go by.** Chapter XXXII.) Confucius said, “To a man who feels down in his heart that he is happy and natural while acting according to the principles of true manhood, all mankind seems like but one man.** (What is true of the feelings of one person will serve as the standard of feelings for all people.) Chapter XXXII.) Tsekung asked, “If there is a man here who is a bene¬ factor of mankind and can help the masses, would you call him a true man?’* “Why, such a person is not only a true man,” said Confucius, “he is a Sage. Even the Emperors Yao and Hsun would fall short of such a stand¬ ard. Now a true man, wishing to establish his own char¬ acter, also tries to establish the character of others, and wishing to succeed himself, tries also to help others to l86 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS succeed. To know how to make the approach from one's neighbors (or from the facts of common, everyday life) is the method or formula for achieving true manhood.” Confucius said, “Is the standard of true manhood so far away, after all? W^hen I want true manhood, there it is right by me.” The Golden Rule: Chung Kung asked about true manhood, and Con¬ fucius replied, “When the true man appears abroad, he feels as if he were receiving distinguished people, and when ruling over the people, he feels as if he were wor¬ shipping God. What he does not want done unto him¬ self, he does not do unto others. And so both in the state and in the home, people are satisfied.” Tsekung said, “What I do not want others to do unto me, I do not want to do unto them.” Confucius said, “Ah Sze, you cannot do it.” Confucius said, “Ah Ts’an, there is a central principle "hat runs through all my teachings.” “Yes,” said Tsengtse. When Confucius left, the disciples asked Tsengtse what he meant, and Tsengtse replied, “It is just the principle of reciprocity (or shu)*' Tsekung asked, “Is there one single word that can serve as a principle of conduct for life?” Confucius re¬ plied, “Perhaps the word ‘reciprocity’ {shu) will do. Do not do unto others what you do not want others to do unto you.” OP CDNFVGlirS 1B7 True n^artAooJi Confyciiis saidj 'Tor a long time it has been rfiffioilt to see examples of erne men* Everybody erra a UoJe on the side of his wukncxs. Thcrtfurc it Is easy to point one the shortcomings of the true mjin*^ (l^ih Chapter XXXIl.) Confucius saidt ^Fnr a Jong time it has been di^cult m find examples of true men. Only the superior man can. reach that state* Therefore the superior man does not try to oitidze pcpple for what he himsdf fails In^ and be does not put people to shame for what they bill in. * * Chapter XXXIL) Confudus said, “To find the central clue to our moral being wliidi unites us to the univeisEd order (or to attain central harmony), that indeed is the highest human at¬ tainment* For a long lime people have scldum been capable of it-'’ Yen Hucj asked about true manhood^ and Confudm said, 'True manhood consists in realizing your true self and lesioring the mora! order or disdpime (or i). if a man can ju^ for one day realize his liue scli^ and restore mmplcte moral discipline, the world wiU follow him. To be a true man depends on yourself. What has it gpt to do with mhers?" Confmiua sald^ “Humility is near to moral discipline (or //)] simplicity of character is near DO true manhood; and loyalty is near to sLneerity of heart* If a man wUl carefully cultivate these things in hb conduct, he may Still err 2 little, hut lie won't be far from the standard of jS8 TKB WTAUaM OF G0NFUCtt7$ Lrue miUthoocfb For wiib humility or it piutiii iLdtud^ a *tIdom commits crroj^j with sincerity of bcarr* 4 man is gcncn-Uy rdLihk^ and with simplicity of character, he h uiually gcnefous. Yotl seldom make a mistake when you start OiJ froixi these points ” (Zi^j; Chapter XXXIJ.) Confucius s-iirf, '^Ycn H tiers hcicrt does not leave the condition of true inaiihood for as long as three months. The Dthcf s arc able to live on that level only for a month or for a £ew days.” Someone saJdj ''Would you call ^ man who has suc¬ ceeded in avoiding aggressivenesfr pridcj resentment and greed a true man^'^ Confudus soidp "1 would say that he is a very rare person^ but 1 do not know whether he can be called a true tmo." Tsecha ng asked Cbufudus: “Secretary Tsewen fof Ch'u) was three times made a secretary and didn^t secjTii to show particular aLisfoction at his appointmentj and three times he wa$ relieved of his office and did nor seem to show any disappointment And when he was banding over the affairs of hb oOice to his successor^ he explained everything Eo the latter. Now what would you say about such a person?"* Confucius said^ **I would call him a sincere, faithful person*^* “Would you say that he ts 2 true man?*' “I do not know,.^ sold Confucius. “How stiouJd 1 call him a true man?" * Someone said that Chung Kung (a disaplc af Con- ■ An Km\ (=ujmpk liJke ihii ib&wi bow ia^rfccriJiic U w to irimEKtc tfic Ctiinnc woid jnt if ''kintlEicp,** “bcncwolmcc” or feind m ^ iifeiwToLtpt jiEfifift'* APfroftrsMs OF 189 fucius) d true tium aatl ih^i be was oot a glib talker. Cuofudus said, **What is the use oi bdog a glib talker? The roore ytsu talk to defend yourself, the more the people hare you^ I do not know about hLs bemg a true man. What '& the ui;c of being a glib talker?^ CotLui Wu Meng asked if Tsdu was a true man^ and Coniudus said, **I do hoc know."* On bdng asked again, Confucius said, ^Yon can put Yu in dujgc of a coiidtiy with a thousand carriages and let him take care of iu iin^tnee. But 1 do not know about his being a true man.** "How about Cb'iu?'* Confticius said, “'You can put Ch’iu in ehaigc of a towndiip of a thousand families or make him the steward of a household with a huodtod COr^ riagea (that is^ of a jxiiaister)j but 1 do nor know about his being a true man,” "How about Ch'ih (Kunghsi Htia)?** Confucius saidi “You can let Cb'tb sLixid at court, dressed in hia official go wo and girdle and let him entertain the gticsts, but J do not know about his being a true mao.^' FvrtArr d«crfp£fonx 0/ true mant Confucius said, “One who is nor a true man canoor long stand poverty, nor can he stand prosperity for long. A true man is happy and natural in Jiving according ro the pnneipics of true manhoodi but a wise man thinks It h advantageous to do so-** Cbofudus SOidp "Only a tme man knows bow to love people and how to bate people,^ Confuciui saidp “How can the superior man keep up bis reputation when be departs from the level of the true THE QF CONFUC11J1 mjn? The cuperior irum ncvrr depam ficm the Icvd ol true manhaod £cir the time uf a sidgle mcaJ. lu bh mo^ c^inl mDments, ht lives b it* aod in the most CQmprumis- iag drcumstiincc^^ he still lives in ixJ* Confucius saidj "'If a man is not a true man, what is the use of firualsP If a man not a true mai^ whar is xhe use uf Cdnfudiis said, ^The wise man has no perplexities, the true tnaa has no sorrow^ aad the brave maa has nn fear." Confucius saidj '"A erne tnan is vay slow to vjikJ* SoTTicone asked^ “Can a man who is sbw to talk then be called 3 true man?" Confucius said, "'Because it is so dlihculL for a man to do what he says, of caume he would be very slow to talk*"* Vir. TH1! STJFRatOa MAN Am THE mFERIOm Conhicius said, *The superior mm understands what is right ; the inferior man understands what will sell.”' Confucius said, 'The superior man loves his soul; the inferior man loves his property. The superior man always remembers how he was punished for hk mistake!; the inferior maq always remembers what presenlS he got," Confucius said", *The superior man is hbcral towards others* opInioDs* but does not completely agree with them; the inferior man □jznpictcly agrees with othm*^ opinions, hut U Tiot Liberal toward them." Confiidus said. The superior man is firmj but does not tight; he mixes easily with others, bur doe* noc form cliques.^ APiiORUMs OF CONFUCIUS igt Gsnfudus said, “The superior man blames himsetf ; the inferior mao blames ofhers.’' Cbflfudos said, "The superior man is easy to serve, bur difficult to please, for be can be pleased by what is right, nod he uses men according to their individual abilities. The Inferior m?n is difficult to serve, but cosy to please, for you can please him (by catering to his weaknesses) withour nixcaaarily bdng right, and when he camca to Using men, he demands perfection." Confucius said, "You can put a superior man tO an important position with large discretioJiary powera, but you cannot give him a nice little job; you can give an in¬ ferior moo a nice little fob, hut you cannot pul bun m an important position with great discretioiiaiy powers " Confucius said, "Tlic superior man is not one who is good for only one particular kind of posiiion.” Confudua said, "The superior man is hroad-oiinded toward all and not a partisan; the inferior man is a par¬ tisan, but not broad-minded toward all.” Conftidus and hU followcre had to go for days without food in Ch'en, and some nf his followers felt ill and were confined u> bed, Tsclu came to see Confucius in low spirits and asked, “Docs the superior man also land in difficul¬ ties?" Confudus said, 'Tea^ the superior man also some¬ times falls into difficulties, but when an inferior man falls mlD difficulties, he is likely to do anything " Confucius said, "The superior man attends tn the spirit- Ual things and not 10 his livelihood. Yo'U let him cultivate a form, and he wUl be starved, but if you let him attend to his Studies, be will find riches in it. The superior mac 153 THE WISDOM O*" cOPfFUClUB docs not worry about his poverty, but worries about the Spiritual things." Conludus Slid, “llic superior man i» ulwayi candid and Bt caw (with himwlf or the Inferior man is always worried about aamething ” Confucius said, "The superior mao develops upwards; ihe infer ipr man develops downwards.” Confucius said, "The superior man is dignified, but not proud; the inferior man is proud, but not dignified “ Confucius said, “The superior man keeps to the stand¬ ard of right, but does not (necessarily) keep his promise." Szema Niu asked Confucius about being a genilcman, and Confucius replied, "A gentleman has no worry and DO fear ” "Docs having no worry and no fear then con¬ stitute a gentleman/'* Confucius said, “If he looks within himself and is sure that he has done right, what does he have to fear or worry about/" Confucius said, "The superior mtiu goes through his life without any one pieeoiwaiivcd ewurse of action or any taboo. He merely decides for the moment what b the right thing to do." Confucius said, "The superior man doesn't insist on good food and good lodging. He is attentive to bis duties and carefLtI ia his speech, and he finds a great man .ind follows him as his guide. Such a pcr»n may be called a lover of learning.” Confucius said. "A scholar who intends TO folbw the truth and is ashamed uf bis poor dress and poor food js not worth talking m." jirHDKtsKS CPP coNPncitii !93 Coofudui »1d, "A icholar wbo « in love with living cnmloru it not worthy to be ollcci a scholar ” Qinfucitu said, "A man who serves hij king and thre* times findt bis advice lejectcd and still does nut leave the country, is hanging cm to his post for the sake oi the salary. Even though he says that it is not the fakiry that at- iratfs him, 1 wwn't believe hita.'* Chapter XXXIl.) Confucius said, "A gentleman is ashamed that his words are better than his deeds." Confudus said, "A genilcman is careM about three things: In his youth, when his blood is strong, he is cafe- fnl about sex. When he is grown upi, and his blood w lull, he is careful about getting into a fight (or struggle in general). When he is old and his blood is gening thinner, he iscu^eful about money." (A young man loves women t a middk^aged man loves struggle; and an old man loves money.) Vllt. TIiS MEAH A* THi ETEAI. CHAlAetS* ANO TtPES OP FaXStJNS TUAT COKFtlCIUS UATCO TAe feoptf of mem t Confucius said, "Sinoe 1 cannot find people who follow the Mean for Golden Mean) to teach, I suppose i will have to work with those who are brillLint or erratic (j^'sbiRg) and those who are a little dull but careful {chuanf. The brilliant but erratic persotu are alwayi ready to gO forward (or are too aetive), and rhe dull bul orcful persons always hold themselves back (or are nOl active enough) " TKE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS Confucius said, “The goody-goodies are the thieves of virtue.* • In the Confucian teachings, there arc, therefore, four dasset of per¬ sons, which were clearly recognized and more fully commented upon by Mencius. According to Mencius, the people who followed the Mean arc the ideal human material. Secondly, according to Mencius, since this ideal material cannot be obtained, Confucius preferred to work with the brilliant but erratic; this is the class that Mencius described as “being of an idealistic and expansive nature, always saying. The an¬ cient pcoplcl The ancient pcoplcl* and being free and easy in their ways without trying to conceal their ^uIl** As examples of this class, Men¬ cius quoted a few people who violated Confucian canons of conduct. (According to Chuangtse, they were reputed to sing at their friends* funerals.) Mencius then went on to say that “since Confucius could not get brilliant but erratic people, he would be content to work with those who were anxious to be correct, the chuan, who came after the h!uang as a class.** In describing the last or fourth class, the thieves of virtue, Mencius said that Confucius said, “The kind of people whom I don’t mind failing to come into my house or visiting me when passing my door, are the hsiangyuan (or goody-goodies). The hsiangyuan arc the thieves of virtue.** Then in answer to a question about this class of people, Mencius described them as follows: ‘They say, ‘Why be idealistic like those people? When their words do not tally with their conduct and their conduct docs not tally with their words, they say, *The ancient people! The ancient people!’* Why arc they so supercilious toward the world and so cool and detached in their conduct? When a man lives in the present world and acts according to the standard of the present world, and succeeds, it is quite enough!* They arc the class of people who arc quite contented to secure the approval of society. 'These are the hsiangyuan^ Hsiangyuan literally means what the country folk call “good men,** or “goody-goodies.** *1110 questioner then asked Mendus, “Since all the country folk call them ‘good men,* and everywhere they go they arc called ‘good men* (or ‘nice people* or ‘respectable people*), why did Confucius call them ‘thieves of virtue*?** Mencius then said> “You want to criticize them and they seem so perfect; you want to lampoon them, and they seem so correct; they fall in with the current convendons and thoroughly identify themselves with the ways of the times. In their livinj^ they seem to be so honest and faithful, and in ATHORISU.^ Of CONFUCIUS 195 Coofuciufi $aid (when he wm wandc^nng m Ch'en and dcxddcd to return to his country to devote hiimclf to cdic- ing bouk£ and teaching), ^‘Lci: us go bomeJ Tlie sdiokia of out country are briJliant but crr^tsc, hut they arc an^c- jou$ to go forward, and have not lost thdr origina-l stm- pliciry of chanicteri” Tsekung asked whether Shih (Tscdiang) or Shang (Tschsia) was die heUer man, Confucius said, “Ah Shilt goes a litiie too far (or is above ihc normal) and Ah Shang doesn^t go far enough (or is a licde below rhe normal)." ‘Then h Ah Shill a better person?** ConluciLEs said, “To go a Utde too far is as b-id as not going far enough/^ * Confudus said to Tschsta, ^You must be a gendeman* seboKir and not a petty schoLarr Confudiu aaicl, "When a man hi^s more sobd worth than polish^ Jic appears uncouth, and when a man has more polish dian solid worlli, he appears urbane. The proper combination of solid worth and polish alone mokej A gentleman." tbeir cenduet thcf Kcm to be » u^onl. Eveotody litei thian nod tiu:r m qnur picued with llscmKlva. but K b impoiiitlc m Icail thcnii into thz 'ws.jM. Emperijn Vna ami HluiIh Th^efiMe finpFiriw Tlk« f00d^a00f^ict (er AdnAsyiia/i^ or ikt HX^ted “feipeciabte people") axe (he liuCTa of vifTut* " Dixecetj sil^ diu dncTipdoitt Mmchw queued Cfmfuduf hid said about the ihuigii lhal mrmhJr tbc t^] ihipief hiil Alt' oi4 d|i? Kal ihiosTt die typ^ ptnuni ilut hf lutccL Sm lieloiv Ei>wjrd tht cod of ihii uCtHlL ■ Evidcoui ttxm u ihcw due T^duEijr tltc mm biiUiint ecu and more iotCTatcd m pbiloforhic: pdocipln, while Tidtila^ wbn hm tuYjnir a fnrit ticiclHr iprcnh^tv ia ^ of the of Son£t Cii^iKim* (Wthp VI33. tlK type of a humdrom, cooidce U0111 pMcuof . 19^ THt WISDOM OF CDWFUCIUI ConfudtM said, “The earlier generation* were primtive or nnconh people in the matter of ritual and music; the liter generation* are relmed (literally ''geoilcmen ) in the matter of ritual and music. But il I were to choose between the two;, 1 would follow the people of the earlier gcncTJitJoas*** * 7'y/jef of frersotts tfm CoBjunus hotfdi Confuciu* said, “The ancient people have three kiuda of faults, and nowadays we haven't even got them. The ancicait people who were impulsive were just uncoaven' tional in their ways, hut todby the impulsive people in¬ dulge theriMclvcs. The ancient people wlio were correct and smug were at least austere and careful in their con¬ duct, but today the smug people are always enntlcinning other people and arc bad-tempered. The ancient lower class were simple and honest souls, but today the lower class are a deceitful lot.*’ Tsekong asked, “Does the superior man also have cer¬ tain things that he hates f " “Yes, there arc thing* that the supe rior man hates,** said Confucius. “He hates those who like to criticize people or reveal their weaknesses. He hates those who, in the position of inferiors, like to malign or spread rumors about those in authority- He bates those who are chivalrous and headstrong but are not restrained * A dwsKT brtwnrii iiMritfth ikniilicLty iml JisacitBl eiabafalpw* “ImI fomwlwiw—fl laponam poimi ^oiuckriJli iJk dliU^ finfmaikiin CorofiPirUAUcQ- TEib coflwnoD WU nr- LiLiily ]iualbl?Kr U ™ dii^od agaum ilw CoDfuciwiina Ui llbC c<9ninn afbrf bmv AFIiaKlSME OF CDNFtIClIiS m by proprifcy. He kales those who are sure of themidvej and arc narroAv-mLndcd.'* "But what do you hatc?*^ asked Szc. hate tJiose wlui like to sp)^ oa othcfs and tbiab they arc very devefn 1 hale those who ihiok they are brave whea they are merely unruly. And I hate ihc wily per¬ sons who prerend to be honest gcndcincn," Confucius saidj "A man who is impuhiv'e and head- itnong without having the VutUc of simple honesry^ who doesn't know a thing and has not enough wit to ipcak or behave catitlouslyi or who has no particular abihiy and withal has not the virtue of honesty or faithfulness — why, there is notlung to be done about such a person." Coufudus said, ba« things that resemble the real things but ore not the real things. I hate cockles because they get mixed up with the corn. 1 hate the ingmtiating fellows, because they get mixed up with the good men. I hate the glib talkers because they confuse us with hon¬ est people. 1 hale the music of Cheng, because it brings confusion into fl.issiral music. I hate the purple color^ because it confuses tis with the red color, 1 hare the goody- gutxlics because they confuse us with the virtuous pcuple,"* (Mencius.) Confucius saidf "A man who appears dignified and austere bur is all haUow and weak inside seems to me to be like a little petty burgW who slips into the house ihiDugh a hole at rughl." Co^udus said, "Women and the uneducated people are iTbOst difficult to deal wi th. When you ore familiar with rhem^ they become cheeky, and when you ignore them, they rcamt it." TUC. WIiDoU CON Ft? Cl US Cocfucitis said^ “I hate the garrulous people-'^ Coafudus laJd^ "A glib talker with an icgratiadiig ap peanmcc Is scldotn a geadcman/^ Cemfudus said» *’Thc gentleman do« not judge a per¬ son entire!}^ bj^ his words. Therefore in a cultured worltl, we have dowery conduct^ and in an uncultured wdrlJ, we have Bowery sperehes.^ (^4^ ChapLer XXXII-) EX. OOVEJtNMfNr TAe i^eal of goeerfim^nii Confucius said, ^'Guidc the people with governmental measures and control or regulate them by the threat of punishment, aud the people will try to keep out of jafl^ hut will have no sense of honor or shame.. Guide the pco* pic by virtue and control or regtihce dbem by and the people will have a sense of honor and respects Confucius said* “When the kingdom of Chi moves a step forward, it will have reached the eulturc of the king¬ dom of Lu^ and w^hen the kingdom of Lu moves a step forward^ It will have readied the stage o£ true civilly- tfon/* Confucius said* “In presiding over lawsuits^ Vm as good as any man. The thing ia to aim so that there should be no bwsuits." Someone asked Confuciiia, "Why donl you go into the government?'' Confudus repUedf ^'Doesn't the Booii of History speak about the good son? When the sovereign ia a good son, and a good bnoiherj and applies the same prindples to the govertmieDt of the nation^ that is alao AFicDitmkii OF coKFbOltrs T99 what we cftU government. Why shDuld 1 go mto the got' emmern?'^ Yuhc said, “Wc Mldom find a ttian who w ,i gnod kiii and a jjnod brother that is disrejpectfid to autborily, and wc never fuid a tnan who is rot diircipectftil To aUCboritJT wanting to start a rcbdlion.” Gaiftrrtmftff l>y ntorat examj^cz Cbtifucius said, “A sovereign who goveraj a nation by irintie is Ukc the North PoW Star, which remains (a its place and the other Stars revolve around it," Baron K’aog Ch*i asked Confudus eoiuenimg govern* ment, and Confudus replied, "Govern tnent is merely set* ting thing! right. When you yourself lead theia by the right example, who dares to go asrniyf" Baron K'ang ChT asked Confudus Hmecrniag gov- ernment, saying, “If I kill off the bad ciiJ7,eiM, and asso¬ ciate with tile good citizens, what do you think P" Con- fucius replied, "What's the need of killing off people on the pan of a ruler of a country? If yuu desire what « good, the people will become good also. The character of the ruler is like wind, and the character of the «)m- mon people is like grass, and the grass bends in the direc* turn of the wind." Confucius said, “When the ruler himself docs what is right, he will have Influenee over the people without giv¬ ing commands, and wlien the ruler himself docs not dn ^ what is right, all his commands will be of do avail*** Confucius said, “If a ruler rectifia hU own conducx. JOO THE WIS&OM OF CONTUCTVM gnvcrnmcm \s an easy matter^ and U he cloci HOC hli owa coadutt, bow can be iKcify others?** Factor! of goecrunfen^l Tsekimg asked about ^vernmcoti and Confuciuj re¬ plied: "'People must have sufficient to cat; there muat he a suffictenr army; and there must be coniidciicc of the people in the ruler/' "If you are forced to give up one of these three objectives, what would you go without first?" asked Tsekung. Coofuctus said, "‘I would go with¬ out the army first." ''And if you were forced to go with¬ out one of the two remaioing factors, what would you rather go without?" asked Tsekudg again. would rather go without sufficient food for the people^ There have always been deaths in every generation since man lived, hut a nation cannot exist without oonfidcncc in its ruler.'' X. ON ?J3[JCATION, XmJJIt, ANO rOETlT Confucius said^ ‘'Education begins with poctiy^ b strengthened through proper conduct and consummated through music." Confudus said, ^^The geatlernan broadens blmsclf hy scholarship or learning, and then regulates himicif hy li (proper conduct or moral dtsdplioe)^ Then he will mat fid] away from the proper principles." Ytitse jaitl, "Among the functions of Ifj rhe most valu¬ able is that it establishes a sense of harmnny. This if the most beaudful heritage of the andent klng^. It b a guid- APHORISMS OF C0NrUCID9 ing principle for all things, big aod small. If thingi d* not g^> right, and you arc l>ef]C only on having sodal har¬ mony (or peace) without regubdng the society bf the paLtexa of // (or tie principle of social order)** still things won't go righ!*” Confucius said, "We are saying all the tam^ ^Ut Ldt^ Does // moin merely a ooliection of jadci and silks (ia ceremonial use)? We are saying all the time ^Musicl MusicI' Does music merely mean playing about with drums nnd bells?" TwsHLa asked (concern mg a psaage in the of 5ongj), “Wbat is the meari in^ of tlie pas$iigC| "She has a winning smile* and her eyes are so dear and bright. Hci dress tsof a colored doijip on a plain background^'’ Con- fudus jwid, "^In pamtlng, we must have a plain tiacfc* ground." “E>oes that ineaii that the cercmonia! forms oI // must be based on a background of simplidty of chaiao icr?”t Confucius said, "Now you have contributed a fresb thought, Ah Shangl You are worthy to study the JJ*>tl* in odpftds ''Jj bdiiAd-Hr ^2 fMl WlSUOlf OF CnNfUCIUi innh, bur luvc not die cnaiihood to kcrp to it. you will lose it ^igain^ tliougb you hnvc discoTcrcd it* i£ you bflve the mxdom tO perceive a truths ^dd the true manhood to keep tu it, PLtid tail to preserve decorum in your puhlie ap- pcarOdce, you wiU Qot j^ain the people's respect for au¬ thority* If you have the wisdom to perceive a truth, the manh^ to keep 10 it* and have dcconim u£ appearance, but fail to be imbued vvich the spirit of // (or sodul dii* dplinc) in your actions or maduct, it is also not sacisfao^ lory."' Codfuciui said, ”Ah Sze is worthy to discuss the Eoo\ a} Songf with me* I tcU hhn iomething, and he coma up with a fresh inggesdon**^ Chdfucius saidf ''One phrase wLlJ charaitterize all the three hundred pacEnc (actually three hundred cuid five)i and that is: Keep the heart righr*"^ Ch^cn K^aog asked Poyu (or Li, the nonu; of Con* fuduS^ oedy S011> meaning “a carp"), “la there any dung that you were caxight by your lather?^ Foyu rC- plie^l, '^o. Odc day he was standing akpDC and I ran past the cDuit, and he asked mCp 'hlavc you learned poetry And I said, 'Not yet.* He taid, If you don't study poetry^ your tingiugc will not be plhhed." So I went back and itudied poerry* Another day he was standing alone, and I went past the court, and he said to me, ^Ha^ve ynu studied the cercmujila And 1 said, 'Not ytl* And he said, 'Jf you doa^t atudy the ceremonies, you have on guide for your conduct** And I went back and srudied the ceremonies* 1 was mught to Jiudy these two things." Ch*cn K'ang canie away cjuite pleased and said, “I asked APHOniSHS OF COKFUCinfl him ooe qucsdoA B£id Iraittd ilu»c tbiogs, I learned whit Coafticius said about poetry, I learned what he raid about cererTKinics^ And I Lf!am[:d that the Mazier taught hi A own san in exactly the sumt way as he taught his dis¬ ciples (was not panid to hk son)/* Confucius '"Reading without thinking givex one a disorderly mind^ and thinking without reading makes one flighty (or tmbakneed)^'^ Confucius said^ "Isn't it a great pleasure to lear^ and relearn again?” Confucius raid^t man who goes over wliat he has already learned and gains some new urtderstaading from it is worthy to be a icacber " Confucius said| "That type of scholarship which ii bent on rauembeiring things in order to answer people^s ques^ Tjans does not qualify one to be a ici^cher/' Confucius raid, "The BncicnE scholars studied for their own rake; today the scholars study for the ske of nthcra (out of obligations to their teachers, thdr paimts^ etc.)." Confucius said^ "Ah Yu^ have you hcird of the six say¬ ings about the six shortcoming;!?” "No*** said Tselu, "Stc down, then, and I will icU you. If a man loves kindsHSi hut doesu^t bve studyi bis shoncoming will be ignorance. If a man loves wisdom hut dines rioi love study, Ms ihart- coming will be having fanciful or unsound Ideas. If a man loves honesty and does not love study* his sbortenm- ing will be a tendEncy to Spoil or upset things. If a man loves simplicity but does not love study, his ahortcoraing will be sbeex following of routine. If a man lovci courage and docs not love study, his shortcoming will be unruli- a04 THB WISDOM Of OONFtlClUfi ncss or viokace- If a man bves dcci$ion of character axict dues not leve soidy, hi* shortcoming will be self-will or headstrong belief in Jiimselfi" Confucius said, "Those who arc born wise am the high¬ est type of people; those who bceome wise thtough learn¬ ing Bome next! those who learo by sheer diligcmx and industry, but with difficulty, come after thaL Those who are slow to Itsun, but still won't learn, arc the lowest type of people.” Confucius said, "The young people should be good mn^ at home, polite and respectful in sodeiy; they shuidd be careful in their conduct and faithful, love the people, and associate themselves with the kind people. If after learning all this, they ioU have energy left, let them read books.” Chapter VI FIRST DISCOURSE: ON EDUCATfON THROUGH THE SIX CLASSICS li^4 Cbapier XXVI) The following three discourses constitute [diapttn XXVJ, XXVn and IX of Li{L There h a stylistic elaboration In these records, aiid in cenaln places it h impossible to decide whether the worda were those of Confucius or Uiosc of the authors of the different chap tCTi, PracLically aJJ three discourses deal with the philo- Bophic sigui^cance of IL As has been partly explained in the jntrodttciion, this conexpdou of h\ which b again and again said in these discouocs to be the the jfne qua non, the foimdatino* or the indispensable prLndplc, of govemtneut, emnot merely mean the ohscrvaiioe of ritual^ but represents a philosophy of jodal order and so¬ cial contcoh LJ practically cdvot the entire social,^ momi and rcbginus structure of ancient Chinese soacty, as shown and regulated by forms of religious worship and sudal Intereoiirs^ revealed by history and rationalized bj 205 2o6 the wisdom of CONFUCIUS Confudus. Specifically, its aim was to restore the andent feudal order, with a clear hierarchy of ranks, but this principle of social order was extended and broadened to cover the essential human relationships in the family and social and political life. It was therefore to establish a complete moral order in the nation by a dear and simple, but sharp, definition of social status and its spedfic obliga¬ tions, thus providing the moral basis for political order. This philosophy of harmony of essential human relation¬ ships remains good today for modem China — in fact it is the foundation for the Chinese ethos — while the ancient feudal order which was Confudus’ aim to restore is defi¬ nitely out of date. It must be noted, however, that the feudal system, as Confudus conceived it, was of a clearly religious charac¬ ter and was very much occupied with discussions of the philosophic meaning, as well as the actual rules and prac¬ tices, of public worship. Whole chapters, for instance, in the Uhj arc devoted to the discussion of ceremonial robes, and to a description of sacrifidal vessels, and seven or eight chapters cover the funeral rites alone (absent in the “Great Tai” collection). But then the curious aspect of it was, the conception of It dealt with the rites of religious worship at one end, and imperceptibly extended to the rites of village dance and hunting and drinking and archery and general sodal intercourse at the other end. Hence it is easy to sec why the conception of li embodies at the same time a philosophy of social order and social :ontrol and a historical tradition of rites and ceremonies. Confucius himself warned his disciple Tscchang that li FIRST DISCOURSE 207 did not consist in playing about with sacrificial vessels, just as music did not consist in the mere beating of bells and drums; but that both ritual and music emanated from, and created, a state of mind, a state of God-fearing piety in the performance of ritual and a state of happiness and harmony in the performance of music. In fact, such was the Confucian preoccupation with the rituals of religious worship— worship of Heaven, of Earth, of Imperial ancestors, of the sun and moon, and mountains and rivers, the kitchen god, the god of the southwestern comer of the house, and all folk festivals— and such was its preoccupation with the religious state of mind that I have often been tempted to translate It as merely “religion,” which I have not done. Such a transla¬ tion would make it perfect in passages like the following: “Broaden your knowledge with learning, and then con¬ trol your conduct with religion,” and “Realize your true self and return to religion” (a formula for achieving true manhood given by Confucius). The religious character of // cannot be doubted, and the Chinese have actually called Confucianism “the religion of //,” a current term even today. But the term “religion” must be avoided here, because it suggests a type of religion such as we see in Christianity, which draws a sharp distinction between religious and secular affairs. Such a distinction wa< not made in ancient China, and certainly not in the laws of Moses, where all laws of social, as well as religious, con¬ duct were regarded as of a religious character. Modem men no longer live in that age of theocracy or semi- theocracy, and it is difficult for them to realize what die 2o8 the wisdom of CONFUCIUS ceremonial selection, killing, and inspection of animals and ceremonial washing of hands before eating their meat had to do with “rdigion ” We delegate the washing of hands before meals strictly to the sphere of “hygiene.” But for Moses, hygiene was dso religion, for religion was all-inclusive. Such was exactly the position of Confucian¬ ism. Were it not so difficult to bear in mind this interpre¬ tation of “religion,” there would be no objection to simply rendering li as the **religion * of Confucianism as Con¬ fucius taught it. Psychologically, the religious condition of mind— the Hebrew “fear of God” and the Christi^ “piety**— was also the aim of the Confucian religion in man’s personal life, but again this state of mind, expressed as ching and usually translated as “respect,” included both the condition of religious piety at worship and the God¬ fearing attitude in common, everyday life, as seen in re¬ spect for social order and moral discipline. I have there¬ fore often translated ching by the word “piety,” for I have often found the term “respect” wholly inadequate. Li, the central conception of Confucian teachings, therefore, means the following things: It means religion; it means the general principle of social order, religion in¬ cluded; it means the rationalized feudal order; it means the entire body of social, moral and religious practices, as taught and rationalized by Confucius. Consequently, it also means historical scholarship. It means the study of the ritualism of religious worship, state ceremonies, folk festivals, the marriage ceremony, funerals, “capping” and “coiffure” ceremonies for boys and girls reaching matu¬ rity (at the age of twenty for boys and fifteen for girls). FIRST DISCOURSE 209 army discipline, the educational system, conduct of the sexes and home life, eating and drinking and sports (espe¬ cially archery, carriage driving, and the hunt), music and dance. It means a system of well-defined social rela¬ tionships with definite attitudes towards one another, love in the parents, filial piety in the children, respect in the younger brothers, friendliness in the elder brothers, loyalty among friends, respect for authority among sub¬ jects and benevolence in the rulers. It means the mental state of piety. It means moral discipline in man’s per¬ sonal conduct. As a broad principle of personal conduct, it means “propriety” in everything, or doing the proper thing. As a broad social principle, it means “the order of things,” or “everything in its right place.” It means ritual¬ ism and the observance of forms. It means continuity with the past. Finally, it means courtesy and good manners. I have the deifinite feeling that it was the teaching of li and this tremendous body of historic scholarship that was back of Confucius’ great prestige in his times. In other words, he knew so many things that the average scholars of his day did not know about — the usual basis for “re¬ spect.” The public always respect what they don’t under¬ stand. The more you talk about what most people don’t understand, the greater is their respect for you. With his wit and without his scholarship, Confucius would have been at best a Bernard Shaw, or a G. K. Chesterton, in¬ stead of a Thomas Aquinas. After all, this body of his¬ toric scholarship was to Confucius what “the American language” is to H. L. Mencken—within the scope of their respective personalities. FIRST DISCOURSE Confucius said: • When I enter a country, I can easily tell its type of culture. When the people arc gentle and kind and simple-hearted, that shows the teaching of poetry. When people arc broad-minded and acquainted with the past, that shows the teaching of history. When the people are generous and show a good disposition, that shows the teaching of music. When the people are quiet and thoughtful, and show a sharp power of ob¬ servation, that shows the teaching of the philosophy of mutations (Boo\ of Changes). When the people arc humble and respectful and frugal in their habits, that shows the teaching of li (the principle of social order). When the people arc cultivated in their speech, ready with expressions and analogies, that shows the teaching of prose, or Spring and Autumn.^ The danger in the teach¬ ing of poetry is that people remain ignorant, or too simple-hearted. The danger in the teaching of history is that people may be filled with incorrect legends and stories of events. The danger in the teaching of music is that the people grow extravagant. The danger in the ^Witboat quotation marks in the original, it is impoaiiblc to decide where the exact words o£ Confucius end. See the appearance of a quotation from Confucius at the end of the third paragraph, t These constituted the Six Classics of Confucius* days. 210 FIRST DISCOURSE 211 teaching of philosophy is that the people become crooked. The danger in the teaching of // is that the rituals become too elaborate. And the danger in the teaching of Spring and Autumn, is that the people get a sense of the prevail¬ ing moral chaos. When a man is kind and gentle and simple-hearted, and yet not ignorant, we may be sure he is deep in the study of poetry. When a man is broad¬ minded and acquainted with the past, and yet not filled with incorrect legends or stories of events, we may be sure he is deep in the study of history. When a man is generous and shows a good disposition and yet not ex^ travagant in his personal habits, we may be sure he h deep in the study of music. When a man is quiet and thoughtful and shows a sharp power of observation, and yet is not crooked, we may be sure that he is deep in the study of philosophy. When a man is humble and polite and frugal in his personal habits and yet not full of elab¬ orate ceremonies, we may be sure he is deep in the study of //. And when a man is cultivated in his speech, ready with expressions and analogies and yet is not influenced by the piaure of the prevailing moral chaos, we may be sure that he is deep in the study of Spring and Autumn,^ The Emperor ranks in his position with the Heaven • The Spring and Autumn as we have it tcxiay is a chronicle of politica* events in the centuries preceding Confucius, written by the Sage him¬ self. But the name Spring and Autumn, or Ch*unCh’iu, was a general name for chronicles of the different countries in Confucius’ time. Sev¬ eral such Ch'unCh'm were known to exist. The moral chaos in Con- &cius* time and the centuries preceding was unbelievable. Kings were murdered by their princes, and princes married their father’s con¬ cubines, and there was a great variety of inccitual relationships; all 212 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS and the Earth, and therefore his moral function or signifi¬ cance is equal to that of the Heaven and the Earth in pre¬ siding over the course of the myriad things for their bene¬ fit. He shines with the sun and the moon, and casts his light over the Four Seas, not excluding the smallest ob¬ jects. At the court, he discusses the ideal of moral man¬ hood and the principles of social order. At home, he lis¬ tens to the music of ya (classical songs) and sung (sacred anthems). When ht walks on foot, we hear the jingle of jade hangings and when he mounts a carriage, we hear the music of ‘‘phoenix bells.” His home life is decorous and his deportment is in accordance with good form. Thus through him the officials find their proper functions Ind the entire course of social life finds its order. The Boo\ of Songs says, “The virtuous sovereign is immacu¬ late in his external conduct and appearance, and being immaculate in hi^ external conduct and appearance, he serves as the example for the country. When he gets willing obedience to his commands, he achieves what we call “harmony” in the nation. When the rulers and the ruled are kind and friendly to each other, he achieves what we call “an atmosphere of friendliness.” When peo¬ ple are enabled to get what they want, without having to ask for it, he achieves what we call “confidence” in the nation. And when he removes the causes of unhappiness powerful b2root or counti or dukes called thcinicWcs **kings aod there was a great confusion in the practice of religious worship. A ▼ery good picture of this social and moral chaos is given in Fougchi (Chapter XXX of Liks)* where we get a glimpse of the social back¬ ground that explains Confucius* offering //, or restoration of the feudal order, as actually the “panacea** for the social ills of his days. FIRST DISCOURSE 213 in his people, he achieves what we call "decent living" in the nation. "General harmony” and "an atmosphere of friendliness” arc the means by which the rulers by force {pa) and the rulers by virtue {wang) rule their countries. With the determined purpose, but without these means, of ruling the country, they will not be able to attain their object. U, the principle of social order, is to a country what scales arc to weight and what the carpenter’s guide-line is to straightness, and what the square and the compasses arc to squares and circles. Therefore, when the scales arc exact, one cannot be deceived in respect to weight; when the guide-line is properly laid, one cannot be deceived in respect to straightness; when the squares and compasses arc properly used, one cannot be deceived in respect to the right angle and the circular line; and when the sovereign is familiar with the principle of social order (/i), he can¬ not be deceived by cunning and crooked manipuladons. Therefore, a people who respect and follow // arc called "a people with a definite principle,” and a people who do not respect and follow // arc called "a people without a definite principle.” U is the principle of mutual respect and courtesy. Therefore when it is applied to worship at the tcmples,^ we have piety; when it is applied to the court, wc have order in the ofl5cial ranks; when applied to the home, wc have affection between parents and children and harmony between brothers; when applied to the village, wc have respea for order between the elders and the juniors 214 the wisdom of CONFUCIUS That is the meaning of Confucius’ saying that “there is nothing better than // for the maintaining of authority and the governing of the people.” Therefore, the rituals concerning a court audience are for the purpose of defining the proper relationships be^ tween the rulers and the ministers. The rituals of ex¬ change of visits by diplomats arc for the purpose of main¬ taining mutual respect among the rulers of the different states. The funeral ceremonies and rituals of sacrifice arc for the purpose of showing the gratitude of children and subjects. The ceremonies of “the village wine feast” are for the purpose of defining order and discipline between the elders and the juniors. The marriage ceremonies arc for the purpose of defining the distinction between the sexes. U, or the principle of social order, prevents the rise of moral or social chaos as a dam prevents flood. Just as people who think that they can destroy an old dam be¬ cause they think it is useless will certainly meet a flood disaster, so will a people who do away with the old prin¬ ciple of social order because they think it is useless cer¬ tainly meet a moral disaster. It follows, therefore, that when marriage ceremonies arc taken lightly or disre¬ garded, then marital relationships become difficult and promiscuity will become rampanL When the ceremonies of the “village wine feast” arc disregarded, then the sense of order and discipline between elders and juniors is lost, and cases of fights and encroachments will be common. When the funeral and sacrificial rites arc disregarded, then the sense of gratitude in children and subjects to FIRST DISCOURSE 21$ ward their parents and deceased spirits will dcca^Ti and there will be many who turn against the dead in their conduct and indulge themselves. When the ceremonies of diplomatic visits arc disregarded, then the relations be¬ tween fealties and sovereigns will be threatened and the different rulers will become arrogant or licentious, and wars of invasion will arise. Therefore the cultural work of li is imperceptible. It prevents the rise of indulgent condua beforehand and leads people gradually toward virtue and away from vice without their knowing it. That was why the ancient great kings placed such an importance on //. That is the mcan^ ing of the passage in the Bool( of Changes: “The sover¬ eign is careful at the inception of things. A difference of a hundredth or a thousandth of an inch at the start resultt in a divergence of a thousand miles at the end.** i chapter VII SECOND DISCOURSE: AN INTERVIEW WITH DUKE AI {Aikung Wen, Ul({, Chapter XXVH) Duke AI asked Confucius, ‘What is this great lif Why is it that you talk about li as though it wcr& such an important thing?” Confucius replied, “Your humble servant is really not worthy to understand //.” “But you do constantly speak about it,” said Duke Ai. Confucius: “What I have learned is this, that of all the things that the people live by, li is the greatest. Without li, we do not know how to conduct a proper worship of the spirits of the universe; or how to establish the proper status of the king and the ministers, the ruler and the ruled, and the ciders and the juniors; or how to establish the moral relationships between the sexes, between par¬ ents and children and between brothers; or how to distin¬ guish the different degrees of relationships in the ilanuly. That is why a gendeman holds li in such high icgard, and proceeds to teach its principles to the people and reg¬ ulate the forms of their social Ufc. When these arc cstab- 216 SECOND DISCOURSE 2ir lishcd, then he institutes difFerent insignia and cere¬ monial robes as symbols of authority to perpetuate the in¬ stitutions. When everything is in order, then he proceeds to fix the periods of burial and mourning, provide the sacrificial vessels and the proper offerings, and beautify the ancestral temples. Every year sacrifices arc made in their proper seasons, in order to bring about social order in the clans and tribes. Then he retires to his private dwelling where he lives in simple contentment, dressed simply and housed simply, without carved carriages and without carved vessels, sharing the same food and the same joys with the people. That was how the andenr princes lived in accordance with //.” Duke Ai: “Why don’t the princes of today do the same?” Confucius: “The princes of today arc greedy in their search after material goods. They indulge themselves in pleasure and neglect their duties and carry themselves wiA a proud air. They take all they can from the people and invade the territory of good rulers against the will of the people, and they go out to get what they want with¬ out regard for what is right. This is the way of the mod¬ ern rulers, while that was the way of the ancient rulers whom I just spoke of. The rulers of today do not follow //.” Confucius was sitting in the company of Duke Ai, and the Duke asked: “What, in your opinion, is the highest principle of human civilization?” Confuaus looked very grave and replied: “It is the good fortune of the people that Your Highness has asked this question. I must do 2i8 the wisdom of CONFUCIUS my best to answer it, The highest principle of human civ¬ ilization is government/’ The Duke: "May I ask what is the art of government?” Confucius: "The ait of government simply consists in making things right, or putting things in their right places.* When the ruler himself is "right,” then the peo¬ ple naturally follow him in his right course. The people merely follow what the ruler docs, for what the ruler him¬ self docs not do, wherewithal shall the people know how and what to follow?” The Duke: “Tell me more in detail about this art of government.” Confucius: “The husband and wife should have differ¬ ent duties. The parents and children should be affection¬ ate toward each other. The king and his subjects should have rigid discipline. When these three things are right, then everything follows.” The Duke: “Can you enlighten me a litdc more on the method to carry out these three things, unworthy as I am?” • The Chinese words for “government” and “being right” or “making right” have exactly the same pronunciation. The character for “gov¬ ernment” is written with two components, “right” and a causative particle, the whole meaning “to make normal” or “to put things in their right places.” This notion of cheng or “normalcy” has no adequate equivalent in English. It is implied in the English expressions like “when you have the right leadership” or *'right kind of person,” or *'right course of conduct.” Thus it is nearest to the English word “right” in such senses. It is associated also with the notion of “central¬ ity” and “orthodoxy,” with sheh or “heterodoxy** as its antonym. A man who is said to be chen is one “who wants to do what is right,” and a man who is said to be sheh is one who is always thinking of devious means to obtain dubious ends. SECOND DISCOURSE 219 Confudus: “The ancient rulers regarded loving the people as the chief principle of their government, and li as the chief prindplc by which they ruled the people they loved. In the cultivation of //, the sense of respect is the most important, and as the ultimate symbol of this re¬ spect, the ceremony of royal marriage is the most impor- tanL The ceremony of royal marriage is the ultimate symbol of respect, and as it is the ultimate symbol of re¬ spect, the king goes with his crown to welcome the princess from her own home personally because he re¬ gards the bride as so close in relationship to him. He goes personally because the relationship is regarded as per¬ sonal. Therefore the sovereign cultivates the sense of re¬ spect and personal relationship. To neglect to show re¬ spect is to disregard the personal relationship. Without love, there will be no personal relationship, and without respect, there will be no right relationship. So love and respect arc the foundation of government.” Duke Ai: “I want to say something. Isn’t it making the royal marriage a litde too serious by requiring a king to wear his crown and welcome the princess from her own home?* Confudus looked very grave and replied: “Why do you say so? A royal marriage means the umon of two ruling houses for the purpose of carrying on the royal lineage and producing offspring to preside over the wor¬ ship of Heaven and Earth, of the ancestral spirits, and of the gods of land and grains.” Duke Ai: “Excuse me for pressing the question, for if I do not persist, I shall not be able to hear your opinions 230 tHB WISDOM OF CONFUCI US on this point. I want to ask you something, but do not know how to put it. Will you please proceed further?” Confucius: “You sec, if Heaven and Earth (repre¬ senting yifi and do not come together, there is no life in this world. A royal marriage is for the purpose of perpetuating the ruling house for thousands of genera¬ tions. How can one take it too seriously?” Confucius then said: “In the art of government, U comes first. It is the means by which we establish the forms of worship, enabling the ruler to appear before the spirits of Heaven and Earth at sacrifices on the one hand; and on the other, it is the means by which we establish the forms of intercourse at the court and a sense of piety or respect between the ruler and the ruled. It revives or resuscitates the social and political life from a condition of disgraceful confusion. Therefore It is the foundation o£ government.” Confucius then went on to say: “The ancient great kings always showed respect or proper consideration to their wives and children in accordance with a proper principle. How can one be disrespectful (or show disre¬ gard) toward one’s wife since she is the center of the k)me? And how can one be disrespectful toward (or be lacking in regard for) one’s children, since the children perpetuate the family? A gentleman is always respectful or dways shows regard for everything. First of all he is respectful, or shows a pious regard toward himself. How dare he be disrespectful or have no pious regard for him¬ self since the self is a branch of the family line? Not to show regard for one’s self is to injure the family, and to SECOND DISCOURSE 221 injure the family is to injure the root, and when the root is injured, the branches die off. These three things, the relationship toward one’s wife, toward one’s children and toward one’s self, are a symbol of the human rela* tionships among the people. By showing respea for his own self, he teaches the people respect for their selves; by showing regard for his own children, he teaches the peo¬ ple regard for their children; and by showing regard for his own wife, he teaches the people regard for their wives. When a sovereign carries out these three things, his ex¬ ample will be imitated by the entire country. This is the principle of King T’ai (grandfather of King Wen). Thus harmonious relationships will prevail in the country.” Duke Ai: “May I ask what is meant by ‘showing re¬ spect for one’s self’?” Confucius: “When the sovereign makes a mistake in his speech, the people quote him, and when a sovereign makes a mistake in his conduct, the people mutate him. When a sovereign makes no mistakes in his speech or his conduct, then the people learn respect for him without any laws or regulations. In this way the sovereign shows respect for himself, and by showing respect for himself, he glorifies his ancestors.” Duke Ai: “May I ask what you mean by ‘glorifying one’s ancestors’?” Confucius: “When a man becomes famous, we call him ‘a prince’ or ‘a princely man,’* and the people gladly • The term chunUe u dificult to translate, and has been translated bf various translators as “the superior man,** “the princely man» the gentleman,- “the soYcragn,** and “the ruler.** It undoubtedly had senses, one of thr ideal “gendeman** or “the superior man, that is. 222 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS follow him and honor him, saying that he is ‘a prince’s son* (or ‘son of a gentleman*). Thus hii own father is called a ‘prince* through him and his name is glorified.” Confucius went on to say: “The ancient rulers con¬ sidered loving the people as the first thing in their gov¬ ernment. Without loving the people, the ruler cannot realize his true self, and without realizing or taking pos¬ session of his true self, he cannot establish peace in his land; without peace in his land, he cannot enjoy life in conformity with God’s law; and being unable to enjoy life in conformity with God’s law, he cannot live a full life.” Duke Ai: “May I ask what you mean by ‘living a full life*?” Confucius: “Just follow the natural law of things.” Duke Ai: “May I ask why the gentleman lays such stress on the laws of God?” • one who is cultivated in learning and character, as dktiiigatshcd from “the common man’* or “inferior man.” The second sense is that of “the ruler” or “the sovereign.” In the Confucian discourses the two senses constantly come together and merge imperceptibly into one another, so that the word represents in c5ect Confucius' ideal of the wise and good and cultivated ruler, quite similar to Plato’s “philosopher-king.” In general, there was undoubtedly a cultivated ruling class, as opposed to the illiterate common people, and Confucius gave this distinction of the superior man and the inferior man a moral meaning. The antonym to chunue is Asmojen, or literally “the small man,” and this consequently also had two senses, the morally inferior and the “commoners,” in the English sense. • Two conceptions are clearly distinguished here. First, the laws of man, jenuo, translated at the beginning of this interview as “human civili¬ zation,” which Duke Ai asked about and which Confucius interpreted as “governmenL** The entire interview up to this point discus ws gov- SECOND DISCOURSE 22J Confucius: “The gentleman lays such stress upon God’s law, because it is eternal. For instance, you sec the sun and the moon eternally foUowing one another in their courses — that is God’s law. Life in this universe never stops and continues forever — that is God’s law. Things arc created or produced without any effort or interfer¬ ence — that is God’s law. When the things arc created or produced, the universe is illuminated — that is God’s law.” Duke Ai: “I’m stupid and confused. Will you make it clearer and simplify it so that I can remember?” A change came over Confucius’ countenance. He rose from his scat and said: “A great man simply follows the natural law of things. A good son simply follows the natural law of things. Therefore, a great man feels he is serving God when he serves his parents, and feels he is serving his parents when he serves God. Therefore, a good son lives a full life.” Duke Ai: “I am extremely fortunate to have heard these words from you, and I crave your pardon if I fail to live up to them hereafter.” Confucius: “The pleasure is mine.” eminent or the laws of man. Here the Duke begins to ask about the laws of God, because Confucius talks about living in confbnnity with God's law. Chapter VIII THIRD DISCOURSE: rHE VISION OF A SOCIAL ORDER (Uyun, Li\iy Chapter IX) This is one of the most important chapters in Lil(t probably recorded by Tseyu, a disciple of Confucius. The first section makes an important distinction between a Confucian Utopia, the tafung, in which none of the humanistic distinctions in li would be necessary, and the second best type of culture, the culture of li or of a social order, practical and attainable in the present world, the hsiao1(angy with which practically all the teachings of Confucius about li arc concerned. The fact that Confucius did have a vision of a world of more or less perfect human beings in which li would not be necessary, is interesung and gives his teachings concerning the principle of at¬ tainable social order a quality of practical common sense and an implied meaning of resignation to the second best. To know that a world of moral perfection exists, but to go along bravely establishing a social order with the imperfect human beings that we know we arc today, is the part of wisdom. This vision of the Confucian Utopia 224 THIRD DISCOURSE 225 has gained increased prominence among recent Chinese scholars who have somehow been influenced by reading of Western Utopias and Western idealism in general. Dr. Sun Yat Sen’s favorite phrase, the one that he most fre¬ quently used when asked to inscribe an autograph for hk friends, consisted of the four words “/'/>« hsia tat'ung or “the world of tat'ung^ taken from this section. The meaning of //, or the principle of social order, and its identity with a general body of social practices are quite clear and most completely developed in this chap ter. U is here seen to include folkways, religious customs, festivals, laws, dress, food and housing, such as are usu ally included under the term “ethnology.” Add to thesi original existing practices a conception of a rationalized social order, and you have li in its most complete sense. In the following translation, I have omitted several paragraphs which concern striedy the details of the an. dent feudal order which Confucius was trying to restore. Interesting as these details are for the students of ancient Chinese philology and comparative religion, they do not fall within the scope of this book, which deals more with the broader significance of Confucian teachings. Con¬ fucius himself emphasized again and again the impor¬ tance of being widely read and learned in all aspects of life without forgetting the importance of having a philo¬ sophic principle that runs through all these details of scholarship. Only one who is able to couple thought with scholarship is a really educated man, according to Con- fudus. The early Han scholars, occupied with philologi¬ cal research, did involve themselves in such details to the 226 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS exclusion of central philosophic principles, while the Sung philosophers, influenced by the Buddhistic bent for philosophy and meditation, on the other hand neglected this philologic scholarship and even developed the habit of “reading a book without knowing exactly what it means.” An extreme example of mere occupation with philologic details was the case of a later commentator who wrote a treatise of over 30,000 words on two words of the Shutting. The three books on li {Chouli, Yili^ and contain of course a rich field of material for the study of ancient Chinese folkways, but they cannot possibly be covered or even suggested in this book. I have also sup¬ plied sectional headings for the convenience of the reader. THIRD DISCOURSE 227 I. THE TWO ORDERS OF HUMAN SOCIETY One day Confucius went to see the ceremony of tsa (a winter folk festival at the end of the year at which the people offered a general sacrifice to all the animals and inanimate creation and of course indulged in dancing). After the ceremony was over, Confucius took a walk. He stopped at a roadhouse on the side of the city gate (over- looking the suburb) and heaved a deep sigh. Confucius was sighing over the social conditions in his country Lu. Yen Yen (Tseyu) was with him, and asked Confucius, “Why arc you sighing?^ And Confucius replied, “Oh, I was thinking of the Golden Age and regretting that I was not able to have been born in it and to be associated with the wise rulers and ministers of the Three Dynas¬ ties. How I would have loved to have lived in such an agcl” “When the great Tao prevailed (/>., in the Golden Age), the world was a common state (not belonging to any particular ruling family), rulers were elected accord¬ ing to their wisdom and ability and mutual confidence and peace prevailed. Therefore people not only regarded their own parents as parents and their own children as children. The old people were able to enjoy their old age, the young men were able to employ their talent, the jun¬ iors had the elders to look up to, and the helpless widows, orphans and cripples and deformed were well taken care of. The men had their respective occupations and the women had their homes. If the people didn’t want to see 228 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS goods lying about on the ground, they did not have to keep them for themselves, and if people had too much energy for work, they did not have to labor for their own profit. Therefore there was no cunning or intrigue and there were no bandits or burglars, and as a result, there was no need to shut one’s outer gate (at night). This was the period of ta/ung, or the Great Common¬ wealth.* “But now the great Tao no longer prevails, and the world is divided up into private families (or becomes the possession of private families), and people regard only their own parents as parents and only their own children as children. They acquire goods and labor each for his !>wn benefit. A hereditary aristocracy is established and the difFerent states build cities, outer cities and moats each for its own defense. The principles of li (or forms of social intercourse) and righteousness serve as the principles of social discipline. By means of these principles, people try to maintain the official status of rulers and subjects, to teach the parents and children and elder brothers and younger brothers and husbands and wives to live in har¬ mony, to establish social institutions and to live in groups of hamlets. The physically strong and the mentally clever are raised to prominence and each one tries to carve his own career. Hence there is deceit and cunning and from these wars arise. (The great founders of dynasties like) Emperors Yu, T’ang, Wen, Wu and Ch’eng and Duke Chou were the best men of this age. Without a single ex¬ ception, these six gentlemen were deeply concerned over • Ta means “great” and fung means “common.” third discourse 229 the principle of //, through which justice was maintained, general confidence was tested, and errors or malpractices were exposed. An ideal of true manhood, jen, was set up and good manners or courtesy was cultivated, as solid principles for the common people to follow. A ruler who violates these principles would then be denounced as a public enemy and driven off from his office. This is called the Period of Hsiaol(ang or “The Period of Minor Peace.’* U. THE EVOLUTION OF U OR SOCIAL ORDER “Is It SO very important as all that?** asked Tseyu agaia “This //,** replied Confucius, “is the principle by which the ancient kings embodied the laws of heaven and regu¬ lated the expressions of human nature. Therefore he who has attained It lives, and he who has lost it, dies. Th< Boo\ of Songs says. Sec even the mouse has a /V (body) And a human being has no //! A human being has no // — Why doesn’t he go off and die? Therefore It is based on heaven, patterned on the earth, deals with the worship of the spirits and is extended ta the rites and ceremonies of funerals, sacrifices to ancestors, archery, carriage driving, ‘capping,* ♦ marriage, and court audience or exchange of diplomatic visits. There¬ fore the Sage shows the people the principle of a ration¬ alized social order and through it everything becomes right in the family, the state and the world.** • The ceremony of putting a cap on a boy when he reaches matniicy. 230 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS “Can you explain to me, fully and completely, this //?” asked Tseyu once more. Confucius: I wanted to see the ancient practices of the Hsia Dynasty (2205-1784 B.C.), and that was why I went to visit the city of Chi (where the descendants of the Hsia rulers lived), but I found there weren’t enough surviving customs left. There I secured, however, a copy of the book Hsiashih. And I wanted to see the ancient practices of the Shang Dynasty (or Yin, 1783-1123 B.C.), and for this purpose I went to visit the city of Sung (where the descendants of the Shang rulers lived), but found there were not enough surviving customs left. There, however, I secured a copy of K*unch'ien (a version of the Boo\ of Changes),* With the help of these two books, the Hsia- shih and K*unch*ien^ I tried to study the ancient customs. In the beginning, li (civilization) started with food or drink. People baked millets and pork, tom apart with the hand, on heated slabs of stone. They dug holes in the ground to serve as jars and drank out of the palms of their hands. They kneaded clay into drums and drum sticks. And yet this seemed to have been worthy mate¬ rials for them to worship the spirits. When a relative died, they went up on the roof and cried aloud to the spirit, saying to him, “Ahoooooooool So-and-So, will you please return to your body?” (If the spirit failed to return, and the man was really dead) then they used uncooked rice and baked meats for sacrifice, and they turned their heads * ICun sjmibolizes the earth or the female principle; ch*ien symbolizes licaven or the male principle. It is interesting: to note here that the fe¬ male principle is put before the male principle in the Shang version. THIRD DISCOURSE 2^1 toward the sky to “see at a distance” {wang) the spirit and buried the body in the earth. The material spirit then descended (to the earth), while the conscious spirit went up (to the air). Therefore the dead were buried with their heads toward the north, while the living had their houses facing the south. These were the early customs. In the ancient times, the rulers did not have houses, and they lived in dug-out caves or in piled-up mounds in win¬ ter and on “nests” made of dry branches (on top of trees) in summer. They did not know the use of fire, but ate fruits and the flesh of birds and animals, drinking their blood, including the hair in it. They did not have hemp cloth or silk and were clothed in feathers and animal skins. Later came the Sages who taught them the use of fire, and to cast metalware by pouring it into bamboo moulds and to mould clay into earthenware. Then they built terraces and houses with doors and windows, and began to bake and broil and cook and roast by means of a spit, and made wine and vinegar. They began also to use hemp and silk and weave them into cloth for the use of the living and sacrifices to the dead and the worship of the spirits and God.* These ancient praaices were also handed down • There was a religious cult of a Supreme Rukr, Shangti, the word used here and gcncralij used today by Chinese Christians, while there was i different religious cult which worshipped as the Supreme Ruler 'Heaven,’* or T’ien, The o^erings used in the worship of Shangti and Vien were different, and these two religions were practiced by different tribes. In Confucius* time, there was already a great confusion, as th^ two religions had got mixed up with one another, and Confucius him* self said at several places that he was unable to reconstruct the practices at the worship of Heaven, and that if he did, it would be a simple mat* 232 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS from the early times. Therefore, the black wine was kept in the inner room, the white wine was kept near the (southern) door, the red wine was kept in the hall and the heavy wine was kept still further outside. The meat offerings were then displayed and the round tripod and the square vessel were laid in order, and the musical in¬ struments, the ch!tn^ sehy the flute, the ch'ing (musical stone suspended from a string and struck like bells), the bell and the drum were arranged in their places, and the sacrificial prayer to the dead and the answer from the dead ♦ were carefully prepared and read, that the celestial and the ancestors’ spirits might descend to the place of worship. All these practices were for the purpose of main¬ taining the proper status of rulers and subjects, maintain¬ ing the love between parents and children, teaching kind¬ ness between brothers, regulating relationships between superiors and inferiors, and establishing the respective relationships of husband and wife, to the end that all might be blessed by Heaven. They then prepared the sac¬ rificial lamentations. The black or dark wine was used for sacrifice, and the blood and hair of the animals were used in offering, and the raw meat was placed in a square vessel. Burnt meat was also offered, a mat was spread out and a piece of coarse cloth was used for covering the ves¬ sels, and silk ceremonial robes were used. The different tcr to gorern the country. Somewhere at the back of his head, he had a notion of aspiring to restore the ancient theocracy. • The answer was read by a small child, known as shiht representing the deceased. This shih is a prominent figure in all sacrifices to the dead «Tcn in modern times. TMIRU DT^CDITRUS J33 wincf, /i und j/f/f/i, .-^nd baked and bmiltd meatf were dio ofFcred^ The sovereign and the rjueen made che ings altcmarelyi ihac iJie good jpiiiti might descend and they might be utiiicd with die occult world. A£tcr the sacrifices were dvet, they then gave a feast to the guests, dividing up the dogs, pigs, caws, and Lin^5 at the oifcrtng and placing diein in varinui vcisdi. Hie prayer lo the dead declared the gratitude ur loyally nf the living, and rhe answer from the dead declared the coauuued affec¬ tion of the deceased. This was the great blessing and rc- complishment of Im\ Confucius I '^Alasl 1 have studied tlic practicci of the Chou Dynasty (in which Confucius Jived)* but (the had Emperors) Yu and U have completely destroyed theta* Where i:an I turn to eacept to the country of LuP" (Hm fcihtvt a trief de^cripiian of fAc fir^poiling cAaoj in rocro/ and r^ligjo^f tif^ of Ah flmc.} Therefore ii k the great weapon or means of power nf a jovercigii, with which to ctposc malpracticci and begin¬ nings of disorder^ offer sacrifices to the spirits, cstabluli tbe systems of social life, differentiate dbe uses of Jove and duty. It is the means by which a country l$ governed and the sovereign maintains the sccorily of his pwffon* Therefore, if the govemmeat is not ""right," then the sovereign's posidOQ is tbneatencdj nod when the sover¬ eign's position is threatencdi the powerful ofiidals be^ coine arrogant and the minor officials begin to steat We xhoidd then see cnmlnali punlsbed by severe sentence and the general lODrality of tlie people degenerates and there would be a general absence of itandardi. With s 234 WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS general absence of standards, the general social order would be upset; and with the upset of the general social order, the gentry would not be able to attend to their proper professions. And when the criminals are punished with severe penalties and the general morality of the people degenerates, then the people will not be loyal to the sovereign, or will go away to other countries. This is called “a sickly state.” {Here follows a description of the proper functions of she sovereign,) ni. U BASED ON HUMAN NATURE The reason the Sage is able to regard the world as one family and China as one man (what is true of human nature in one man is true for all), is that he does not make arbitrary rules, but on the other hand tries to understand human nature,* define the human duties and come to a clear realization of what is good and what is bad for man¬ kind It is through this that he is able to do so. What is human nature? It consists of the seven things, joy, anger, sorrow, fear, love, hatred and desire, all of which do not have to be learned (/>., they arc natural instincts). What •The Chinese terms for ‘'nature/* “emotions/’ “heart/’ “mind/* etc,, overlap in their meaning, as compared with the correspond- ing English words. Hsin means “the heart” and “the mind.” //nng means original nature,” “instinct.” Ck*i8g means (in thf above pas¬ sage) “nature/’ “natural feelings,” “emotions.” ChiM means the “will ” “direction of the mind/’ “hope,” “ambition,” “aspirations.” Yi means “idea,” “intention.” Yu means “desires.” ]cn means “moral char- “true manhood.” Chih (another word) means “wisdom,” “the intellect.” THTftli l^rSCQURSE ajg are the hum.in duiici? Kindness in the Either, fiM piefy in the »n. gcnd% in the elder brethcr, humilicj and re- Ipea ia the younger brother^ gpod behavior fn the huj- hindj obedience ui the wife^ benevolence in the elders, md obedience in rhe Junlofj, benevolence in die ttder and loyaky in die mi nisEer*— these len arc the human duties. What is good for mankind means gencrai confidence and pcacc^ and what U bad for m-inkind meaoa struggle for profit, robbery and murder. Tlicreforc how can die Sagr, or ideal ruler, dispense with /r In his efforts to cddvaie die seven emcUODS and the ten dudes, and to promote mutual confidence and peace and courtesy and discourage the struggle for profit and robbery? Food and drbk and m are die great desires of mankind, and death and poverty and suffering arc the great fetus or aversions nf mantind. Therefore desires and fear (or greed and iiaticd) are the great motive forces of the human heart- 1 hes^ however^ are nmeealcd in the heart and are not usually showiij and the human heart is unfathomable- What uther principle is there besides H which can serve jts the one all-sufiident principle to explore the human heart? Therefore man is rhe product of the forces of heaven and earth, of the union of they^m and the yang principles^ the incarnation of spirits and the essence of the five ele- tnents (mml, woodjn water, fire and earth). Therefore nun is the heart of the Universe, the upshot of the five elcmentJ, born to enjoy food and color and twist , , . W riPOM CF CONFUCIUS 2^ W* U SASE3> ON KEA\'lH^^ (CW NATWh) The worship of Heaven i* for the purpose of recognizing the supreme rulcrship of Heaven. The worship of rhe gud of EiiriJi a for the purpose of dis^pbying the procIus> [ivjty of the earth. Worship at the ancestra] temple is for the purpose of recognizing the ancestry of man. The ‘wor^ ship of the motiniaim and rivers is for the purpose of lerv^ tog the different spirits. The five lacrifioca * are for the purpose of commemoratiog the origin of human occupa¬ tions* Therefore there are priests at the temple^ the iTirce High Ministers at the courts and the Three Elders at the College. The soothsayer stands in front of the king and the of&cUi hirtorian at his back^ while the priest in cliarge of divinaticn and the blind music miHster ajiid his assist¬ ants are xcattened on his righc and Ms left* while the king sits in the middle^ maintaining calm in his hcarTi^ a guards iaa (or symbol) of the ultimate righuiess of ihings. Therefore Avhen /j is observed 2t the worship of Heaven, dicn the different gods attend to ihdr duties. When U is obsco'^ed at the worship of Earthy then thingi grow and multfpljr. When fi' ii observed at the ancestral temple, then filial picry and affection prevail When // Is observed at the five sarrifiGcs, then arandards of measurements are csEablished. Therefon: the worship of Heaven* of Earth* of the ancestors^ the mountains and rivers, and ihc five * Tliav m diifcrcai bfitefpnCJliQiu tif Bvjt nnc ihrm si the WWibJ^ df th£ iiVe cJemcbti, u a{ ihr HFcrt, d^c flnc-piiicilcd dWr the klcdkeD md course hall. Etc. TlflRP DiaCDl^KSfi ^37 ucriHcci arc for itic kDcpInj^ up of the human duric$ anrf coD^dtutc die enibcNJuneoi of /i. Therefore, this li orij;ipdC)cj; m T*&iyi (Primeval which wa$ divided who the Heaven atid die Eanh, trapse formed into the yin and the yuftgf operating sa the and assuming shape m the dilferenl $pirit3^ The will of the gods b expressed as desliayj and b contfoLted from Heavea. Uhus // til list be based tin Heaven, sliows ili action on the Eartb, and is applied to the ditferent human ocenpa- dods, changing according to the reasons and fitted inlo the different crafti In man, it emerges as the prindplc of llvdihood and is shown in trader labor, sodaJ incercoursc* eating and drinking, and in the ceremony of "capping,^ marriagcj burial ojid sacrifice to the dead, archery^ car¬ riage drivings and audience at court. Therefore the duties uf // are the main principle oJ human life, serving die purpose of promoting mutual con¬ fidence and social harmony and strengthening tiie social ties and bonds of frietidjhjp. They arc the maid prindples for wondkipplng the spiriti aud feeding the living and sacrificing to the dead.f' U U a great eh.tnnel through which wc follow the laws of Heaven and direct to proper * Arcanfioif u l&t ef r/, dx phefiAulcfu of [Mi tidivcivd Unad bick ta Uic flcdkm cr ujeotodei at dx ims pfiiKip^oit yrs md (IfMtil m U? Uw PrifnirVi.1 UbOr^ f U hCfC if feed lo be A ddliailfLtr rcli^bui prindpre, jn J tM« £X|jLkiiH [he diiprep^rtfcHnaii? onpluui girta eo fuocrit utitmohkt M eJii: Cqd- vy^icrn. Tbc detailed dacnpciawi o£ (uqoiI woiKmia ta dw LiJ^i aic &iidwlidtiii0a- 33^ THm WISPOM CONFUCtCrS cpii™* the cipnessicMis of the human heart. XliercffliT, only the Sa^c hnowi (h^c //is indispeasable^ Therefore; lu defray a kingdom^ upset a family or ruin a ma^ij you. mu^l liist take away from him this sense of ti* V, TtfE SwfT,THO(0 OF CUt-TtVAXmO U Therefore // sa ro man os the yeast Is lo wine? the superbr man has a little more of and the inferior man has a little les^ of It. Therefore the sage, or saintly ruler^ culti¬ vates the proper approach to duties and the order of /^ AS a means of controlling or regulating hnirem narurc, TisercforcT human nature is the field cnldvated by the Sage gf saintly ruler. He ploughs it wirh sows it with the seeds of cluUcf^ weed-s it by cducatinn and learning, liarvests it with true manhood^ imd cojoyi it with music* rhcTcfore /i ii hut the crystalliscation of what ii nghL If a thing is in accordance with the standard of what Is right, new social practices may he imtituted, although they were not known to the nilcrs of the pa^t. The standard of right * IS the following of each doss of people in its proper course and cnie manhood becume articubte. Those who luvc fallowed the right> observing die proper course and cultivaung true manhood^ will b^me powerful admin- * Use Cbiacic ward U ^ wJ^idi iq die Above h lua la itltt to Ulc wicM-iIrfiiani KU cl humjji fElaciJmiiFaipfti lx ii ibcrctofs ibe coi^ iitii r^krbcKi^cDi of dic jjeocFaJ pfiuJp4e di £i, !J Jimd oTioi fora a pblAtc, dkffii:uiE ID truiriir, ^ rend trod aJ^Vt u "ibe dudes cf A" 1 Ijc oQicIll ChiaeiE iiiUrpitrtJliran nf yi n that il mtill* ''wlul k i^ht^ ur \hc ncn foUowi^ iNktuo, k wiiinTaM OV €DNFUCSt?$ Cfldi olber v^ith bw, the *cholan UJ^C one aaotlie r by the Standard of honesry, apd the people unice with onc smother in peace, that is the health ol the world* This js called the Grand Harmony ^ - * r Chapter IX ON EDUCATION {Hsuehchi, U\i, Chapter XVIH) I. THE NEED FOR EDUCATION O DESIRE to do right and to seek what is good JL would give a person a litdc reputation but would not enable him to influence the masses. To associate with the wise and able men and to welcome those who come from a distant country would enable a person to influ¬ ence the masses, but would not enable him to civilize the people. The only way for the superior man to civilize the people and establish good social customs is through edu^ cation. A piece of jade cannot become an object of art without chiselling, and a man cannot come to know the moral law without education. Therefore the ancient kings regarded education as the first important factor in their efforts to establish order in a country. That is the mean¬ ing of the passage in the Advice to Fu Yueh (by King Kaotsung of the Hsia Dynasty, now a chapter of Shu* \ing) which says, ‘Torever occupy your thoughts with education.” Just as one cannot know the taste of food without eating it, however excellent it may be, so with* 241 ip thb wjiDOM OF coNti/clU* out cclucatiofl one cannot come to know the eieellercc of n great body of knowledge, nlrhough it may be there. Therefore only tluough education does one come to be disiaiiitficd widi bis own knowledge, and only tlunougb CMching oihci^ dcHM one come to rwliz^: the uncomfort* able ioadtquacy of his knowledge. Being dissatirficxJ wirh his own knowledgtr one then realizes that the trouble lies with himself, and rwljT^ing the unoonifortabie inade¬ quacy of hLs knowledge, one dicn feels srimubted to im¬ prove blmsclfii- Thcr^cfofc it j$ saldj The processes of teaching and Icamlug stifntibie one another.'' Thar is llie meaning of the passage in die AJetU to F$i Ycuh kvhich ays, '"TeschiDg ia the half of fcarning/" m THE AWt^VT ECtlCATrOKAL SYSTEM The ancient edticarional syitem was as follows: There was a primary scLool in every hamlet of 23 iamilieSp a secondary school in every town of 5^ famdies-i, ajfi acad¬ emy in every coimEy of 2500 families, and a college in the capital of every state {for the education of the princes and sons of nobles and the best pupils from the lower schools.) Every y&if new students were admitted, and every other year Lheic was an examination .• At the tnd of che first year, ar^ efforr was made to see hew the pupils were ahk to pucictiiatc their acntcaces and tn find out their natural inclinations. Al the end of three years, an effort was m^de • "'ETirrY yrsi^ U nsvlaf ittierprcatl'M^ Tfr- fiKrtia wffl, KoifcrVFr, cm usirAn ""in the middie d the vw" well oi *'in Ihe iii^l*riv«n (w llKmJTC jemh lo ihcf^ wvj iaui la be a cucuiubon cfCty ihmc ON EDUCATION 243 to find out their habits of study and their group life. At the end of five years, they would try to sec how well read in general the pupils were and how closely they had fol¬ lowed their teachers. At the end of seven years, they would try to find out how their ideas had developed and what kind of friends they had sclcacd for themselves. This is called the Minor Graduation {hsiaoeWeng — ^from the lower grades). At the end of nine years, they were ex¬ pected to know the various subjects and have a general understanding of life and to have laid a firm foundation for their character from which they could not go back. This was called the Major Graduation {tach*cng—ixom the higher grades).* By such an educational system only is it possible to civilize the people and reform the morals of the country, so that the local inhabitants will be happy and those in distant lands will love to come to the country. This is the principle of tahsueh, or higher education. That is the meaning of the passage in the Ancient Records which says, “The ants are busy all the time” {the importance of continuous study). In the college, the students begin to study the proper use of ceremonial robes and vegetable offerings at sacri- * According to Neitstk (Chapter XII, the age of entering school is giren as ten. The studies of music, poetry, dancing, and archery be¬ gin at the age of thirteen. This seems to indicate a nine-jrear program from ten to nineteen, the last two years between the Minor and Major Graduatioas probably considered the “secondary education.** At twenty, the college education begins. Men were supposed to marry at thirty and women at twenty, and at the latest twenty-three, “for special reasons.** 244 TWl WJSHnM OF COKFtICKUS fidtfs, in order (O die principle of rt$pcct or piety. They pre mpJe to iitig the first dircc songs of IJsiacyij* in order to Lcpm the first clcmenfi of oifieLil life^ On entering die college, a drum is beaten before the ftiidcntj unpek their books^ so as to teacli discIpEac: pr their studies. The ferule or hickory stick ts used in order to reguiate their carernaf beh.ivcor. No inspector is seat to the cullegc oterpt on the ueeaslon of the Crpnd Sacri' fice EO chc royiil ancestors^f that the sLudtmts may be left alone to develop thctnseJves* The teaclicr observes but does not coiwanrly lecture to them, so that the students have time lo think out rhingi for themselves* The young ones ^re supposed to listen and not to ask r|ucs[ions^ so that they may know their own place. These seven things arc the main methods of teaching* That is die meaning of the passage in the Rf^ordtt which says, *‘Al ■ Tbe ttLrd ditincu |q the prwcfll 0/ Somgtf bciiyj tb^ lLu^I iciDiRi al Ooii. Tbcic ilot ihm weir Bipiwcd w> have btea med at ^ioncn Jt^n hj the ^mpttw [a hlj iVKMteii uHLflkt aa. in iUm Crvnd Sacn^K. Ooc lAEcrpticti il ai iW annual Hcrifioe in ttlmmer; anullurf iflinTFiTti it ai CiOntifljt «K* five IThwc ins nnincrwt rdFcrrncci U ibc Ana^i tbruQg^hnqt ihc CnfihKlui Kid piJicf wnun^ ot Omu D/ELuty. ft U tvniti Tbnr flodcqi Kcoed* that tlu ptamni h mtde. Afpifl, ihe “SmaJE Tai '' a4lKtioD iMw ufuilly rcifetred to jli and ranTudiiB of forty- DilK ebdptm w Inaki;, di^os from the "'Clrul Tai'^ entlrrirnn, mo- ol dgLtj^fivc rhiipCpri eh* beaki^ emly tw chapcera hdpg ncmf . miKTi to both noUtfOiaiu. A ntdy authonty «yi ihJt "Gteai Tai“ re-cdlud the orSjfWi cnJlcirdun of TWO hundred and four clurit^fi iiT Iviohi a&d rcdiK^ Ehfioi to ‘Ct^bEy-livcj The anckci roentdi were *hcitlafv a mbedUanooui CoUeiE^ uf wriiiiiff^ Itcuh thotc pna^ to Onfuciuj aakl thpac writEm hj hil diadpla, haEuird duwii frwii fracln ON tOUCATlON 245 the college^ those wlio already hflvc an office make iLudic^ relative to their respective departments^ while those wJio do not yet liave an office study what they want to do afterwards/' rii* EiiTftA^uiiiEjetriJiJi imjDrFji In the educational system of the calleget there ^fe regu* lar ftudicai in class and collateral studies when the students are in their own nx>iT», Without the practice of fingcringi one cannot learn to play the string iniirumeot smoothly. Witliout wide ob^rvatiou of things,* one cannoE learn poetry easily. Wlihnur acqnaimance with the diiicrent ceremonial robes, one cannot master the study of ritiiah. Wichoui learning die diiTcrent arts (like archery and cairriagc driving), one cannot enjoy study at schooh ^ere- forc in the education of the Superior man (or the Intch Jectual upper djss)^ one is given time to digest dungs, to ailtivate thiags^ to rest 3nd to pby. In this way the stu¬ dents learn in feel at home at college and esublish a per¬ sonal relatiodihip with their teachers, enjoy friendship and acquire conviction Lo ideas. They then may leave their teachers w^ithouc inrnlng ihebr backj on their studies. This is the meaniDg of the pssige in the of Fu YticA, which say^ "Respeerfnily keep at your studus constantly, and then you wiU have results^” trt to dmpir* ID the C^dEdchui fcliwj. Tim are mtnf idma^ to |h3Iue;cs id itm^ iJtol Bft not fwrad in tiur prci^Dt v^ruoA ct ti\L *Tlic of Sottgi It lufi oT (h^ mmti lU imectE, htha, ttlidi;, Ixmn tml floiverE End tm%. Tfim irr csmmoiDrTCi of die ^f t;ciV$ B hut 3 man who tii« to bring out ihe goo<{ and remedy die weaknesses of his sitidents, A good singer makes others follow his ttinCf and ■ good educator makes olhcn follow hi$ ideal. His words are oiiidat bur espresrivc, casual but full of hidden mean¬ ing, and he is good at drawiag iagenJous cianipJes tn make people understand him. In this way, he may he said to be a good man to make others follow hfj ideal. The superior man knows what is didlcult and what is caiy, what is Mcelicnr and what is deplorable in die tilings m be learned, and then he is good at drawing examples. Being good at drawing examples, he then knows how to be a teacher. Knowing how to be a teacher, he then knows how to be an elder. And knowing how to be an elder, he then knows how to be a ruler of men. Therefore, the art of bdng a readier is the art of learning to be a ruler of men. Thcrdbrc one cajinot he too tauefuJ in selecting one's teacher. That is the nicaaJng of the passage in the Anci^t Itmrds which says. “The Three King, and the Four Dynasties (Yu, Hsio, Shang and Chou) laid the greatest cmpliasu upon die selection of teachers." In this matter of educatioi), the most dilScult thing is It) establish a respect for the teacher. When the teacher h rented, then people respect what he teaches, and when people respect what he teaches, then they respect karn- ing or scholarship. Therefore there are only two classes of persons that the ting dare not regard a$ lus subjects: bis teacher and the lAiA (child lepreicnring the spirit of the deceased at a sacrifkc). According to the customs of the ooll^ a teacher doeau’t hare to stand facii^ north ON EDUCATIOK m even when TOciving an edict f>uni the king, which ihoWf the graL rt^ipcct far rhe teacher^ V- THm FlOC^d OF With a gCHxl studentp the leacher doesn'l have much tn do and the results are double, Ixaides getting the student*! reapcct. With a bad student, the teacher has fo work hard and the raults are only half of what h la be expfcled, besides getting bated by the snidenr. A good questioner proceeds like a man ehopping wcxxl — he begins at the easier end, attaching the knots hut, and afuer a time the tcaehcr and student come to tioderstafid the |Mint with M Krnsr of pleasure. A bad quesTioner does just exactly the opposite^ One who knows how tn answer questJozu is like a group of bells. Whea you strike the big bcll^ the big one rings, and when you strike die small bell, the ■mail one rings. It h impnaDtp however, to allow time fur its tone gradually to dieouL One who does not kuoW how to answer quesiiotis is eaiaaly the reverse of this. These arc all suggestions for the process of teaching and learnings That type of scholarship which is bent on remember¬ ing things in order to answer quesdons docs not qualify one to be a teacher. A good teacher should observe ilic students^ ooovcrsatiuns. When he ices a itndcni is doing bia best but h lust, ibea be cxpLmiE it to hinip and if after the explanation, the student $till does not uudersLand, he may as well leave the matter alone^ The gon of a tinker naturally Icarni how to mend fur coats, and the am of a good maker of bows naturally 2^ THE WJSnOM OF CQNFtPCJUi learns how to make a bamboo chi (shallow pan made of woven sliced baniW for holding grain), and a man breaking in a horse first pui5 the bofie bchhad the Car¬ riage^ A gentleman can learn from these ihrcc thing? the proper method of cducatiotl. The scholars of andcni times learned the trutli about thing? from aiulcigica. The drutrt iud£ docs not come under any of the five dhkIc^ of musie^ and yet the five modes cannot succeed in harmony without the drum. Water Itself doe* not be¬ long tn any tiL the five colors, and yet (in pinting) the five colors would lack brightness without the tisc of waters Learning iiself does not come tinder any of the five sensesi and yet the five iicnscs cannot be proprly tD^n-cd without learning. Tlic teacher docs noc come under the five degree* of elm kinships and yec the five degrees of dan kinship would not love one another w^ithout the teacher. The gentleman Says, "A great prsonahty does not (liccessarily) fit one for any particular o^cc. A gteat character doe? nor (nrecssarily) qualify tine fur any par¬ ticular service. Gteat lionesty docs not (necessarily) make a man keep bis word. Great r^d for time does not ;octcssarily) make one puncctiaL” To know These four things IS m know the really fundamental things in life. In offering jaeiificc? to the river gods^ the ancient kings always Ixgan with wonliipping die gods of the rivers bc- fnie worshipping the gods of the seas. A dlsdncuon was made between *e source and the outlet, and to know ihi* di^tnedon is to know how to attend to the eKcn- dais* Ct^aptcr X ON MUSIC (Vochi, UJp, Chapter XJX) 1, TitE oiticis” km puwcrnnjff op Myiie MUSIC rises from the humaa heart when the human heart is touched by the external wnrli ’When touched by the csiernal worlds the heart is moved^ and khtrclore Rods iu expression in sounds. These £Otxads echo, or combine wiih^ one anodier and produce a rich variety, and when die various sounds become regular, then we have rhythm^ The arrangcEdenl o£ loiies for our enjoyment in combination with the nuliiary dance, with shields and hatchets, and the civil dance, with long fcadi- ers and pcniumls of ox-tails, is caUed muiic- Muf ic is the form wherdn touts arc produced, because It takes its rise from the human heart when the heart is couched by the external world. Therefore when the heart’s chord of sorrow h touched, the sounda produted are sombre and forlorn ^ when the heart’s chord o£ sads^ ^cnion Is touched, the sounds producod are bnguoroui and iloni when the chord ot joy is touched, the snunda produced are glowing and CKponsIvei when the chord of ^51 252 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS anger is touched, the sounds produced are harsh and strong; when the chord of piety is touched, the sounds produced are simple and pure; and when the chord of love is touched, the sounds produced are sweet and gen¬ tle, These six kinds of emotion are not spontaneous, but are moods produced by impact from the external world. Therefore the ancient kings were ever careful about things that affected the human heart. They tried there¬ fore to guide the people’s ideals and aspirations by means of //, establish harmony in sounds by means of music, regulate conduct by means of government, and prevent immorality by means of punishments. Z-/, music, punish¬ ments and government have a common goal, which is to bring about unity in the people’s hearts and carry out the principles of political order. Music rises from the human heart. When the emotions arc touched, they arc expressed in sounds, and when the sounds take definite forms, we have music. Therefore the music of a peaceful and prosperous country is quiet and joyous, and the government is orderly; the music of a country in turmoil shows dissatisfaction and anger, and the government is chaotic; and the music of a destroyed country shows sorrow and remembrance of the past, and the people are distressed. Thus we see music and government arc directly connected with one another. The mode of C is the symbol of the king; the mode of D is the symbol of the minister; the mode of E is the symbol of the people; the mode of G is the symbol of the ^airs of the country; and the mode of A is the symbol of ON MUSIC 253 the natural world.* When the five keys are arranged in order, we do not have discordant sounds. W^hen the key of C loses its tonality, then the music loses its fundamen¬ tal and the king neglects his duties. When the key of D loses its tonality, then the music loses its gradation, and the ministers become unruly. When the key of E loses its tonality, then the music is sorrowful and the people feel distressed. When the key of G loses its tonality, then the music is mournful and the affairs of the country become complicated. When the key of A loses its tonality, then the music suggests danger, and the people suffer from poverty. When all the five keys lose their tonality and •Throughout the entire syitcm of Confucian thought, symboliim plays a very important part. Confucius seemed to constantly dunk of the need of external symbols for the common people, something that the mind of the common man could grasp. As the crown is the symbol of the king’s authority, so the sun was the symbol of the kmg and the moon the symbol of the queen, and the dificrcni sacrificial vessels and the insignia of rank and position should be symbols of divine and secu¬ lar authority. Western musicians recognize the ditferent emotion^ qualities of the di^crent modes, such as the •‘Lydian” and the “Aeolian.” But apart from this, in order to understand this musical symbols, one should understand the cosmogony of the ancient Chinese, believing that all life is the result of interaction of the five elements and ultimately of the two principles of yi'n and yang. These principles govern ^th nat- ural phenomena and human society, and the ideal of the Con^cianistt was to bring the conduct of human affairs into harmony with cosmic forces. Hence corresponding to the five elements of metal, wood, water, fire and earth, we have ’’the five colors,” “five fiavors” of foc^. “five tones” of the pcnutonic scale, and “five degrees of kinship” in the fcmiily system, and “five directions” in the universe (Eas^ W«t. South, North and Center). Each rulmg Dynasty had a symbolic “direction, expressed by a symboUc color. For detailed discussions on the ancient Chinese musical system, see the highly interesting and com^nt wor^ foundations of Chinese Musical Art. by J. H. LevU (Veuh. Peiping). 254 WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS upset one another, we have a general discord, and the nation will not have long to live. The music of the states of Cheng and Wei is the music of countries in turmoil, coming very near to a general discord. The music of “In the Mulberry Field,” upon the banks of River P*u (in Wei) is the music of a destroyed country, whose govern¬ ment is tottering and whose people are dispersed or live in constant insecurity, calumniating their rulers and pur¬ suing their selfish ends without restraint Tones rise from the human heart, and music is con- neacd with the principles of human conduct. Therefore the animals know sounds but do not know tones, and the common people know tones but do not know music. Only the superior man is able to understand music. Thus from a study of the sounds, one comes to understand the tones; from a study of the tones, one comes to understand music; and from the study of music, one comes to under¬ stand the principles of government and is thus fully pre¬ pared for being a ruler. It is therefore impossible to talk to a man about tones who does not understand sounds, and impossible to talk to a man about music, who docs not understand tones. He who understands music comes very near to understanding //, and if a man has mastered both // and music, we call him virtuous, because virtue is mastery (or fulfilment).* Hence, when we say that music is well cultivated in a country, we do not mean that its music is elaborate or complicated; nor do the ceremonies of feasting have * Here is a pun, of which the ancient scholars were very fond. Both “virtue^ and **ma5tcry’* were pronounced uA, ON MUSIC 255 sophisticated flavors. As we hear the music of the seh • at the Chou ancestral temple, with its red strings and perforated resonance board, and only one man singing and three men joining in the chorus, we feel a certain re¬ straint in its sounds; and as we sec the ceremonies at the royal feast, with black wine and raw fish and unsavored soup, we feel there is a restraint in the use of flavors. Therefore the ancient kings did not institute rituals and music for the mere purpose of satisfying the desires of our senses (“the mouth, the stomach, the ear and the eye”), but rather for teaching the people the right taste and the return to normality. The nature of man is usually quiet, but when it is af¬ fected by the external world, it begins to have desires. With the thinking mind becoming conscious of the im¬ pact of the material world, we bc^ to have likes and dislikes. When the likes and dislikes are not properly controlled and our conscious minds are distracted by the material world, we lose our true selves and the piinciple of reason in Nature is destroyed. When man is constantly exposed to the things of the material world which affea him and docs not control his likes and dislikes, then he becomes overwhelmed by the material reality and be¬ comes dehumanized or materialistic. When a m^ be¬ comes dehumanized or materialistic, then the principle of reason in Nature is destroyed and man is submerged in • A string instrumcat longer than the ch*in, with fifty (or later, twenty- fiw) strings and usually accompanying the latter, supplying the low tones. The music of both string instruments is characterized by ex- tremeVy quiet and slow movements. 256 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS his own desires. From this arise rebellion, disobedience, cunning and deceit, and general immorality. We have then a picture of the strong bullying the weak, the major¬ ity persecuting the minority, the clever ones deceiving the simple-minded, the physically strong going for vio¬ lence, the sick and crippled not being taken care of, and the aged and the young and helpless not cared for. This is the way of chaos. The people are therefore controlled through the rituals and music instituted by the ancient kings. The weeping and wailing and wearing of the dress of mourning, made of hemp and without hemming, arc for the purpose of regulating sorrow at funerals. The bell, the drum, the shield and the hatchet (in dance and music) are for the purpose of celebrating peace and happiness. The mar¬ riage ceremony and “capping” ceremony for boys reach¬ ing maturity and the “coiffure” ceremony for girls reaching maturity arc for the purpose of establishing dis¬ tinctions between the sexes. The archery contests and feasting at the village arc for the purpose of normalizing social intercourse. The rituals rebate the people’s feel¬ ings; music estabh’shes harmony in the soun^ of the country; the government orders their conduct and the punishments prevent crimes. When rituals, music, pun¬ ishments and governments arc all in order, then the prin¬ ciples of political order arc complete. ON MUSIC ^57 n. A COMPARISON OF RITUALS AND MUSIC, BOTH BASED ON HARMONY WITH THE COSMIC ORDER Music unites, while rituals diiTerentiate. Through union the people come to be friendly toward one another, and through differentiation the people come to learn respect for one another. If music predominates, the social struc¬ ture becomes too amorphous, and if rituals predominate, social life becomes too cold. To bring the people s inner feelings and their external conduct into balance is the work of rituals and music. The establishment of rituals gives a well-defined sense of order and discipline, while the general spread of music and song establishes the gen¬ eral atmosphere of peace in the people. When good taste is distinguished from bad taste, then we have the means of distinguishing the good from the bad people, and when violence is prevented by the criminal law and the good men arc selected for office, then the government becomes stable and orderly. With the doctrine of love for teach¬ ing affection, and the doctrine of duty for teaching moral rectitude, the people will then have learned to five in a moral order. Music comes from the inside, while rituals come from the outside. Because music comes from the inside, it is characterized by quiet and calm. And because rituals come from the outside, they arc characterized by formal¬ ism. Truly great music is always simple in movement, and truly great rituab arc always simple in form. When good music prevaib, there is no feeling of dissatisfactioo and 258 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS when proper rituals prevail, there is no strife and struggle. When we say that by mere bowing in salute the king can rule the world, we mean thereby the influence of rituals and music. When the violent elements of a nation are kept quiet, the different rulers come to pay homage, the military weapons are locked up, the five criminal laws are not brought into use, the people have no worries and the Emperor has no anger, then truly music has prevailed. When the parents and children arc affectionate toward one another, the juniors respect the elders and this respect is extended to all people in the country and the Emperor himself lives such an exemplary life, then we may truly say that li has prevailed. Truly great music shares the principles of harmony with the universe, and truly great ritualism shares the principles of distinctions with the universe. Through the principles of harmony, order is restored in the physical world, and through the principles of distinctions, we arc enabled to offer sacrifices to Heaven and Earth. We have, then, rituals and music in the material world and the dif¬ ferent gods in the spiritual world, and thus the world will come to live in love and piety. Rituals teach piety under different circumstances, and music teaches love in vary¬ ing forms. When this moral condition is established through rituals and music, then we have a continuity of culture through the rise of different wise rulers. The political events differ with (the rulers of) the different generations, and the rituals and music celebrating the ON MUSIC 259 events arc given names appropriate to the different ac¬ complishments of the rulers.* Music expresses the harmony of the universe, while rituals express the order of the universe. Through har¬ mony all things are influenced, and through order all things have a proper place. Music rises from heaven, while rituals arc patterned on the earth. To go beyond these pat¬ terns would result in violence and disorder. In order to have the proper rituals and music, we must understand the principles of Heaven and Earth. ... Therefore the Sage creates music to correlate with Heaven and creates rituab to correlate with the Earth. When rituals and music arc well established, we have the Heaven and Earth functioning in perfect order. The Heaven is high and the Earth is low, and we have there the established relationship between the king and the ministers. When the high and low arc arranged in dif¬ ferent ranks, we have the principle of social ranks. When we have the law governing action and reaction, we have as the result the distinctions between the great and the small. And when the myriad things arc grouped and classified according to their natural class, we recognize the principle of diversity in animal life. Thus are brought about the symbolic constellations of the stars in heaven and the different shapes of mountains and rivers and things on earth. This shows that It proceeds upon the principle of distinctions in the universe. When the gases on the earth’s surface go up and the • For an example o£ music celebratinK a particular ruler. >ee Section 5. 26o the wisdom of CONFUCIUS gases in the upper atmospheres come down, when the principles of yin and yang meet and produce friction and the heaven and the earth interact upon one another, and when quickened by thunder and lightning, aroused into life by the lashing of wind and rain, stimulated by the rotation of the seasons and warmed by the sun and the moon, things grow and prosper. This shows that music proceeds upon the prindplc of harmony in the universe. . . . Music illustrates the primordial forces of nature, while // reflects the products of the creation. Heaven represents the principle of eternal motion, while Earth represents the principle of remaining still, and these two principles of motion and rest permeate life between Heaven and Earth. Therefore, the Sage talks about rituals and music. in. MUSIC REVEALS MAN’s CHARACTER When you see the type of a nation's dance, you know its character. . . . Man is gifted with blood and breath and a conscious mind, but his feeling of sorrow and happiness and joy and anger depend on circumstances. His definite desires arise from reactions toward the material world. There¬ fore, when a sombre and depressing type of music pre¬ vails, we know the people are distressed and sorrowful. When a languorous, easy type of music with many long- drawn-out airs prevails, we know that the people are peaceful and happy. When a strong and forceful type of music prevails, beginning and ending with a full display ON MUSIC 261 of sounds, we know that the people are hearty and strong. When a pure, pious and majestic type of music prevails, we know that the people are pious. When a gentle, lucid and quietly progressing type of music prevails, we know that the people are kind and affectionate. When lewd, ex¬ citing and upsetting music prevails, we know that the peo¬ ple are immoral. . . . When the soil is poor, things do not grow, and when fishing is not regulated according to the seasons, then fishes and turtles do not mature; when the climate de¬ teriorates, animal and plant life degenerates, and when the world is chaotic, the rituals and music become licen¬ tious. We find then a type of music that is rueful without restraint and joyous without calm. . . . Therefore, the superior man tries to create harmony in the human heart by a rediscovery of human nature, and tries to promote music as a means to the perfection of hu¬ man culture. When such music prevails and the people’s minds are led toward the right ideals and aspirations, we may see the appearance of a great nation. Character is the backbone of our human nature, and music is the flowering of character. The metal, stone, string and bamboo instruments are the instruments of music. The poem gives expression to our heart, the song gives expression to our voice, and the dance gives ex¬ pression to our movements. These three arts take their rise from the human soul, and then are given further expression by means of the musical instruments. There¬ fore, from the depth of sentiment comes the clarity of form and from the strength of the mood comes the spirit- 262 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS uality of its atmosphere. This harmony of spirit springs forth from the soul and finds expression or blossoms forth in the form of music. Therefore music is the one thing in which there is no use trying to deceive others or make false pretenses. . . . IV. ON CLASSICAL AND MODERN MUSIC Baron Wen of Wei asked Tsehsia, the disciple of Con¬ fucius, “Why is it that I feel sleepy every time I listen to classical music in my official dress, and never feel tired when I listen to the music of (the states of) Cheng and Wei? Why is it that the classical music is like that and this new music is hke this?” “In tbe ancient music,” reph’ed Tsehsia, “the dancers move in formation forward and backward in an atmos¬ phere of peace and order and a certain luxury of move¬ ment. The hsuan (a string instrument) the gourd and the sheng (a kind of mouth organ with bamboo reed-pipes, resembling bagpipes in principle) are held in reainess until the drum gives the signal for the start. The music begins with the civil dance movements and ends with the military dance movements, and there is a continuity of movement from the beginning to the end,* while the measure of the classical music prevents or checks the dancers who arc inclined to go too fast. After listening to such music, the superior man will be in a proper atmos- •There is some ambiguity in the text here. One interpreution give* **ihe drum” instead of ”the civil dance movements,” “the cymbals” instead of “the military dance movements,” and “keeps the time with the clay drum” instead of “continuity of movement from the b^io- ■ing to the end.” ON MUSIC 263 phcrc to discuss the music and the ways of the ancients, the cultivation of personal life and the ordering of na¬ tional life. This is the main sentiment or character of ancient music. Now in this new music, people bend their bodies while they move back and forth, there is a deluge of immoral sounds without form or restraint, and the actors and dwarfs dressed like monkeys mix (or mix with) the company of men and women, behaving as if they didn’t know who were their parents or children. At the end of such a performance it is impossible to discuss music or the ways of the ancients. This is the main sen¬ timent or character of the new music. Now you asked me about music, but what you are really interested in is just sounds. Music and sounds arc of course related, but they arc two different things.” “What do you mean?” asked Baron Wen. “In the ancient times,” said Tschsia, “the forces of na¬ ture were in harmony and the weather was in accord with the four seasons; the people were good in charaacr and the harvests were plentiful; there were no epidemics and no monsters of bad omen appeared. That was the time when everything was right. So then the Sages (or priests) arose and established social discipline in the relationships between parents and children and kings and their minis¬ ters. With the establishment of social discipline, the world was brought into order, and after the world was brought into order, the Sages set the right standards for the six pitch-pipes ♦ and Ac five keys. People Acn began to sing • There were twelve pitch-pipes, the major aod the mmor, giving the full diatonic scale. 164 the wisdom of CONFUCIUS songi and anthems to the accompaniment of hsuan string instruments, and these were called sacred music (literally "virtuous sounds”) and sacred music was music . . . But what your Highness is mterested in is merely a jumble of lewd sounds.” “May I ask, where do the lewd sounds come from?” asked the Baron. “The music of Cheng,” replied Tsehsia, “is lewd and corrupting, the music of Sung is soft and makes one ef¬ feminate, the music of Wei is repetitious and annoying, and the music of Ch’i is harsh and makes one haughty. These four kinds of music are all sensual music and un¬ dermine the people’s character, and that is why they can¬ not be used at the sacrifices. The Book^ of Songs says, ‘The harmonious sounds arc shu and yung and my ancestor listened to them.’ Shu means ‘pious’ and yung means ‘peaceful.’ If you have piety and peacefulness of char¬ acter, you can do everything you want with a country. “All that a king needs to do is to be careful with regard to his likes and dislikes. What the king likes, that the peo¬ ple will do, and what the king does, that the people will follow. That is the meaning of the passage in the Boo\ of Songs which says, ‘It is very easy to guide the people’.” In accordance with this idea, therefore, the sages (or priests) made the musical instruments, the yao (a small drum with two beads suspended on both sides and a handle— when the handle is rolled between the palms, the beads strike the drum itself), the drum, the k!ung and the ch’ta (varieties of square wooden drums with wooden tops with a hole in the center), the hsuan and ON MUSIC 265 the eWih (varieties of mouth organs, the hsuan being a broad oval-shaped clay pot with six holes and the ch*ih being made of bamboo with different pipes provided with reeds). These six instruments produce sounds used in sacred music. In addition, they are accompanied by the bells, the eWing (a stone slab suspended in a stand), the yu (a kind of bagpipe with 36 reeds) and the seh (a long horizontal string instrument with fifty strings), and with the dance with shields and hatchets (military dance) and with pennants of ox-tail and long pheasant tails (“civil dance”). This is the kind of music used at the worship of ancient kings and at the drinking ceremonies. It is the kind of music by which a sense of social order between the different ranks was established and the sense of disci¬ pline between ciders and juniors and superiors and in¬ feriors was taught to the following generations. The sound of the bell is clear and resonant; its clarity and resonance make it especially suitable for serving as signals, such signals create an impression of majesty, and the impression of majesty inspires a sense of the mili¬ tary power. Therefore when the sovereign hears the bell, he thinks of his military officials. The sound of the musi¬ cal stone is sharp and clear-cut; its sharpness and clear- cut quality tend to foster the sense of decision, and the sense of decision makes it easy for the generals to die in batde. Therefore when the sovereign hears the musical stone, he thinks of his military officers who died in battle at the border. The sound of the string is plaintive; its plaintive quality cleanses the soul, and the cleansed state of mind makes for a sense of righteousness. Therefore, 26S the wisdom of CONFUCIUS when the sovereign hears the sound of the string instru¬ ment, the ch'in and the seh (both horizontal string in¬ struments on a flat sounding board) he thinks of his righteous ministers. The sound of bamboo (correspond¬ ing to the Western wood-wind instruments) has a float¬ ing quality; its floating quality tends to spread everywhere and bring together the masses of the people. Therefore when the sovereign hears the sound of bamboo instni meats, he thinks of his ministers of the interior. The sound of the big and small drums is noisy; its noisy quality tends to arouse and excite, and the excitement tends to prepare the masses for action. Therefore when the sovereign hears the sound of the big and small drums, he thinks of his great generals. It is seen, therefore, that in hearing music, the sovereign does not hear their sounds only, but also hears the significance proper to the differ¬ ent sounds.* V. CONFUCIUS ON THE DIFFERENT MOVEMENTS OF THE interpretative DANCE MUSIC OF EMPEROR WU Pinmou Chia was talking one day with Confucius, and they began to discuss music, and Confucius asked, “Why is it that at the beginning of this Dance of W u, the dancers • In this section only five of the eight classes of Chinese musical in¬ struments are commented upon. The other three classes are: the gourd, the clay instruments and the wooden instruments. Brass is conspicu¬ ously absenL The drum represents the “leather” class. The commen¬ tators emphasize that the simple sounds of the drum, the square wooden box and the clay pipes, being simple in character, arc chosen for use in sacred musk. ON MUSIC 367 Stand a long time holding themselves in readiness before they begin, while the drum is being played?” “Because it symbolizes the fact that Emperor Wu waited a long time and did not launch out on the conquest of the Shang Emperor (Chou, whom he overthrew) un¬ til he was assured of the support of the other rulers,” re¬ plied Pinmou Chia. “What is the meaning again of the singing and the sighing of the dancers, with the movements slowly and gradually growing in intensity?” “Because Emperor Wu was still waiting to assure him¬ self of the support of the other mlers.” ‘What is the meaning again of the dance and the stamping on the ground early in the dance?” asked Cor- fucius again. “Because it was a time to act.” “Why is it that the dancers then begin to squat on the ground, with their right knees touching the ground and their left knees lifted?” “They should not squat on the ground in the Dance of Wu.” “Why is it that in between we hear the characteristic melody of the Shangs (the enemy)?” “That melody doesn’t properly belong in this music ol Wu.” “Then what melody is it, if it doesn’t belong in the music of Wu?” “The masters of music have forgotten its original mean ing. ... If this weren’t a later interpolation (»>., if h 268 THB WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS was the melody of Emperor Wu), then Emperor Wu must have been a cruel king.” * “I have heard this interpretation from Ch’ang Hung (an oflScial at the Chou capital),” said Confucius, “which essentially agrees with yours.” Pinmou Chia rose from his seat and said, “We all un¬ derstand the meaning of that long preliminary waiting. But, may I ask, why the delay and waitmg of the dancers at the start, and such »long delay?” “Sit down and I will tell you,” said Confucius. “This music is a symbolic interpretation of the historical events. That the dancers stand in long lines with their shields like a solid wall (literally “like a mountain”) symbolizes the events of Emperor Wu. That the dancers start to stamp the ground at an early part of the dance symbol¬ izes the agitations or ambitions of Emperor Wu’s great¬ grandfather, King T’ai. The dancers then squat down on the ground to symbolize the rule of peace by the Dukes Chou and Shao (brothers of Emperor Wu later assisting his son in pacifying the country and founding the govern¬ mental system of the Chou Dynasty, after the overthrow of the previous dynasty). Besides, the dancers of Wu start out in the first movement from the south facing north (advancing to the second position and symbolizing the • Here it is apparent that the introduction of the melody of the enemy, showing a spirit of license and terrible cruelty, was originally in this interpretative tone poem in order to complete the picture. Nothing is known about this Pinmou Chia. He and Confucius were apparently fel¬ low students of music, discussing the matter on a friendly footing, and from here on Confucius begins to give his own interpretation, which in two places contradicts Pinmou's interpretation. ON MUSIC 269 setting out of his army, according to the commentators). In the second movement, the Shangs arc defeated (ad¬ vancing to the third position, according to the commen¬ tators). In the third movement, the dancers turn south again (taking the fourth position). In the fourth move¬ ment, the establishment of his rule over the Southern countries is symbolized (taking the second position again). In the fifth movement, the dancers divide them¬ selves, signifying the rule of Duke Chou on the left and Duke Shao on the right (taking the third position again). In the sixth movement, the dancers return to their orig¬ inal positions again to symbolize the homage of the en¬ tire country to the Emperor.* The advancing of the danc¬ ers in formation, with the players of the wooden resonance box at their sides and their breaking up into the spear dance facing four directions (or repeating the dance of spears four times, according to another interpretation) show the spread of the military power of Emperor Wu over China. The advance in two parallel columns with the players of the wooden resonance box at their side shows their easy victory. Their long waiting in formation symbolizes the waiting for the armies of the allied rulcn to arrive. “Furthermore, haven’t you heard the story about what Emperor Wu did at the suburb of the capital of the de¬ feated dynasty? When Emperor Wu had defeated the • According to Shukingt the flute music of hsiao (ascribed to Emperor Shun) consists of nine movements. Of this hsiao music Confucius said it was perfectly good and perfectly beautiful; but of the Wu music, he said it was perfectly beautiful but not perfectly good. He forgot the caste of meat for three months trying to study the hsiao. 2^0 the wisdom of CONFUCIUS Shangs and arrived at their capital, he made the de¬ scendants of Huangti (the Yellow Emperor) rulers of Chi, made the descendants of Emperor Yao rulers over Chu, and made the descendants of Emperor Shun rulers over Ch’en. This was done before the campaign was fin¬ ished, and after the campaign was finished, he made the descendants of Emperor Yu rulers over Chi {different from the ‘Chi’ above) and degraded the descendants of the Shang Emperors and put them in Sung. He also gave a posthumous rank to the tomb of Prince Pikan,* re¬ leased Chitse from prison and allowed him to continue to live according to the customs of the Shangs, and restored his rank. The people were freed from the army service and the knights were given double salaries. After he crossed the YeUow River westwards, he set the army horses free to pasture on the south of the Hua Moun¬ tains and did not ride them again. He set the buffaloes free on the plains of the Peach Grove and did not keep them again; and he had the chariots and armors smeared with blood and kept in the Imperial Treasury and did not use them again. The spears and shields were carried backwards (with the handles first) and wrapped in tiger skins, and the generals were made rulers over cities. This was called the disarmament (literally “locking up the arrow-bag”). So then it was made known to the world at large that Emperor Wu was not going to use his military • Pikan wi* a good prince, and because he protested against the crueltr of Emperor Chou of Shang. his uncle, he was sentenced to death. The ancestry of the clan of Lins, my clan. U traced back to this pruice on a purely legendary basis. ON MUSIC 271 weapons any more. The army was disbanded and made to take up the spore of archery in the suburbs. In the east¬ ern suburb, the ceremony of archery contests was accom¬ panied with the song Ushouj and in the western suburb, the ceremony of the archery contests was accompanied with the song Tsouyu* The practice of shooting to pene¬ trate the target was discontinued. Ceremonial robes and audience tablets (held between the hands by the ministea when seeing the Emperor) were used and the knights were relieved of their swords. Sacrifices were made at the Grand Temple (the Mingt’ang or “Hall of Clear Vir¬ tue”), in order that the people might understand filial piety. The ceremonies of the court audience were estab¬ lished so that the different dukes might know how to show their homage. The ceremony of the Emperor tilling the field himself was established, so that the people might understand respect toward Nature. These five institu¬ tions were the five great cultural institutions of the world “At the Imperial College, the Three Elders and Five Superiors were maintained; the Emperor bared his left armf to cut the sacrificial animal and gave it to these Elders; he held the pot of gravy in his hands, and pre¬ sented it to them; he held the wine cup and made them drink (literally “gargle”) ; and he wore a crown and held a shield in his hand. These were done that the different dukes might be taught the general virtue of humility and * The poem Tsouyu is found today in the Boo^ of Songs, t A autom used, (originally, I believe) in archery for practical reasons, with the sleeve of the left arm rolled up, and bter at sacrificial cere- 272 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS respect. In this way the culture of the Chous was spread to entire China, and rituals and music prevailed through¬ out the country. Don’t we understand now why at the beginning of the Dance of Wu, the dancers waited so long in formation (/>, for the other rulers to follow Emperor Wu)?” . . . Chapter XI MENCIUS (TAr Boot{^ of Mencius^ Book VI, Part I) IN THE study of the character of Confucian thought, it is important to have some ideas of its chief dc- vclopmcnts in Mencius, because of the dearer exposition of philosophic values in Mendus and because of then' actual influence. Mencius represents the “onhodox” de¬ velopment of the Confucian school The Book, of Men^ cius, in seven books, each divided into two parts, is thicker than the Analects by almost one-third, and is incompara¬ bly better prose than the Analects. Mencius was an do quent writer and speaker, good at debates, and the pas‘ sages often consist of long and sustained discourses, and there aie so many brilliant passages that it is difficult to make a sdection in a volume devoted to Confudus. Nevertheless, the ideas of Mencius represent such an important development of one side of Confudus’ teach ings, that it is impossible to get a fair conception of th^ Confucian ideas without reading something from Men¬ dus. Hantse said, "The teachings of Confudus were m 274 THE WISDOM OF CONFUCIUS broad and covered a wide scope, and it was impossible for any of his disciples to master the whole field. Therefore the early students of Confucianism developed each that side of his teachings which lay closest to his mental equip¬ ment These disciples later on dispersed and Mttled in different countries and began to teach their disciples what they themselves had mastered, and the farther they were separated from the original source, the more di¬ vergent became their views or lines of study. Only Men¬ cius studied under Tsesze, whose knowledge of Con¬ fucius’ teachings came from Tsengtse. Since Confucius’ death, only Mencius was able to carry on the orthodox tradition. Therefore, in order to study the teachings of the Sage, one must begin with Mencius.” Hantse also said, “Mencius was the purest of the pure in the inter¬ pretation of Confucius; Hsuntse and Yangtse were on the ’frhole pure, with certain adulterations.” I have selected for translation, a whole part of one of the Books of Mencius, in my opinion the most important and represenutive one. The most important ideas in Mencius are, the goodness of human nature, consequendy the impoitance of recovering that original good nature, the recognition that culture or education merely consists in prevendng the good nature in us from becoming “be¬ clouded” by circumstances, the theory of nourishing what amounts to an equivalent of Bergson’s elan vital (the haojan chih ch't), and finally the declaration that all men are equal in their inherent goodness, and that since the Emperors Yao and Shun were also human beings, “any man could become a Yao or Shun.” Mencius also de- MENCIUS 275 vclopcd the distinction between the ruler by virtue {wang) and the ruler by force or cunning (^a)— roughly, the distinction between “a kingly ruler” and “a dictator.” He further developed Confucius* idea of government by example into a well-defined system, and for the first time used the phrase “benevolent government” which Con¬ fucius never used. (Jen definitely means “benevolence” in Mencius.) He was also probably the best historical scholar of his days and had definite ideas about taxation systems, agricultural systems and the feudal system. We do not get a clear idea of his theory of “benevolent gov¬ ernment,” developed from Confucius’ government by moral example, but in this essay we find practically all his ideas about the gcxxlness of human nature and the importance and method of finding one’s “greater self.” This essay is translated in full without omissions. tH£Wlll>OM QP eoWFUCJlJS aj6 I* THU goodness of human MATirtE Kaotsc said, "Human nature is Ute rhc willow met, and righteous condma of chafaeccr i* like n wicker bask^ (made of the willow branches). To make human aittiit follow benevolence and righteousness ts like making willovir branches into wicker baskets.*' Mencius said, “Now in making a wicker haskel, don’t you try to follow the na¬ ture of the willow branches (in bending them), or arc you going to violate the nature of the willow hmndicsf If you arc going tO violate the nature of ibc willow branches In order to make wicker baskets, then you are also going to riobte human nature in order to make it benevolent and righteous. Your teachings ate going to mislead the cutire world and min the teachings of be¬ nevolence and righteousness." Kantsc said, "Human nature Is like water in the guUey. You guide it toward ihc East and it flows eastwards, and you guide it toward the West, and it flows westwards. There is no distinction between goodness and badness in human nature, as there is no distinction between East and West in water" "It is UDC,’* said Mendus, “that the water has no preference for the East or the West, but doesn't it make a distinctioJi between ’up' and 'down' Of a ‘higher' and a 'lower' level? Human nature follows the ^Qod as water seeks the lower level. There is no man who is not good, as them is no water which does not flow downwards. Now you can strike the water and it splastua Upwards above your forehead, or ymi can force it up the ^flNC^U£ 377 hilR Bur is this the origin^ nature of water and not just due Eo the arcumjKinccs? And you can make human nature turn to evd In the i:liiic way.'^ Kaotse said^ '^What is born m us is ealled our natuziL'* And Mencius replied, '^When you say that namic Is what is hom in ur, do you mean thar it is like saying that n white subsumee is taJIrzd %hiceV* '‘Yes," replied Kaotse. *Tben do you cousider the whiteness of a white feather the same as the whiteness of white snow^ or again, tna^ sider the whitenr.u of white snow the same as the whirc- neas of a piece of wliite jade?" "Ya/‘ said Kautse. 'Yhcn do you consider the nature of dogs the same as the na¬ ture of cows, or again consider the nature of cows the Same as the nature of human beings? * Kaotse said^ "'The desires for food and sex are born in. 11$. BecLcvoIaace comes from within and is not something external, while righteousness is mmething cxtmialp and does not come from within/' Mencius replied, "What dn you mean by saying ihal bencvoteucc comes from within wfille righteousness (or righteous conduct) Ss something external '"^Vhen I sec a tail man and call him tall," Kaotsc rrphed, "it is not 1 who am tall {nr diat tallness is not within me), just as when someiliing is white and I call it whiter I observe its Oftcriiid white appearapce merely. Therefore, 1 say righteous conduct Is cxtc-roaL" "Now*” Mid Mendua, "the whiteness of a white horse in no w.iy dl&ri from the whiteness of a white persoru ” Mcanvi afvrv^rp i;±inii4lercd Um cpiu^l dutinctioo or coluebmneu of Kixm\ Eicu3 evU OM pcCulLLr[^ biumn ipd often uLd l2iaE whm ■ nun tine dlfCifU:ijois, W2M Boi ^ (rtMjM tLv ayS THi! WISDOM OP cosFocius But do you ihiak chat the t^IlDcss ot -a tali hot$t is in no way diilcreot from the taUocs of a tall ptr50n ? Now la the call pcnion or hor^e righl (same word as rigAicauf) or the man who calls it tall Of regards it as tall right (tha right csnc^fftioit of 'tof/ffrff/ if fuhfcciii^c dement he- lonpFjg to fhe ohsert/er)^ *"0111;^" said Kaotsci "I love my own brother^ but I don^t love the bfothcr^ tayj of a man from die country of Cb*iti^ lliat shows that love iX>jiits from myself and ii dictcfotC regarded as soracdikig ffom within. On the other band^ I il^ but ihcn the CJtile and the sheep begaa to pasture upon it. That is why the Niu Mountain looks so haJd, and wheo people ICC its bftJdoesSiH they imagine that diert was DCVer any timber on the mountain. Is this the true nature of the mountamP And is ihtie not a heart of love and righteous- ness in maiii loo? But bow can that nature remain bcau* dful when it is hacked down every day* as the woodsman cliops down the trees ’with his axe? To be sure, the nighu and days do the healing and there is the nnuiishidg air of the early tlawD^ which tends to keep him sound and normal, but this morning air is thin and is soon destroyed by what he docs in the day. With this continuaus hact bg of the human spirit* the rest and rccupciation ob- tained during the night are not sufficient to maintain its Icvelt and when the night^s recuperation docs not suffice to mainuda Us leveh then the man degrades himself to a state not far from the beast's. People sec that he acts like a beast and imagine that there ms never any true char- aaer in him. But h this die true nature o£ man? Theme* fore with proper nourishment and care* everything grawa,. and without the proper nourishment and care, everything degenerates or decays. Coufudus said, ‘Keep k ca^uHy and you will have it, let it go and you will lo$e it. Ic ap- |M?£Lrs and disappears from dine to time m wc do not know what direcdonp' He was talking about the human • EWwfacic Movous de^Bw ^ '"i™ 1^“" ** hu km ihe iKin ti i didd^** Tins WfApQ&i OF r.nKTUOivs McEiduK ^df "Do Dot tbink tt^t Xing (|i$tida d* Ch'i) h bcting in wiwfom or moral fon.u:iouaness fas 3 Even in the ease of the things that grow most £3sii^ to tliil world, the)^ would never grow up properly if for one day of sunstiine they get ten days of cloudy (of cliilly) weathcfi He seldom sees rtie^ and when 1 leave; the people who are the ^cloudy days* for him arrive. Even if what 1 say to him U taking mot (literally 'sprouting') in hi^ lUindj what can he do about it? Eveo in a Lrivtal thing like pbying chessi one caxuiot learn it unless he oonocn- tratca his mind on leammg iu You let CheSS^Playef eh lU, who is the best chess player of the country^ teach two persons how to play dicss. One man will mnccntrate bis mlad ^d energy on it and listen cardTully to Chess- Player Chlu"ff CTplaimdom and advice, and ariother mai> will hear the same expbnations^ hue his mind wHl be thinking of how a wild goose is going to pass by and how be is going to take a bow and shoot at it. Now although the second man studies under die same master, he will □ever he equal to the other nmu* But if you say that this man is lacking iu original talent of intelligencej you know it isn*t trut"* m, TTfU HtCTtfiJt LUrt Am THfi OAlATn SELF Mencius Said, '1 like lisli, but I also like bear's paw, bur if I an't have both at the same time, I will forego the fish and cat the bear's paw. I love life, but 1 also bvc right¬ eousness, and if 1 can> have both at itc Some time^ 1 will Siacrifice life to have righteousness. 1 love life, but tht/e ii MENCIUS 285 something that I 1g/c more than life, and therefore I would not have life at any price. I also hate death, but there is something that I hate more than death, and therefore I would not avoid danger at any price. If there is /lothing that man loves more than life, then does he not permit himself to do anything in order to save it? And if there is nothing that man hates more than death, then why does he not always avoid dangers that could be avoided? And so there are times when a man would for¬ sake his life, and there are times when a man would not avoid danger. It is not only the good men who have this feeling that there are times when they would forsake life and there are times when they would not avoid danger. All men have this feeling, only the good men have beew able to preserve it.” * A man’s life or death may sometimes depend on a bamboo basket of rice and a bowl of soup but if you say to a starving man passing by, “Hey, Mis- •In the Chinese text, Mencius used the word “heart,** which I hart translated here as '*feclings'* (elsewhere also as the **sour*), because of the limitations of this word “heart** in the English usage. The whole Mencian philosophy centers around “keeping the heart** and not **los« ing’* if. At other pbces I have found it necessary to render the same word by “mind** or ‘‘intelligence.** Of course the English word “heart* comes closest to what Mencius calls hsin, since it is primarily a matter oi feeling and not of thinking. But the same word is used in Chinese to express the “mind** also, and it should be strongly emphasized that the Chinese language docs not admit of a clear distinction of, or sepa¬ ration between, the head and the heart. That is not only grammati¬ cally, but also historically a true fact. Mencius, however, uses thret important words, “the heart** (including the mind or intelligence), **sentimcnt** (which is interpreted as the heart in action), and “tal* ent** (or innate capacity, which is more or less fully developed m mdividuals according to the circumstances). •286 the wisdom of CONFUCIUS tcrl” and offer them to him in the most insulting maiF* ner, he would refuse to take them, or if you offer them to a beggar with a kick, the beggar would not receive them. “What is a salary of ten thousand bushels to me, if I come by it against my principles? Shall I take this posi¬ tion because it offers me beautiful mansions and the serv' ice of a wife and concubines, or because I shall be ablt to help my friends who knew me when I was poor? If formerly I refused to accept the post in the face of death (or starvation), and now I accept it in order to have a fine residence, if formerly I refused to accept this post in the face of death, and now I accept it in order to have ^he service of a wife and concubines, if formerly I refused this post in the face of death, and now I accept it in order to be able to help my friends who knew me when I was poor, would that not be something totally unnecessary? This is called ‘losing one’s original heart.’ ” Mencius said, “Charity is in the heart of man, and right¬ eousness is the path for men. Pity the man who has lost his path and does not follow it and who has lost his heart and does not know how to recover it. When people’s dogs and chicks are lost, they go out and look for them, and yet the people who have lost their hearts (or original nature) do not go out and look for them. The principle of self-cultivation consists in nothing but trying to look for the lost heart.” Mencius said, “Suppose there is a man who has a crooked ring finger which cannot stretch out straight. It isn’t pain^l and it doesn’t cause him any inconveai- M Pi c I tr 1 287 cncL And if there wasfiDmwnc who could straighteit out the fuller for him^ he would not mind going .15 fir as Cb^ici or Ch'u because he is ashamed that hh finger if nor like that ol other mea (or not normal). Now a man h wise enough to be ashamed of a iliigeT that is not nor- idalr and yet he Is not wise enough to be ashamed of his hearty when hla heart is nor norim!^ We say such a man has no sense of the rdjadve importance of things.” Mendus 5aid> 'Toople know that if thcj^ w^ant a lindera tree whose dreumfcrcnce is a far bom Inng to grow and live^ dicy must take proper care of h. But as to their own selves^ they do not know bow to take proper care of thcrcL Can ic be that they bve ihdr selves less than they bve i Imdcra tree? It is mere though dessneu.** Mencius said, “There is noi a part of the body that a man doe* net kve. And because there Is not a part that he does nor love, there k nor a part of it that he does noi nourish^ Because there i-s nor an inch of his skin that he does not Love, there is not an inch of his skin that he does not take care of. The tMug that determitici whcthel a thing Is good or bad depends only on his regard ibr or the value he places upon it. Now in our constiruibn there if 3 higher and a lower nature, and 3 smaller and A greater self. One should not develop the lower nature at the expense of the higher namrcp or develop the stEiiUei' self at the expense of the greater self. He who actendi to his smaller self hcoomes a small mao, and he who attendi to his greater self becotncs a great mao. A gaidcucr wlm attends to thorns and bramble to the neglect of bis iin (fcra trees will be regarded a* a bad gardener. A man who 288 THIS MTtSDOM or CONPtfCltrS lakes Euod care of his finger aod su/Fcn ao injury to his shoulder blade is deformed. People look down upon the mawer of food and drink betause food nourishes our smaller self and does nalKing to our grcatei sdf. If a man aticods TO hi* W, withour forgcLiIog about hU greater iclfi then it may be said that the food taken indeetd Joes not only gu to nourish any paidcular small part of the body (an inch of his skin)/’ Kungtutse asked Mendus, “We are all human beings. Wliy is h that some are great men and some fire small nieo?” Mmriiu replied, ‘ThoM: who attend to thdr greater tedves become great men, and those who attend to their smaller selves bcEome small men." "But we are all human beings. Why is it that some pople alieod to their greater selves and some attend to their smaller selves? Mencius replied, "When our senses of sight and hearing are distract^ by the things outside, without the panidpi' lion of thought, then the materia] things act upon the material senses and lead theta astray. Tliat is the cX' planarion- TIic function of the mind is tliiokiog; when ynu think, you keep your mind, and when you don't think, you lose your mind. This b what heaven has given to us (for the purpose of thiokiog or knowing what is right and wrung). One who cultivatea his higher self will find that his lower self follows in aexoriL That is how a man becomes a great man." Mencius said, "There is the heaven-madc nobility, and [hem is the man-made nobility. The people who -uc kind, righteous, faithful and love virtue without fail bcloog TO ihe hcavcn-made nobility (or the nobility of God), and the cA'iffg^ and taifu (different rat^ of ofHciaL) beloa^ to the man-tiaadc aobUiiy. The ancient people cultivated wiiit belonged to God^s noblemen and they obtained without conscious effort ihe rontu of man-made Jiobilify, People today, on tlic other h.ind, culdvatc whar belongs lo thi« bcavco-made nobility in order to secure man-made honors (or man-made nobility), and after they have secured man-made honors^ they fonake the things fhar make for hcavca-madc nobility. Thus they arc led grievously astray and miM soon perish after all." Mcocius said, ^AU people have the common dcsiir to he elevated in honor^ but ali people have $omcthiog still more elevated in themselves without knowing iu WJistl people usually consider as an elevated rank or honor h not true honor, for he whom Chao Meng (a powerful ruling family of Chin) has hunored, Chao Meng can also bring into dishonor. The of Soitgi says, 'I am dnink with wine, and I am fUJed with virtue.' This Eguracivt expression means that a m.in is "tiled* with kindness and righteou5tte5Sj and when he is so filled, he does not care for the flavors of deUcatc food. And when a man wears a mantle of fame, he do« not care for tJie embroidered gowns." Mencius said, "The five kinds of graim arc considered good plaotis, but if the graliis arc not ripe, they are worse than cockles. !c is the same with regard to kindness, which must grow into maturity,** Mencius said, "When Yi (a famous archer) Laught peo¬ ple CO shoot, lie told them ro pull the string on die bow Its fiill length. ITie man who wants to cultivate hintsetf ^ THE WISDOM or COKPUCIIPS a)$o develop hizn^lf to tb-c full cjxeoiL A gi^t eftf- penrer twchn apprcaucc to use iqiiafes and confi^ passes. The man who wants to cultivate himself muji: also have squares and compasses for his conductiP*' A i i ■i > w. I (;R5TIUL lAQHAfiaLOGlOAL UBEAET -/ Hlitv i^ZUHT - J - l3gUG ai:tgnfvl- _ _ Catalogue No. l8l . l/Con Aut , 1464 , Authof" CcnfuciiA • Title— Viadom ef Genfuclue. lM*cf B«*Kra book ihat is jAv/ is but a block*' GOVT. OF INDIA