Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2015 https://archive.org/details/historicalcollec25unse HOME OF THE TOPSFIELD HISTORICAL SOCIETY THE HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF THE TOPSFIELD HISTORICAL SOCIETY VOLUME XXV 1920 TOPSFIELD, MASS. PUBLISHED BY THE SOCIETY 1920 GEORGE FRANCIS DOW Editor THE PERKINS PRESS MASS. CONTENTS THE PARSON CAPEN HOUSE Frontispiece OFFICERS OF THE SOCIETY, 1919 iv ANNUAL REPORT OF THE SECRETARY FOR THE YEAR ENDING DEC. 31, 1919 V ANNUAL REPORT OF THE TREASURER FOR THE YEAR ENDING DEC. 31, 1919 vii ANNUAL REPORT ON THE BUILDING FUND . - - - viii ESSEX COUNTY IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY AS DES- CRIBED BY EARLY TRAVELERS. COMMUNICATED BY GEORGE FRANCIS DOW 1 COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD (1669-1672) ABSTRACT- ED BY GEORGE FRANCIS DOW 73 NEWSPAPER ITEMS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD (1704-1780) COPIED BY GEORGE FRANCIS DOW 97 PROBATE RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD (1658-1680) COM- MUNICATED BY ELEANOR LOUISE WATERS - - - 101 THE COINS OUR FATHERS USED. BY GEORGE FRANCIS DOW 121 JUSTIN ALLEN, M. D., AN APPRECIATION. BY EPHRAIM CUTTER, M. D. 144 TOPSFIELD VITAL STATISTICS, 1919 145 CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS, 1919 148 BUILDINGS CONSTRUCTED, 1919 148 OFFICERS OF THE TOPSFIELD HISTORICAL SOCIETY 1919 President Charles Joel Peabody Vice-President Thomas Emerson Proctor Secretary and Treasurer George Francis Dow Curator Albert M. Dodge Board of Directors Charles Joel Peabody, ex-officio Thomas Emerson Proctor, ex-officio George Francis Dow, ex-officio Franklin Balch W. Pitman Gould Leone P. Welch Arthur H. Wellman ANNUAL REPORT OF THE SECRETARY OF THE TOPSFIELD HISTORICAL SOCIETY FOR THE YEAR ENDING DECEMBER 31, 1919. The membership of the Society on December 31, 1919 was 246. Eleven new members have been added, one has resigned and five have died, viz : William E. Gould of Brookline, Heman C. Smith of Lamoni, Iowa (a descendant of Asahel Smith of Topsfield, the father of the Mormon prophet), Charles Henry Dean of Cambridge (a well- known architect and restorer of 17th century houses), and Mrs. ‘Hattie Lamson and Baxter P. Pike, both of Topsfield, who were charter members of the Society, joining in December, 1895. Four meetings have been held. Papers were read by Rev. T. Franklin Waters, President of the Ipswich Historical Society, on ''Life in the Olden Time as seen in the Newspapers” ; by Mrs. George Warren Towne of Danvers, on "Shawls,” when over seventy different examples were exhibited, many of them very beautiful ; and by the Secretary, who read extracts from Mrs. Holmes’ novelette, "Thornton Stanley,” the scene of which is laid in Topsfield ; and on another oc- casion presented a paper on "The Patchwork Quilt in New England,” when twenty-one quilts and coverlets were exhibited. At the shawl exhibition there were forty-eight present. Volumes XXIII and XXIV of the Historical Collections have been published and distributed. Ezra Towne’s journal of his wanderings in the Central States during the years 1831 and 1832 ; Mrs. Holmes’ novelette — "Thornton Stanley,” with Newspaper Gleanings (1869- 1872), Topsfield items from the Quarterly Court Records (1664-1669), a genealogy of the Howe Family, and a variety of miscellaneous matter comprise the contents of the two volumes. At a town meeting held in the early fall the desirability of printing the records kept by the town clerks was presented by your Secretary and an appropriation of $350. was voted in aid of this publication. The work was greatly facilitated by the availability of an exact copy to the end of the year 1810 that had been made for the Secretary not long before. At the present time, Vol. I (1659-1739) has been complet- ed and published and Vol. II (1739-1778) is in type and being indexed. VI ANNUAL REPORT OF THE SECRETARY. The first volume contains a wealth of original matter reflecting the life and manners of the period. Here are a few items, viz : the plant- ing of tobacco on the common land in 1687, the digging of "bog mine” (iron) in 1691 to be done only by townsmen, the building of a stone fort about the meeting house in 1675 at the time of King Philips’ War, and the fact that the pulpit was varnished in 1705. In 1701, the town contributed money to the redemption of John Heard from Indian captivity, and in 1693 it voted "that goodwife Nearland should be complained of [at Quarterly Court] for slandering the wholl Towne of Topsfleld.” In the last annual report it was proposed to compile the statistics of the activities of the town in the Great War and to publish the same in a forthcoming volume of our Collections. Since that time your Secretary has assisted in the compilation of such a review and record which has been printed at the Riverside Press at the expense of Capt. James Duncan Phillips, who commanded the local company of Home Guards. Further action by the Society seems unnecessary at this time. A former member of this Society, Mr. Walter G. Davis of Portland, Maine, visited Topsfleld during the summer in search of "the homes of his ancestors.” The Secretary passed a pleasant morning in his company and a few days later received a check for twenty-five dollars "for the Society as a slight help to the remarkable work which it has accomplished and is still carrying on.” Mr. Sheahan continues as custodian of the Capen House. The building is in excellent condition. The water supply has been im- proved still further (partly at the expense of Mr. Sheahan) by con- necting with the tank owned by our neighbor, Mr. Jordan. One hundred dollars more has been paid on account of the Capen House note, reducing the amount to $1400, and there is a comfort- able cash balance in the treasury insuring similar action during the coming year. Respectfully submitted, George Francis Dow, Secretary. ANNUAL REPORT OF THE TREASURER OF THE TOPSFIELD HISTORICAL SOCIETY FOR THE YEAR ENDING DEC. 31, 1919. RECEIPTS Jan. 1, 1919. Balance cash on hand $23 22 Received from annual dues 133 00 Historical Collections sold 1 00 ” ” bindings sold at .35c. 2 45 ” ” ” ” at .40c. 45 60 Topsfield Town Records, Vol. I. sold 52 50 Thornton Stanley, copies sold 2 40 Town of Topsfield, appropriation in aid of print- ing Town Records, Vol. I. and Vol. II. 350 00 Gift from Walter G. Davis 25 00 Loan, from George Francis Dow 50 00 $685 17 PAYMENTS Printing, Hist. Colls. Vol. 23. (in part) , $92 24 Binding Hist. Colls. Vol. 23 53 60 Printing, Hist. Coll. Vol. 24 141 42 Deprinting and binding, Thornton Stanley 20 10 Printing, Topsfield Town Records, Vol. I (pp. 1-104) and Vol. II (in part) 350 00 Notices of meetings 5 22 Express, Hist. Colls. 7 11 Engraving 45 Expenses annual meeting 92 $671 06 Jan. 2, 1920. Balance cash on hand $14 11 Approved, W. Pitman Gould, Auditor. Respectfully submitted, George Francis Dow, Treasurer. (vii) TREASURER’S REPORT ON THE BUILDING FUND FOR THE YEAR ENDING DEC. 31, 1919. RECEIPTS Jan. 1, 1919. Balance cash on hand Dividends, United Shoe Mach. Co. stock Rent of Capen House (Mr. Sheahan) Mr. Sheahan, on account water supply $83 78 157 50 120 00 18 63 $379 91 PAYMENTS Mrs. Ada L. Ward, on acct. note ” interest on note Repairs on pump and supply Installation of additional water supply Repairs on casement sash Miscellaneous repairs Lock on Antiquarian Room in Town Hall $100 00 75 00 18 89 52 18 7 62 5 77 2 75 $262 21 Jan. 2, 1920. Balance cash on hand $117 70 STATEMENT On hand 45 shares United Shoe Mach. Co. market value 49 $2205 00 Less collateral note at 5 per cent $1400 00 Value of Fund $805 00 Parson Capen House and 1 1-5 acre of land (cost) $2100 00 Restoration and furnishings $2461 12 $4561 12 Approved, W. Pitman Gould, Respectfully submitted, George Francis Dow, Treasurer. Auditor. (viii) ESSEX COUNTY IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY AS DESCRIBED BY EARLY TRAVELERS. COMMUNICATED BY GEORGE FRANCIS DOW. SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN IN 1605. SAMUEL de Champlain, a native of France : soldier and advent- urer and afterwards governor and the ruling spirit in New France, was the first to supply a printed description of explora- tions along the coast of the Massachusetts Bay. He arrived at the mouth of the St. Lawrence River in the spring of 1603 and after ex- ploring the Gulf returned to France in the early fall. The next year he came again reaching Nova Scotia early in May, 1604. That year he explored part of the Maine coast and after wintering near what is now Eastport, Maine, in June, 1605, he set sail for a survey of the New England coast touching at the mouth of the Kennebec river and at Saco and then closely following the coast line until he reached Cape Anne on the morning of the 16th of July, 1605. In September 1606 he again visited the Massachusetts coast and spent several days in Gloucester harbor. The following account of his observations is reprinted from The Voyages of Samuel de Champlain, translated from the French, and published by the Prince Society, Boston, in 1880. The original work was printed in Paris in 1613. On the 15th of the month [July, 1605] we made twelve leagues. Coasting along, we perceived a smoke on the shore, which we ap- proached as near as possible, but saw no savages, which led us to be- lieve that they had fled. The sun set, and we could find no harbor for that night, since the coast was flat and sandy. Keeping off, and heading south, in order to find an anchorage, after proceeding about two leagues, we observed a cape* on the main land south a quarter southeast of us, some six leagues distant. Two leagues to the east we saw three or four rather high islands,t and on the west a large *Cape Anne, which is the early spelling of this name. tThe Isles of Shoals. (1) 2 SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN IN 1605. bay. The coast of this bay, reaching as far as the cape, extends in- land from where we were perhaps four leagues. It has a breadth of two leagues from north to south, and three at its entrance. Not ob- serving any place favorable for putting in, we resolved to go to the cape above mentioned with short sail, which occupied a portion of the night. Approaching to where there were sixteen fathoms of water, we anchored until daybreak. On the next day we went to the above-mentioned cape, where there are three islands near the main land, full of wood of different kinds, as at Chouacoet and all along the coast ; and still another flat one, where there are breakers, and which extends a little farther out to sea than the others, on which there is no wood at all. We named this place Island Cape, near which we saw a canoe containing five or six savages, who came out near our barque, and then went back and danced on the beach. Sieur de Monts sent me on shore to observe them, and to give each one of them a knife and some biscuit, which caused them to dance again better than before. This over, I made them understand, as well as I could, that I desired them to show me the course of the shore. After I had drawn with a crayon the bay, and the Island Cape, where we were, with the same crayon they drew the outline of another bay, which they represented as very large ; here they placed six pebbles at equal distances apart, giving me to understand by this that these signs represented as many chiefs and tribes. Then they drew within the first mentioned bay a river* which we had passed, which has shoals and is very long. We found in this place a great many vines, the green grapes on which were a little larger than peas, also many nut-trees, the nuts on which were no larger than musket-balls. The savages told us that those inhab- iting this country cultivated the land and sowed seeds like the others, whom we had before seen. The latitude of this place is 43° and some minutes. Sailing half a league farther, we observed several savages on a rocky point, who ran along the shore, dancing as they went, to their companions to inform them of our coming. After pointing out to us the direction of their abode, they made a signal with smoke to show us the place of their settlement. We anchored near a little *The Merrimack River. SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN IN 1605. 3 island,* and sent our canoe with knives and cakes for the savages. From the large number of those we saw, we concluded that these places were better inhabited than the others we had seen. After a stay of some two hours for the sake of observing these people, whose canoes are made of birch bark, like those of the Can- adians, Souriquois, and Etechemins, we weighed anchor and set sail with a promise of fine weather. Continuing our course to the west- south-west, we saw numerous islands on one side and the other. Hav- ing sailed seven or eight leagues, we anchored near an island,! whence we observed many smokes along the shore, and many savages run- ning up to see us. Sieur de Monts sent two or three men in a canoe to them, to whom he gave some knives and paternosters to present to them ; with which they were greatly pleased, and danced several times in acknowledgment. We could not ascertain the name of their chief, as we did not know their language. All along the shore there is a great deal of land cleared up and planted with Indian corn. The country is very pleasant and agreeable, and there is no lack of fine trees. The canoes of those who live there are made of a single piece, and are very liable to turn over if one is not skilful in managing them. We had not before seen any of this kind. They are made in the following manner. After cutting down, at a cost of much labor and time, the largest and tallest tree they can find, by means of stone hatchets (for they have no others except some few which they re- ceived from the savages on the coasts of La Cadie, who obtained them in exchange for furs), they remove the bark, and round off the tree except on one side, where they apply fire gradually along its entire length ; and sometimes they put red-hot pebble-stones on top. When the fire is too fierce, they extinguish it with a little water, not entire- ly, but so that the edge of the boat may not be burnt. It being hol- lowed out as much as they wish, they scrape it all over with stones, which they use instead of knives. These stones resemble our mus- ket flints. [September, 1606.] Continuing our course, we proceeded to the *Thatcher’s Island. tin Boston harbour. 4 SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN IN 1605. Island Cape,* where we encountered rather bad weather and fogs, and saw little prospect of being able to spend the night under shelter, since the locality was not favorable for this. While we were thus in perplexity, it occurred to me that, while coasting along with Sieur de Monts, I had noted on my map, at a distance of a league from here, a place which seemed suitable for vessels, but which we did not enter, because, when we passed it, the wind was favorable for con- tinuing on our course. This place we had already passed, which led me to suggest to Sieur de Poutrincourt that we should stand in for a point in sight, where the place in question was, which seemed to me favorable for passing the night. We proceeded to anchor at the mouth, and went in the next day.f Sieur de Pontrincourt landed with eight or ten of our company. We saw some very fine grapes just ripe, Brazilian peas, pumpkins, squashes, and very good roots, which the savages cultivate, having a taste similar to that of chards. They made us presents of some of these, in exchange for little trifles which we gave them. They had already finished their harvest. We saw two hundred savages in this very pleasant place ; and there are here a large number of very fine walnut trees, cypresses, sassafras, oaks, ashes, and beeches. The chief of this place is named Quiouhamenec, who came to see us with a neighbor of his, named Cohouepech, whom we entertained sumptuous- ly. Onemechin, chief of Chouacoet, came also to see us, to whom we gave a coat, which he, however, did not keep a long time, but made a present of it to another, since he was uneasy in it, and could not adapt himself to it. We saw also a savage here, who had so wound- ed himself in the foot, and lost so much blood, that he fell down in a swoon. Many others surrounded him, and sang some time before touching him. Afterwards, they made some motions with their feet and hands, shook his head and breathed upon him, when he came to himself. Our surgeon dressed his wounds, when he went off in good spirits. The next day, as we were calking our shallop, Sieur de Poutrin- court in the woods noticed a number of savages who were going, with the intention of doing us some mischief, to a little stream, where *Cape Anne. tThe harbor of Gloucester. SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN IN 1605. 5 a neck connects with the mainland, at which our party were doing their washing. As I was walking along this neck, these savages noticed me ; and, in order to put a good face upon it, since they saw I had discovered them thus seasonably, they began to shout and dance, and then came towards me with their bows, arrows, quivers, and other arms. And, inasmuch as there was a meadow between them and myself, I made a sign to them to dance again. This they did in a circle, putting all their arms in the middle. But they had hardly commenced, when they observed Sieur de Poutrincourt in the wood with eight musketeers, which frightened them. Yet they did not stop until they had finished their dance, when they withdrew in all directions, fearing lest some unpleasant turn might be served them. We said nothing to them, however, and showed them only demon- strations of gladness. Then we returned to launch our shallop, and take our departure. They entreated us to wait a day, saying that more than two thousand of them would come to see us. But, unable to lose any time, we were unwilling to stay here longer. I am of the opinion that their object was to surprise us. Some of the land was already cleared up, and they were constantly making clearings. Their mode of doing it as follows ; after cutting down the trees at a dis- tance of three feet from the ground, they burn the branches upon the trunk, and then plant their corn between these stumps, in course of time tearing up also the roots. There are likewise fine meadows here, capable of supporting a large number of cattle. This harbor is very fine, containing water enough for vessels, and affording a shelter from the weather behind the islands. It is in latitude 43°, and we gave it the name of Le Beauport. The last day of September we set out from Beauport,* and, pass- ing Cap St. Louis, stood on our course all night for Cap Blanc. *Gloucester. CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH IN 1614. CAPTAIN John Smith, the hero of Virginia, visited the New England coast in 1614 in search of whales and mines of gold and in an open boat skirted the coast from the Penobscot to Cape Cod. After his return to England he published A Description of New England: or The Observations, and Discoveries, of Captain John Smith {Admiral of that Country), in the North of America, in the year of our Lord, 1614; London, 1616, a quarto volume of about eighty pages, from which the following is reprinted. This is the earliest book in which the name “New England” occurs. Angoamf' is the next ; This place might content a right curious judgement ; but there are many sands at the entrance of the harbor ; and the worst is, it is inbayed too farre from the deep Sea. Heere are many rising hilles, and on their tops and descents many come fields, and delightfull groues. On the East, is an He of two or three leagues in length ; the one half, plaine marish grasse fit for pasture, with many faire high groues of mulberrie trees and gardens; and there is also Okes, Pines, and other woods to make this place an excellent habitation, beeing a good and safe harbor. Naimkeckf though it be more rocke ground (for Angoam is sandie) is not much inferior ; neither for the harbor, nor any thing I could per- ceiue, but the multitude of people. From hence doth stretch into the Sea the faire headland Tragahigzanda,% fronted with three lies called the three Turks heads; to the North of this, doth enter a great Bay, where wee founde some habitations and come fields ; they report a great Riuer, and at least thirtie habitations doo possesse this Countrie. But because the French had got their Trade, I had no leasure to dis- couer it. The lies of Mattahunts are on the West side of this Bay, where are many lies, and questionlesse good harbors ; and then the Countrie of the Massachusets, which is the Paradise of all those parts ; for, heere are many lies all planted with come ; groues, mulberries, saluage gardens, and good harbors ; the Coast is for the most part, high clayie sandie cliffs. The Sea Coast as you passe, shewes you all *Ipswich. tSalem. fCape Anne. (6) CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH IN 1614. 7 along large come fields, and great troupes of well proportioned people ; but the French hauing remained heere neere sixe weekes, left nothing for vs to take occasion to examine the inhabitants relations, viz. if there be neer three thousand people vpon these lies ; and that the Riuer doth pearce many dales iournies the intralles of that Countrey. We found the people in thovse parts verie kinde ; but in their furie no lesse valiant. For, vpon a quarrell wee had with one of them, hee only with three others crossed the harbor of Quonahassit to certaine rocks whereby wee must passe ; and there let file their arrowes for our shot, till we were out of danger. CHRISTOPHER LEVETT IN 1624. CHRISTOPHER Levett landed on the Isles of Shoals in the autumn of 1623. From there he went to the mouth of the Piscataqua river, and then to an island in what is now the harbor of Port- land, Me., where he established a settlement and left ten men while he returned to England for supplies. While he did not actually visit the Massachusetts Bay yet he alludes to Cape Anne and Plymouth in his printed narrative which was published in London in 1628 under the following title : — A Voyage into New England, begun in 1623, and ended in 1624. Pefformed by Christopher Levett. Thus have I related unto you what I have seen, and do know may be had in those parts of New England where I have been, yet was I never at the Massachusett, which is counted the paradise of New England, nor at Cape Ann, but I fear there hath been too fair a gloss set on Cape Ann. I am told there is a good harbour which makes a fair invitation, but when they are in, their entertainment is not an- swerable, for there is little good ground, and the ships which fished there this year, their boats went twenty miles to take their fish, and yet they were in great fear of making their voyages, as one of the masters confessed unto me who was at my house. Neither was I at New Plymouth, but I fear that place is not so good as many others, for if it were, in my conceit, they would content 8 CHRISTOPHER LEVETT IN 1624. themselves with it and not seek for any other, having ten times so much ground as would serve ten times so many people as they have now amongst them. But it seems they have no fish to make benefit of, for this year they had one ship at Pemoquid, and another at Cape Ann, where they have begun a new plantation, but how long it will continue I know not. REV. FRANCIS HIGGINSON IN 1629. Rev. Francis Higginson who had been settled at Claybrooke Par- ish, Leicester co., England, was engaged by “the Governour and Company of the Massachusetts-Bay in New England” to join the emigration under Endecott at Salem. He left England in the spring of 1629, and not long after his arrival was ordained as teacher of the church. The exposure and privations of the following winter proved too severe and he died of consumption Aug. 6, 1630. The manuscript of his book New -Englands Plantation/' was sent to England by one of the returning vessels for it reached London before Nov. 20, 1629 and was shortly printed. It had been written for “the satisfaction of loving friends” and doubtless played its part in influencing the larger emigration of 1630 and the years that followed. Three editions were printed,. all in 1630. The following discriptive extracts are taken from an early manu- script in the Massachusetts Historical Society, describing the voyage and from the first edition of his book published under the following title : New-Englands Plantation, or, A short and trve Description of the Commodities and Discommodities of that Countrey. Written by a reu- erend Diuine now there resident. London, 1630. By noon we were within 3 leagues of Capan, and as we sayled along the coasts we saw every hill and dale and every island full of gay woods and high trees. The nearer we came to the shoare the more flowers in abundance, sometymes scattered abroad, sometymes joyned in sheets 9 or 10 yards long, which we supposed to be brought from the low meadowes by the tyde. Now what with fine woods and greene trees by land, and these yellow flowers paynting the sea, REV. FRANCIS HIGGINSON IN 1629. 9 made us all desirous to see our new paradise of New England, whence we saw such forerunning signals of fertilitie afarre off. Coming neare the harbour towards night we takt about for sea-roome. [June 27, 1629] Saturday a foggie morning ; but after 8 o'clocke in the morning very cleare, the wind being somewhat contrary at So. and by West, we tackt to and againe with getting little ; but with much adoe, about 4 o’clock in the afternoone having with much payne compassed the harbour, and being ready to enter the same, see how things may suddenly change ! there came a fearful gust of wind and rayne and thunder and lightning, whereby we were borne with no little terrour and trouble to our mariners, having very much adoe to loose downe the sayles when the fury of the storm held up. But God be praised it lasted but a while and soone abated agayne. And hereby the Lord shewed us what he could have done with us, if it had pleased him. But blessed be God, he soone removed this storme and it was a fayre and sweet evening. We had a westerly wind which brought us between 5 and 6 o’clock to a fyne and sweet harbour,* 7 miles from the head point of Capan. This harbour 20 ships may easily ryde therein, where there was an island whither four of our men with a boate went, and brought backe agayne ripe strawberries and gooseberries, and sweet single roses. Thus God was merciful to us in giving us a tast and smell of the sweet fruit as an earnest of his bountiful goodnes to welcome us at our first arrivall. This harbour was two leagues and something more from the harbour at Naimkecke,t where our ships were to rest, and the plantation is already begun. But because the passage is difficult and night drew on, we put into Capan harbour. [June 28] The Sabbath, being the first we kept in America, and the 7th Lord’s day after we parted with England. [June 29] Monday we came from Capan, to go to Naimkecke, the wind northerly. I should have tould you before that the planters spying our English colours the GovernourJ sent a shalop with 2 men on Saturday to pilot us. These rested the Sabbath with us at Capan ; and this day, by God’s blessing and their directions, we passed the ♦Gloucester harbor. tThe Indian name for the settlement at Salem, f Governor John Endecott. 10 REV. FRANCIS HIGGINSON IN 1629. curious and difficult entrance into the large and spacious harbour of Naimkecke. And as we passed along it was wonderful to behould so many islands replenished with thicke wood and high trees, and many fayre greene pastures. And being come into the harbour we saw the George* to our great comfort then being on Tuesday which was 7 daies before us. We rested that night with glad and thankful hearts that God had put an end to our long and tedious journey through the greatest sea in the worlds. [June 30] The next morning the governour came aboard to our ship, and bade us kindly welcome, and invited me and my wiffe to come on shoare, and take our lodging in his house, which we did accordingly. First therefore of the Earth of New England and all the appurte- nances thereof : It is a land of diuers and sundry sorts all about Masathusets Bay, and at Charles Riuer is as fat blacke Earth as can be seene any where : and in other places you haue a clay soyle, in other grauell, in other sandy, as it is all about our Plantation at Salem, for so our towne is now named, Psal. 76. 2. The form of the Earth here in the superficies of it is neither too flat in the plainnesse, nor too high in Hils, but partakes of both in mediocritic, and fit for Pasture, or for Plow or Meddow Ground, as men please to employ it : though all the Countrey be as it were a thicke Wood for the generall, yet in diuers places there is much ground cleared by the Indians, and especially about the plantation : and I am told that about three miles from vs a man may stand on a little hilly place and see divers thousands of acres of ground as good as need to be, and not a Tree in the same. It is thought here is good Clay to make Bricke and Tyles and Earthen Pots as needs to be. At this instant we are setting a Bricke-kill on worke to make Brickes and Tyles for the building of our Houses. For Stone, here is plentie of Slates at the He of Slate in Masathulets Bay, and Lime- stone, Free-stone, and Smooth-stone, and Iron-stone, and Marble-stone also in such store, that we have great Rockes of it, and a Harbour hard by. Our Plantation is from thence called Marble-harbour. *The ship "George”, 300 tons, 20 guns, had sailed early in April, REV. FRANCIS HIGGINSON IN 1629. 11 Of Minerals there hath yet beene but little triall made, yet we are not without great hope of being furnished in that Soyle. The fertilitie of the Soyle is to be admired at, as appeareth in the aboundance of Grasse that groweth euerie where both verie thicke, verie long, and verie high in diuers places : but it groweth very wild- ly with a great stalke and a broad and ranker blade, because it neuer had been eaten with Cattle, nor mowed with a sythe, and seldom trampled on by foot. It is scarce to be believed how our Kine and Goats, Horses and Hogges doe thriue and prosper here and like well of this Countrey. In our Plantation we have already a quart of milke for a penny : but the aboundant increase of come proues this Countrey to be a wonderment. Thirtie, fortie, fiftie, sixtie are ordinarie here: yea losephs increase in Egypt is out-stript here with vs. our Planters hope to haue more then a hundred fould this yere : and all this while I am within compasse; what will you say of two hundred fould and vpwards? It is almost incredible what great gain some of our English Planters haue had by our Indian Come. Credible persons haue assured me, and the partie himselfe auouching the truth of it to me, that of the setting of 13 Gallons of Come he hath had encrease of it 52 Hogsheads, euerie Hogshead holding seuen Bushels of London measure, and euerie Bushell was by him sold and trusted to the Indians for so much Beauer as was worth 18 shillings; and so of this 13 Gallons of Come which was worth 6 shillings 8 pence, he made about 327 pounds of it the yeere following, as by reckoning will appeare : where you may see how God blesseth husbandry in this land. There is not such great and beautifull eares of Come I suppose any where else to be found but in this Countrey : being also of varietie of colours, as red, blew and yellow, &c. and of one Come there springeth four or fiue hun- dred. I haue sent you many Eares of diuers colours that you might see the truth of it. Little Children here by setting of Come may earne much more then their owne maintenance. They haue tryed our English Come at new Plimouth plantation, so that all our seuerall Graines will grow here verie well, and haue a fitting Soyle for their nature. 12 REV. FRANCIS HIGGINSON IN 1629. Our Gouernor hath store of greene Pease growing in his Garden as good as euer I eat in England. . . . Excellent Vines are here vp and doune in the woods. Our Gouer- nour hath already planted a Vineyard with great hope of increase. When we came first to Nehum kek, we found about halfe a score Houses, and a faire House newly built for the Gouernor, we found also aboundance of Come planted by them, very good and well like- ing. And we brought with vs about two hundred Passengers and Planters more, which by common consent of the old Planters were all combined together into one Body Politicke, vnder the same Gouer- nor. There are in all of vs both old and new Planters about three hun- dred, whereof two hundred of them are setled at Nehum kek, now called Salem : and the rest haue Planted themselues at Masathulets Bay, beginning to build a Towne there which wee doe call Cherton, or Charles Towne. We that are setled at Salem make what hast we can to build Houses, so that within a short time we shall haue a faire Towne. We haue great Ordnance, wherewith we doubt not but wee shall fortifie our selues in a short time to keepe out a potent Aduersarie. But that which is our greatest comfort, and meanes of defence aboue all other, is, that we haue here the true Religion and holy Ordinances of Almightie God taught amongst vs : Thankes be to God, we haue here plenty of Preaching, and diligent Catechizing, with strickt and carefull exercise, and good and commendable orders to bring our People into a Christian conuersation with whom wee haue to doe withall. And thus wee doubt not but God will be with vs, and if God be with us, who can be against us? GOVERNOR THOMAS DUDLEY IN 1631. Governor Dudley was one of the five undertakers of the settle- ment of the Massachusetts Bay and came over with the Win- throp emigration in 1630. He previously had been steward for nine or ten years in the household of the Countess of Lincoln. His “Letter to the Countess of Lincoln,” here abstracted, was written in March, 1631 and first printed in 1696 with other papers in a book entitled : — Massachusetts : or. The First Planters of New England. The End and Manner of their Coming thither, and Abode there, Boston, 1696. Vppon the river of Mistick is seated Saggamore John, and vppon the river of Sawgus Sagamore James his brother, both soe named by the English. The elder brother John is an handsome young [one line missing] conversant with us affecting English apparell and howses and speaking well of our God. His brother James is of a farr worse disposition, yet repaireth often to us. Both theis brothers command not above 30 or 40 men for aught I can learne. Neer to Salem dwell- eth two or three families, subiect to the Saggamore of Agawam whose name hee tould mee, but I have forgotten it. This Sagamore hath but few subjects, and them and himselfe tributary to Sagamore James, haveing beene before the last yeare (in James his minority) tributary to Chicka Talbott. Vppon the river Merrimack is seated Sagamore Passaconaway haveing under his command 4 or 500 men, being es- teemed by his countrymen a false fellow, and by us a wich, (13) WILLIAM WOOD IN 1633. The '"New Englands Prospecf by William Wood, is the earliest topographical account of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, so far as the settlements then extended. It also has a full de- scription of its fauna and flora, and of the natives. He arrived in the Colony in 1629 and remained here four years residing at Lynn. He may have come a second time in 1635 and represented Lynn in the General Court in 1637, the next year removing to Sandwich where he is said to have died in 1639. His book was entered in the Stationer’s Register, “7 Julii, 1634,” and was published under the following title : New Englands Prospect. A true, lively, and experimentall description of that part of America, commonly called New England ... By William Wood, London, 1634. The next plantation is Saugus, sixe miles North-east from Winnesi- met : This Towne is pleasant for situation, seated at the bottome of a Bay, which is made on the one side with surrounding shore, and on the other side with a long sandy Beach. This sandy Beach is two miles long at the end, whereon is a necke of land called Nahant : It is six miles in circumference ; well woodded with Oakes, Pines, and Cedars : It is beside well watered, having beside the fresh Springs, a great Pond in the middle ; before which is a spacious Marsh. In this necke is store of good ground, fit for the plow ; but for the pres- ent it is onely used for to put young Cattle in, and weather-goates, and Swine, to secure them from the Woolues : a few posts and rayles from the low water-markes to the shore, keeping out thee Woolves, and keepes in the Cattle. One Blacke William, an Indian Duke, out of his generosity gave this place in generall to this plantation of Sau- gus, so that no other can appropriate it to himselfe. Upon the South-side of the sandy Beach the Sea beateth, which is a true prognostication, to presage stormes and foule weather, and the breaking up of the Frost : For when a storme hath beene, or is likely to be, it will roare like Thunder, being heard sixe miles ; and after stormes casts up great store of great Clammes, which the Indians (14) WILLIAM WOOD IN 1633. 15 taking out of their shels, carry home in baskets. On the North-side of this Bay is two great Marshes, which are made two by a pleasant River which runnes betweene them. Northward up this River, goes great store of Alewives, of which they make good Red Herrings ; in so much that they have beene at charges to make a wayre, and a Herringhouse, to dry these Herrings in ; the last yeare were dryed some 4 or 5 Last for an experiment, which proved very good ; this is like to prove a great inrichment to the land, (being a staple commo- ditie in other Countries) for there be such innumerable companies in every river, that I have seene ten thousand taken in two houres by two men, without any weire at all, saving a few stones to stop their passage up the river. There likewise come store of Basse, which the Indians and English catch with hooke and line, some fifty or three- score at a tide. At the mouth of this river runnes up a great creeke into that great Marsh, which, is called Rumny Marsh, which is 4 miles long, and 2 miles broad ; halfe of it being Marsh ground and halfe upland grasse, without tree or bush : this Marsh is crossed with divers creekes, wherein lye great store of Geese, and Duckes. There be convenient ponds for the planting of Duckcoyes. Here is likewise belonging to this place divers fresh meddowes, which afforded good grasse and foure spacious ponds like little lakes, wherein is store of fresh fish : within a mile of the town, out of which runnes a curious fresh brooke that is seldome frozen by reason of the warmenesse of the water ; upon this streame is built a water Milne, and up this river comes Smelts and frost fish much bigger than a Gudgion. For wood there is no want, there being store of good Oakes, Wallnut, Caedar, Aspe, Elme ; The ground is very good, in many places without trees, fit for the plough. In this plantation is more English tillage, than in all new England, and Virginia besides ; which proved as well as could bee expected, the come being very good especially the Barly, Rye, and Oates. The land affordeth the inhabitants as many rarities as any place else, and the sea more : the Basse continuing from the middle of Aprill to Michelmas, which stayes not above half that time in the Bay : besides here is a great deale of Rock-cod and Macrill, insomuch that shoales of Basse have driven up shoales of Macrill from one end 16 WILLIAM WOOD IN 1633. of the sandie Beach to the other, which the inhabitants have gathered up in wheelbarrows. The Bay that lyeth before the Town at a low Spring-tyde, will be all flatts for two miles together, upon which is great store of Muscle-banckes, and Clam-bancks, and Lobsters amongst the rockes and grassie holes. These flatts make it unnavigable for shippes, yet at high water great Boates, Loiters, and Pinnaces of 20, and 30 tun, may saile up to the plantation, but they neede have a skilful Pilote, because of many dangerous rockes and foaming breakers, that lye at the mouth of that Bay. The very aspect of the place is fortification enough to keepe off an unknowne enemie. yet may it be fortified at a little charge, being but few landing places there about, and those obscure. Foure miles Northeast from Saugus lyeth Salem, which stands on the middle of a necke of land very pleasantly, having a South river on the one side, and a North river on the other side : upon this necke where the most of the houses stand is very bad and Sandie ground, yet for seaven yeares together it hath brought forth exceeding good come, by being fished* but every third yeare ; in some places is very good ground, and very good timber and divers springs hard by the sea side. Here likewise is store of fish, as Basses, Eeles, Lobsters, Clammes, &c. Although their land be none of the best, yet beyond those rivers is a very good soyle, where they have taken farmes, and get their Hay, and plant their come ; there they crosse these rivers with small Cannowes, which are made of whole pine trees, being about two foot & a half over, and 20 foote long : in these likewise they goe a fowling, sometimes two leagues to Sea ; there be more Cannowes in this towne than in all the whole Patent ; every household having a water-house or two. This Towne wants an Alewife river, which is a great convenience ; it hath two good harbours, the one being called Winter, and the other Summer harbour, which lyeth within Derbies Fort, which place if it were well fortified, might keepe shippes from landing of forces in any of those two places. Marvill Head is a place which lyeth 4 miles full South from Salem, and is a very convenient place for a plantation, *Fertilized with fish. WILLIAM WOOD IN 1633. 17 especially for such as will set upon the trade of fishing. There was made here a ships loading of fish the last yeare, where still stands the stages, and drying scaffolds ; here be good harbour for boates, and safe riding for shippes. Agowamme* is nine miles to the North from Salem, which is one of the most spatious places for a plantation, being neare the sea, it aboundeth with fish, and flesh of fowles and beasts, great Meads and Marshes and plaine plowing grounds, many good rivers and harbours and no rattle snakes. In a word, it is the best place but one, which is Merrimacke, lying 8 miles beyond it, where is a river 20 leaugues navigable, all along the river side is fresh Marshes, in some places 3 miles broad. In this river is Sturgeon, Sammon, and Basse, and divers other kinds of fish. To conclude, the Countrie hath not that which this place cannot yeeld. So that these two places may containe twice as many people as are yet in New England : there being as yet scarce any inhabitants in these two spacious places. Three miles beyond the river Merrimacke is the outside of our Patent for the Massachu- setts Bay. These be all the Townes that were begun, when I came for England, which was the 15 of August 1633. *Settled in 1633 as the town of Ipswich. THOMAS LECHFORD IN 1641. Thomas Lechford was a lawyer who came over in 1638. But lawyers were not wanted in the Colony and he could barely earn a living for his family, so in August, 1641, he returned to England and wrote his book which he published the following year. It is full of information relating to the manners and customs in the Colony, and was published under the following title : Plain Dealing: or, Nevves for New-England. ... By Thomas Lechford of Clements Inne, in the County of Middlesex, Gent. London, 1642. The publique worship is in as faire a meeting house as they can pro- vide, wherein, in most places, they have beene at great charges. Every Sabbath or Lords day, they come together at Boston, by wring- ing of a bell, about nine of the clock or before. The Pastor begins with solemn prayer continuing about a quarter of an houre. The Teacher then readeth and expoundeth a Chapter ; Then a Psalme is sung, which ever one of the ruling Elders dictates. After that the Pastor preacheth a Sermon, and sometim^es ex tempore exhorts. Then the Teacher concludes with prayer and a blessing. . . . About two in the after-noone, they repaire to the meeting-house againe : and then the Pastor begins, as before noone, and a Psalme being sung, the Teacher makes a Sermon. He was wont, when I came first, to reade and expound a Chapter also before his Sermon in the afternoon. After and before his Sermon, he prayeth. After that ensues Baptisme, if there be any, . . . Which ended, follows the contribution, one of the Deacons saying. Brethren of the congregation, now there is time left for contribution, where fore as God hath prospered you, so freely offer. Upon some extraordinary occasions, as building and repairing of Churches or meeting-houses, or other necessities, the Ministers presse a liberall contribution with effectuall exhortations out of Scripture. The magistrates and chiefe Gentlemen first, and then the Elders, and all the congregation of men, and most of them that are not of the Church, all single persons, widows, and women in absence of their husbands, come up one after another (18) THOMAS LECHFORD IN 1641. 19 one way, and bring their offerings to the Deacon at his seate, and put it into a box of wood for the purpose, if it bee money or papers ; if it be any other chattle, they set it or lay it downe before the Dea- cons, and so passe another way to theire seats againe. This contri- bution is of money, or papers, promising so much money : I have seene a faire gilt cup with a cover, offered there by one, which is still used at the Communion. . . . But in Salem Church, those onely that are of the Church, offer in publique ; the rest are required to give to the Ministerie, by collection, at their houses. At some other places they make a rate upon every man, as well within, as not of the Church, residing with them, to- wards the Churches occasions ; . . . These are the Ministers of the Bay. ... At Lynne, master Whiting Pastor, master Cobbet Teacher : At Salem, master Peter Pastor, mas- ter Norris Teacher, and his Sonne a Schoole-master : At Ipswich, master Rogers Pastor, master Norton Teacher, and master Nathaniel Ward, and his sonne, and one Master Knight, out of employment : At Rowley, Master Ezek. Rogers Pastor, Master Miller : At Newberry, Master Noyse Pastor, Master Parker Teacher : He is sonne of Master Robert Parker, sometime of Wilton, in the County of Wiltes, deceased, who in his life time writ that mis-learned and mistaken Book De Pol- iteia Eccleseastica. . . . The Lady Moody lives at Lynne, but is of Salem Church, shee is (good Lady) almost undone by buying master Humphries farme, Swampscot, which cost her nine, or eleven hundred pounds. . . . ... A Church as gathered for that Island [Long Island, N. Y.] at Lynne, in the Bay, whence some, by reason of straitnesse, did re- move to the said Island ; and one master Simonds, heretofore a servant unto a good gentlewoman whom I know, was one of the first Founders. Master Peter of Salem was at the gathering, and told me the said master Henry Simonds made a very cleare confession. . . . And at Cape Anne, where fishing is set forward, and some stages builded, there one master Rashley is Chaplain : for it is farre off from any Church : Rashley is admitted of Boston Church, but the place ly- eth next Salem, and not very far further from Ipswich. EDWARD JOHNSON IN 1652. Edward Johnson was the town clerk of Woburn where he died in 1672 aged 73 years. His book describes what took place in the Colony under his observation and undoubtedly he had visit- ed the various towns of which he gives an account. The book is sup- posed to have been written a year or two before 1652 and the London publisher may have supplied its title page : The Wonder-Working Providence of Sion* s Saviour in New England: A History of New England from the English Planting in 1628, until the yeere 1652. . . . London, 1654. Of the Sixth Church of Christ, gathered at Linn, 1631. The Sixth Church of Christ was gathered at Linn, betweene Salem and Charles Towne, her scituation is neere to a River, whose strong freshet at breaking up of Winter filleth all her Bankes, and with a furious Torrent ventes it selfe into the Sea ; This Towne is furnished with Mineralls of divers kinds, especially Iron and Lead, the forme of it is almost square, onely it takes two large a run into the Land- Ward (as most Townes do), it is filled with about one hundred Houses for dwelling ; Here is also an Iron Mill in constant use, but as for Lead they have tried but little yet. Their meeting-house being on a levell Land undefended from the cold North west- wind ; And therefore made with steps descending into the Earth, their streetes are straite and comly, yet but thin of Houses, the people mostly inclining to Husband- ry, have built many Farmes Remote there, Cattell exceedingly multi- plied, Goates which were in great esteeme at their first comming, are now almost quite banished, and now Horses, Kine and Sheep are most in request with them, the first feeder of this flock of Christ was Mr. Stephen Batchelor, gray and aged. Of the Ninth Church of Christ, gathered at Ipswich. This year came over a farther supply of Eminent instruments for furthering this admirable Worke of his, amongst whom the Reverend (20) EDWARD JOHNSON IN 1652. 21 and judicious servant of Christ Mr. Nathaniel Ward, who tooke up his station at the Towne of Ipswich, where the faithfull servants of Christ gathered the Ninth Church of his. This Towne is scituated on a faire and delightfull River, whose first rise or spring begins about five and twenty Miles farther up in the Countrey, issuing forth a very pleasant pond. But soone after it betakes its course through a most hideous swamp of large extent, even for many Miles, being a great Harbour for Beares ; after its comming forth this place, it groweth larger by the income of many small Rivers, and issues forth in the Sea, due East over against the Island of Sholes, a great place for fishing for our English Nation. The peopling of this Towne is by men of good ranke and quality, many of them having the yearly Revenue of large Lands in England before they came to this Wildernesse, but their Estates being imployed for Christ, and left in banke, as you have formerly heard, they are well content till Christ shall be pleased to restore it againe to them or theirs, which in all reason should be out of the Prelates Lands in England. Let all those, whom it concernes (to judge) consider it well, and do Justice herein. This Towne lies in the Saggamooreship, or Earldome of Aggawam, now by our English Nation called Essex. It is a very good Haven Towne, yet a little barr’d up at the Mouth of the River, some Mar- chants here are, (but Boston, being the chiefest place of resort of Shipping, carries away all the Trade) they have very good Land for Husbandry, where Rocks hinder not the course of the Plow ; the Lord hath been pleased to increase them in Come and Cattell of late ; Insomuch that they have many hundred quarters to spare yearly, and feed, at the latter end of Summer, the Towne of Boston with good Beefe ; their Houses are many of them very faire built with pleasant Gardens and Orchards, consisting of about one hundred and forty Families. Their meeting-house is a very good prospect to a great part of the Towne, and beautifully built. The Church of Christ here consists of about one hundred and sixty soules, being exact in their conversation, and free from the Epidemicall Disease of all Reforming Churches, which under Christ is procured by their pious Learned and Orthodox Ministery, as in due place (God willing) shall be declared, in the meane time, look on the following Meeters concerning that Souldier of Christ Master Nathaniel Ward. 22 EDWARD JOHNSON IN 1652. Of the Church of Christ gathered at Newberry. In the latter end of this yeare, two sincere servants of Christ, in- abled by him with gifts to declare his minde unto his people, came over this broad Ocean, and began to build the Tenth Church of Christ at a Towne called Newberry , their names being Mr. James Noise, and Mr. Thomas Parker, somewhat differing from all the former, and af- ter mentioned Churches in the preheminence of their Presbytery, and it were to be wished that all persons, who have had any hand in those hot contentions which have fallen out since about Presbyterian and Independent Government in Churches, would have looked on this Ex- ample, comparing it with the Word of God, and assuredly it would have stayed (all the godly at lest) of either part from such unworthy expressions as have passed to the grief of many of Gods people ; And I doubt not but this History will take of that unjust accusation, and slanderous imputation of the rise of that floud of errors and false Doctrines sprung up of late, as flowing from the Independent or rather congregationall Church. But to follow on, this Town is scituate about twelve miles from Ipswitch, neere upon the wide venting streames of Merrimeck River, whose whole strong current is such, that it hath forced its passage through the mighty Rocks, which causeth some sudden falls, and hinders Shipping from having any accesse far into the Land, her bankes are in many places stored with Oken Timber of all sorts, of which, that which they commonly call’d white Oke, is not inferious to our English Timber ; in this River lie some few Is- lands of fertill Land, this Towne is stored with Meddow and upland, which hath caused some Gentlemen, (who brought over good Estates, and finding then no better way to improve them) to set upon hus- bandry, amongst whom that Religious and sincere hearted servant of Christ Mr. Richard Dummer, sometime a Magistrate in this little Common- wealth hathholpen on this Town, their houses are built very scattering, which hath caused some contending about removall of their place for Sabbath- Assemblies, their Cattell are about foure hun- dred head, with store of Corne-land in tillage, it consists of about sev- enty Families, the soules in Church fellowship are about an hundred, the teaching Elders of this Congregation have carried it very lovingly toward their people, permitting of them to assist in admitting of per- EDWARD JOHNSON IN 1652. 23 sons into Church-society, and in Church -censures, so long as they Act regularly, but in case of their male-administration, they assume the power wholly to themselves, their godly life and conversation hath hitherto been very amiable, and their paines and care over their flock not inferiour to many others, and being bound together in a more stricter band of love then ordinary with promise to spend their dayes together. This yeare the reverend and judicious M. Jos. Glover undertook this long voyage, being able both in person and estate for the work he provided, for further compleating the Colonies in Church and Com- monwealth-work, a Printer, which hath been very usefull in many respects ; the Lord seeing it meet that this reverend and holy servant of his should fall short of the shores of New England; but yet at this time he brought over the zealous affected and judicious servant of his. Master Ezekiel Rogers, who with a holy and humble people, made his progress to the North-Eastward, and erected a Towne about 6 miles from Ipswich, called Rowly, where wanting room, they purchased some addition of the Town of Newberry; yet had they a large length of land, onely for the neere conveniency to the Towne of Ipswich, by the which meanes they partake of the continued Lectures of either Towne ; these people being very industrious every way, soone built many houses, to the number of about threescore families, and were the first people that set up making of Cloth in this Western World ; for which end they built a fulling-mill, and caused their little-ones to be very diligent in spinning cotton wooll, many of them having been clothiers in England, till their zeale to promote the Gospel of Christ caused them to wander ; and therefore they were no lesse industrious, in gathering into Church society, there being scarce a man among them, but such as were meet to be living stones in this building, ac- cording to the judgement of man. The next Town and Church of Christ planted in this Colony, was between Salem and Ipswitch, Salem the eldest of all the Sisters was very helpful to this her little Sister, nourishing her up in her own bosom, till she came of age, being beneficial to her besides, in giving her a good portion of Land ; this Town is called Wenham, and is very 24 EDWARD JOHNSON IN 1652. well watered, as most in-land Towns are, the people live altogether upon husbandry. New England having train’d up great store to this occupation, they are encreased in cattel, and most of them live very well, yet are they no great company ; they were some good space of time there before they gathered into a Church-body, the godly and reverend Mr. John Fisk went thither with them, at first setting down as a planter among them, yet withal he became helpful in preaching the Word unto them, when they were but a few in number, they afterward call’d him to the office of a Pastor, with whom he now re- mains, labouring in the Word and Doctrine, with great industry. There was another Towne and Church of Christ erected in the Mattachuset Government, upon the Northern-Cape of the Bay, called Cape Ann, a place of fishing, being peopled with Fishermen, till the reverend Mr. Richard Blindman came from a place in Plimouth Plan- tation called Green Harbor, with some few people of his acquaintance, and setled down with them, named the Town Glocester, and gathered into a Church, being but a small number, about fifty persons, they called to office this godly reverend man, whose gifts and abilities to handle the word, is not inferiour to many others, labouring much against the errors of the times, of a sweet, humble, heavenly carriage ; This Town lying out toward the point of the Cape, the access there- unto by Land become uneasie, which was the chief cause it was not more populated ; Their fishing trade would be very beneficial, had they men of estates to mannage it ; yet are they not without other means of maintenance, having good timber for shipping, and a very sufficient builder, but that these times of combustion the Seas through- out hath hindered much that work, yet have there been Vessels built here at this Town of late. Of the planting the eighteenth Church of Christ at the Towne of Salisbury. For further perfecting this Wildernesse-worke ; not far from the Towne of Hampton was erected another Towne, called Salsbury, be- ing brought forth as Twins, sometime contending for eldership ; This being seated upon the broade swift torrent of Merrimeck, a very good- EDWARD JOHNSON IN 1652. 25 ly River to behold, were it not blockt up with some suddaine falls through the rocks; over against this Towne lyeth the Towne of Newberry, on the Southern side of the River a constant Ferry being kept between ; for although the River be about half a mile broad, yet, by reason of an Island that lies in the midst thereof, it is the better passed in troublesom weather; the people of this Towne have of late, placed their dwellings so much distanced the one from the other, that they are like to divide into two Churches ; the scituation of this Towne is very pleasant, were the Rivers Navigable farre up, the branches thereof abound in faire and goodly medowes with good store of stately Timber upon the uplands in many places, this Towne is full as fruitfull in her Land, Chattell, and Inhabitants, as her Sister Hampton; the people joyned in Church-relation or brotherhood, nere about the time the other did, and have desired and obtained the rev- erend and graciously godly, M. Thomas Woster to be their Pastor. The Town of Haverhill was built much about this time, lying high- er up then Salisbury, upon the fair and large river of Merrimeck ; the people are wholly bent to improve their labour in tilling the earth, and keeping of cattel, whose yearly encrease incourages them to spend their days in those remote parts, the constant penetrating far- ther into this Wilderness, hath caused the wild and uncouth woods to be fil’d with frequented wayes, and the large rivers to be over laid with Bridges passeable, both for horse and foot ; this Town is of a large extent, supposed to be ten miles in length, there being an over- weaning desire in most men after Medow land, which hath caused many towns to grasp more into their hands then they could after- wards possibly hold ; the people are not unmindful also of the chief end of their coming hither, namely, to be made partakers of the blessed Ordinances of Christ, that their souls might be refreshed with the continual income of his rich grace, to which end they gathered into a Church-body, and called to office the reverend M. Ward, son to the former named M. Ward of Ipswitch. SAMUEL MAVERICK IN 1660. This account of New England was found in the Egerton Manu- scripts in the British Museum by Henry F. Waters and was published in the January, 1885 issue of the New -England Historical and Genealogical Register. It bears internal evidence that it was written by Samuel Maverick who records that he arrived in New England in 1624. He spent some years on Noddle’s Island, now East Boston ; in fact, was living there when Winthrop came ; but being a zealous Episcopalian he suffered persecution and went to England to complain to the King. He was appointed in 1664 one of the four Commissioners for the settlement of difficulties in New England, and also to “reduce the Dutch in Manhadoes.” Being unsuccessful in the Massachusetts Colony he removed to New York about 1665, where he probably died. His manuscript is entitled A Briefe Discription of New England and the several Townes therein, together with the present Government thereof. Salisbury New & Old — Seaven Miles to the Southward of Hampton is Meromack River, on the mouth of which on the Northside is seat- ted a Large Toune called Sallisbury, and 3 miles above it a Village called old Salisbury, where ther is a Saw Mill or two. The Com- modities this Toune affords are Come, Cattle, Boards and Pipe Staues. Haverhill Andover — Fouer Leagues up this River is Haverell, a pretty Toune & a few miles higher is the Toune of Andouer both these Tounes subsist by Husbandry. Newbury — At the mouth on the southside of Meromack and upwards is seated the Towne of Newbury, the Houses stand at a good distance each from other a feild and Garden between each house, and so on both sides the street for 4 miles or therabouts betweene Salisbury and this Towne, the River is broader then the Thames at Deptford, and in the Sumer abounds with Sturgeon, Salmon and other ffresh water fish. Had we the art of takeing and saveing the Sturgeon it would (26) SAMUEL MAVERICK IN 1660. 27 prove a very great advantage, the Country affording Vinager, and other Materialls to do it withall. In this Towne and Newbury adjoining are 2 Meeting Houses. Rowley — Three Miles beyound this Old Newbury is a large and pop- ulous Towne called Rowley about two miles from the Bay of Ago- wame within land the Inhabitants are most Yorkshiremen very la- borious people and drive a pretty trade, makeing Cloath and Ruggs of Cotton Wool, and also Sheeps wooll with which in few yeares the Countrey will abound not only to supply themselves but also to send abroad. This Towne aboundeth with Come, and Cattle, and have a great number of Sheep. Ipswich — Three Miles beyond Rowley lyeth Ipswich at the head of Agawame River, as farr up as Vessells cane come. It hath many In- habitants, and there farmes lye farr abroad, some of them severall miles from the Towne. So also they do about other Townes. Wenham — Six Miles from this Towne lyeth a Towne called Wen- ham seated about a great Lake or Pond which abounds with all man- ner of ffresh ffish, and such comodities as other places have it af- fordeth. Gloucester — Between these two Townes there runes out into the Sea that noated head land called Cape Ann fower miles within the outermost head. There is a Passage cutt through a Marsh between Cape Ann Harbour & Manisqwanne Harbour where stands the Towne called Glocester very comodious for building of shipping and ffishing. Manchester — Four miles Westward from Glocester, lyeth on the Sea side a small Towne called Manchester, there is a Sawmill and aboundance of Timber. Mackrell & Basse Cove — About six miles from this Towne lyeth by the Sea side a Village Called Mackarell Coue, and a mile or 2 aboue on a Branch of Salem River lyeth another Village called Basse Coue. These two have Joyned and built a Church, which stands between them both ower agst Salem. Salem — On the South side of Salem River stands on a peninsula the Towne of Salem, setled some yeares by a few people befor the Patent of the Massachusits was granted. It is very commodious for fishing, and many Vessells have been built there and (except Boston) it hath as much Trade as any place in New England both inland and abroad. 28 SAMUEL MAVERICK IN 1660. Marblehead or Foy — Two miles below this Towne on the Southside of the Harbor by the sea side lyeth Marblehead or ffoy the greatest Towne for ffishing in New England. Lynne — Five miles Westward lyeth the Towne of Lynne along by the sea side, and two miles aboue it within the bounds of it are the greatest Iron works erected for the most part at the charge of some Merchants, and Gentlmen here resideing and cost them about 14000£, who were as it is conceived about six yeares since Injuriously outted of them to the great prejudice of the Country and Owners. JOHN JOSSELYN IN 1671. JOHN Josselyn, Gent, arrived in Boston in 1638 and was a guest of Samuel Maverick at Noddle’s Island. He then went to Scar- borough, Maine, and stayed with his brother Henry until the end of 1639 when he went home. In 1663 he came again and remained in New England until December, 1671 when he returned to England and the following year published his valuable book New England's Rarities which gives an account of the flora and fauna of the country. In 1674 appeared his description of New England published under the following title : An Account of two Voyages to New England, Where- in you have the setting out of a Ship, with the charges; The prices of all necessaries for furnishing a Planter & his Family at his first coming; A Description of the Country, Natives and Creatures; The Goverment of the Countrey as it is now possessed by the English, etc. ... By John Josselyn, Gent. Lond. 1674. Without Pullin-point, six miles North-east from Winnisimet is Caw- gust, or Sagust, or Saugut, now called Linn, situated at the bottom of a Bay near a River, which upon the breaking up of winter with a furious Torrent vents it self into the Sea, the Town consists of more than one hundred dwelling-houses, their church being built on a level undefended from the North-west wind is made with steps descending into the Earth, their streets are straight and but thin of houses, the people most husbandmen. JOHN JOSSELYN IN 1671. 29 At the end of the Sandy beach is a neck of land called Nahant, it is six miles in circumference. Black William an Indian Duke out of his generosity gave this to the English. At the mouth of the River runs a great Creek into a great marsh called Rumney-marsh, which is four miles long and a mile broad, this Town hath the benefit of minerals of divers kinds, Iron, Lead, one Iron mill, store of Cattle, Arable land and meadow. To the North-ward of Linn is Marvil or Marblehead, a small Har- bour, the shore rockie, upon which the Town is built, consisting of a few scattered houses ; here they have stages for fishermen. Orchards, and Gardens, half a mile within land good pastures and Arable land. Four miles North of Marble-head is situated New-Salem (whose longitude is 315 degrees, and latitude 42 degrees 35 minutes) upon a plain, having a River on the South, and another on the North, it hath two Harbours, Winter Harbour and Summer Harbour which lyeth within Darbies fort, they have store of Meadow and Arable ; in this Town are some very rich Merchants. Upon the Northern Cape of the Massachusetts, that is Cape-Ann, a place of fishing is situated, the Town of Glocester where the Mass- achusetts Colony first set down, but Salem was the first Town built in that Colony, here is a Harbour for Ships. To the North- ward of Cape Ann is Wonasquam, a dangerous place to sail by in stormie weather, by reason of the many Rocks and foam- ing breakers. The next Town that presents itself to view is Ipswich situated by a fair River, whose first rise is from a Lake or Pond twenty mile up, betaking its course through a hideous Swamp for many miles, a Har- bour for Bears, it issueth forth into a large Bay, (where they fish for Whales) due East over against the Islands of Sholes a great place of fishing, the mouth of that River is barr’d ; it is a good haven-town, their meeting-house or Church is beautifully built, store of Orchards and Gardens, land for husbandry and Cattle. Wenham is an inland Town very well watered, lying between Salem and Ipswich, consisteth most of men of judgment and experi- ence in re rustica, well stored with Cattle. At the first rise of Ipswich River in the highest part of the land near the head springs of many 30 JOHN JOSSELYN IN 1671. considerable Rivers ; Shashin one of the most considerable branches of Merrimach River, and also at the rise of Mistick-River, and ponds full of pleasant springs, is situated Woobum an inland-Town four miles square beginning at the end of Charles-Town bounds. Six miles from Ipswich North-east is Rowley, most of the Inhabi- tants have been Clothiers. Nine miles from Salem to the North is Agowamine, the best and spaciousest place for a plantation, being twenty leagues to the North- ward of New-Plimouth. Beyond Agowamin is situated Hampton near the Sea-coasts not far from Merrimach-River, this Town is like a Flower-deluce, having two streets of houses wheeling off from the main body thereof, they have great stores of salt Marshes and Cattle, the land is fertil, but full of Swamps and Rocks. Eight miles beyond Agowamin runneth the delightful River Merri- mach or Morrumach, it is navigable for twenty miles and well stored with fish, upon the banks grow stately Oaks, excellent Ship timber, not inferiour to our English. On the South-side of Merrimach-River, twelve miles from Ipswich, and near upon the wide venting streams thereof is situated Newberrie, the houses are scattering, well stored with meadow, upland, and Ar- able, and about four hundred head of Cattle. Over against Newberrie lyes the Town of Salisbury, where a con- stant Ferry is kept, the River being here half a mile broad, the Town scatteringly built. Hard upon the River of Shashin where Merrimach receives this and the other branch into its body, is seated Andover, stored with land and Cattle. Beyond this Town by the branch of Merrimach-River called Sha- shin, lyeth Haverhill, a Town of large extent about ten miles in length, the inhabitants Husbandmen, this Town is not far from Salisbury. In September [1663] following my Arrivage in the Massachusets about the twelfth hour of the eight day, I shipt my self and goods JOHN JOSSELYN IN 1671. 31 in a Bark bound to the Eastward, . . . About nine of the clock at night we came to Salem and lay aboard all night. The Ninth day we went ashore to view the Town which is a mile long, and lay that night at a Merchants house. The Tenth day we came from Salem about twelve of the clock back to Marble-head; here we went ashore and recreated our selves with Musick and a cup of Sack and saw the Town, about ten at night we returned to our Bark and lay aboard. The Eleventh being Saturday, and the wind contrary, we came to Charles-town again, about twelve of the clock we took store of Mackarel. HIS young bookseller from London came to New England in 1686 to collect a debt of five hundred pounds and incidentally to sell a considerable shipment of books that he had brought with him. Soon after arriving in Boston he opened a bookshop, and there he remained for five months during which time he indulged in ‘‘rambles” to nearby towns, Ipswich being the most distant. After returning to London, to his trade of bookselling he added that of publisher and shortly began to write books and pamphlets in great His Letters from New England were written some years after his visit to Boston, probably about the year 1700, and must not be con- sidered first-hand descriptions written upon the spot. Undoubtedly he visited the several towns that he describes and he also in all prob- ability met the men and women who are characterized, but it has been demonstrated* that his descriptions are largely borrowed from Josselyn and Roger Williams and his pictures of New England types are height- ened by liberal extracts from the English authors of his time. His account is readable, however, and in the main may be accepted as approximating a picture of the Colony at the time of his visit. ♦Chester N. Greenough in Publications of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, Vol. 14, pp. 213-257. JOHN DUNTON IN 1686. number. 32 JOHN DUNTON IN 1686. My Fifth Ramble from Boston was to a Town now call'd Lin, but formerly by the Indians, Cawgust, Sawust, Saugut : To this Town three or four of my Acquaintance took a Ramble with me, for the day was so inviting, that none that had any leisure to go abroad, wou’d stay at home : They were before-hand determin’d to go abroad, so that I didn’t reckon my self much beholden to ’em for their Com- pany, only they gave me leave to Chuse the place, and I pitch’d up- on Lin, being (as I before told you) still for New Discoveries. . . . We all agreed to this motion, and in a little Time came to Lin ; which is a Town situated at the Bottom of a Bay without Pullin-Point, six miles North-East from Winnisimet, near a River, which upon the breaking up of Winter vents it self with a furious Torrent into the Sea : The Town consists of more than an hundred dwelling Houses, their meeting-house being built upon a level, and defended from the North-West Wind, and is made with steps descending to it. Tho it be none of the first-rate Towns in this Countrey, yet there are many others that are inferiour to it. Neither my self nor any of my Friends with me had any acquaint- ance there ; so we went to a Publick House, where we met with good Accommodations : And our Host wou’d needs be acquainted with us whether we wou’d or no ; he was a bold forward sort of a man, and wou’d thrust himself into our Company, and take up all the Dis- course too, which was for the most part of his own good Qualities, Knowledge, and Understanding ; valuing himself at such a rate that he wou’d have made one of the three Dukes of Dunstable ; and yet wou’d bring Scripture to apologize for his Impertinence, telling us that a Candle shou’d not be hid under a Bus[hel], and made sensible that he wou’d not hide his, tho’ it was but a Snuff, or at best but a rush Candle ; and therefore those few good Qualities he had, he was no Niggard in displaying : Some of the Company affronted him suf- ficiently, but he took no notice on’t, for he thought no vice so preju- dical as Blushing. He din’d with us, without being invited, for he needed it not ; and his talk at the Table was like Benjamin’s Mess, five times his part to any others ; and tho’ we often shifted the Theme, yet no Argument wou’d shut him out for a Quarreller ; and rather than be non-plust, wou’d fiy to Nonsense for Sanctuary; For my part JOHN DUNTON IN 1686. 33 I admir'd the address of his humour, and let him alone, for I perceiv’d he wou’d be sooner dash’d out of anything than Countenance ; and tho’ at first he seem’d very troublesome, I was at last pleas’d with him ; for I found it was his trade, and that his Words serv’d equally for all men, and were all equally to no purpose : The best thing in him was, that his Troublesomeness made me shake off that Indisposi- tion that had lain upon me all Day, and brought me again to a good Humour. Having satisfyed the Cravings of our Stomachs with a good Dinner, and exhilerated our Spirits with some good Liquor, and being at last wearied with our Landlords Impertinence; We paid our Reckoning, and return’d towards Boston again. I write to others the Relation of my Rambles, but unto you, my Dear, I write of Business : And so it happens, that ’tis my Business here to give you a Relation of my Rambles : For having stock’d the Town of Boston with my Books; (some having bought more, I’m afraid, than they intend to pay for) and having still a Considerable Quantity left. Several Gentlemen have given me great Encourage- ment, (by their Promises of Assisting me in the Disposal of them) to send a Venture to Salem, (the next considerable Town to Boston in New England) and particularly one Mr. Sewel,* who is a Magistrate in that Town, has given me Assurance of a Kind Reception there. Besides, I am the more Encourag’d to it, as ’tis in this Town the generous Mr. Herrick has taken a House ; to whom for his Bottle of Water at Sea, mention’d in my Letter to Brother Lake, I was so much beholden : So that upon these considerations being resolv’d to send a Cargo thither, I thought it wou’d be first convenient to go my self, and see the Town, and take a Warehouse there, before I sent my Books. Fori design to intrust Palmer as my Factor; for having trusted much in the adjacent Towns, (especially at Connecticot) I cann’t be above three Days absent from Boston : And having thus resolved to Ramble to Salem, it is my Ramble thither, my Reception there, and the Success thereof, relating to my Books, that I intend shall be the Subject of this Letter. I rambled to Salem all alone, (save that by an Intercourse of Souls, ♦Major Stephen Sewell, Clerk of Courts and afterwards Register of Deeds. 34 JOHN DUNTON IN 1686. my Dear, I had your Company) and upon Byard on Ten Toes too, like a meer Coriat : I shall say nothing of the several Towns I Ram- bled through to Salem, designing to describe them in my Ramble to Ipswich : But it may not perhaps be altogether unprofitable to tell you how I employ’d my self, as I rambled along: For tho’ I went by my self, yet I wanted no Company ; for I convers’d with every thing I met with ; and cou’d in some measure say with one of the Antient Fathers, I was never less alone than when I was alone. With these and the like Reflections I entertain’d my self upon the Road, and about Four of the Clock in the afternoon, I came to Salem; and found the Town about a mile long, with many fine Houses in it ; and is reputed the next town to Boston for trade : The Account, my Dear, I have re- ceived about the Original of this Town, is. That in the year of our Lord 1628, Mr. John Endicot with a number of English People sat down by Cape Ann, at that place called afterwards Gloucester, but their abiding Place was at Salem, where they built a Town in 1629, and there they gathered a Church, consisting but of 70 Persons ; but afterwards it increased to 47 Churches in joynt Communion with one another ; and those Churches were about 7750 Souls : Mr. Endicot was chosen their first Governour. The first Person I went to visit in Salem, was Mr. Herrick : How kindly he receiv’d a poor Traveller, my Dear, whose Life he had sav’d at Sea, you may Easier guess than I relate. From his House, we went to take a Glass, and talk over our Sea-Voyage : What we found hard to suffer, twas easie to recite : Nay, there is a certain kind of Pleasure in the reflecting upon Dangers that are past. And tho’ now it was several Months since, I found the Deliverances we had then, were still fresh in his Remembrance. When we were at the Tavern, among other things, I renew’d my Acknowledgements for his former kind- ness, and drank a kind Remembrance in Wine, to the Bottle of Water that had sav’d my Life at Sea ; and after that, to Captain Jenner,* and our Ships Crew. I have already told you, my Dear, that Travellers take Pleasure in recounting their past Dangers ; and had you heard how Mr. Herrick *Dunton came over in the ship Susannah and Thomas, commanded by Captain Thomas Jenner. JOHN DUNTON IN 1686. 35 was affected with it, I am sure you cou’d have had a great Esteem for him ; he speaks of you with much Honour and Regard, and I be- lieve we drank your health a dozen times in an hours sitting. From hence he went with me to take a Ware-house, which I think stands very conveniently. Having settled that affair, Mr. Herrick wou’d fain have had me lodg’d with him ; which I believe I shou’d have accepted, but that Mr. Sewel, the Magistrate of Salem I before men- tion’d, sent me word he shou’d take it very unkindly if I did not make his House my Quarters : Whereupon, I desir’d Mr. Herricks Excuse, and lay at Mr. Sewel’s who gave me a Reception worthy of himself. The Entertainment he gave me was truly Noble and Generous, and my Lodging so Extraordinary both with respect unto the Largeness of the Room, and Richness of the Furniture, as might have Entertain'd a King. So free he was, that had I staid a month there, I had been welcome gratis. To give you his Character ; in brief, my Dear, He is a Person whose Purse is great, but his Heart greater ; he loves to be bountiful, yet limits his Bounty by Reason : He knows what is good, and loves it ; and loves to do it himself for its own sake, and not for thanks : He is the Mirror of Hospitality, and neither Abraham nor Lot were ever more kind to strangers. As he is a Magistrate, he desires to have his Greatness measured by his Goodness ; and his Care is to live so, as to be an Example to the People. He wishes there were fewer Laws, so that they were better observ'd ; and for those that are Mulctuary, he thinks their institution not to be like Briars and Thorns, to catch every thing they lay hold of, but like Sea-marks to avoid the Shipwreck of ignorant and unwary Passengers. He thinks himself then most honourably seated, when he gives Mercy the Up- per hand ; and strives rather to purchase a good Name than Land. Having slept well in my New Quarters, the next Day I went to pay a Visit to the Ministers of Salem : (For you know, my Dear, they are generally the greatest Benefactors to Booksellers ; So that my pay- ing them a Visit, is but in other words to go among my Customers) who were Mr. Higgins,* an Antient and Grave Minister, in his Sta- ture and Physiognomy very much resembling your Reverend Father. He is one that knows the Burthen of his calling, and makes it [his] *Rev. John Higginson, the minister of the First Church. 36 JOHN DUNTON IN 1686. business to Feed, and not Fleece his Flock. In his Discourse there is substance as well as Rhetorick; and he utters more things than Words : In controversal Divinity, he uses soft words, but hard Ar- guments ; and labours more to shew the Truth of his Cause, than his Spleen : His sermon is limited by its Method, and not by the hour- glass ; and his Devotion goes along with him out of the pulpit. He preaches twice on the Lord's Day, and his Conversation is every Days Exercise. I din'd at his House, and he promises me great Assistance in my Business, and Speaks of your Father with a World of Honour. From him, I went to visit Mr. Noyse,* his Assistant, who is a hail, lusty man, appears to be my hearty Friend, and treated me with very much respect. Having made these Visits, the next day I went to Dine with Mr. Herrick, who gave me a very handsome and genteel Reception, and treated me with all that was rare in the Countrey, both as to variety of Fish and Flesh, and Choice of good Wine. In the afternoon he propos’d to shew me the Countrey round about Salem ; and the next morning we were to visit Drinkwater (the Carpenter of the Ship we came to Boston in) who lives a mile from Salem. Drinkwater was very glad to see his Two Fellow Travellers, and gave us the welcome of his House. And so Mr. Herrick and my self came back again to Salem. The next morning I took my leave of Mr. Sewel, making my Ac- knowledgments to him for all his Favours : Who was pleas’d to tell me, I shou'd have been more welcome had I made a longer stay : And renewed his former Promise of giving all the Encouragement he cou'd to my Venture, when it came thither. I then went to take my leave of Mr. Herrick also, to whom I esteem my self very much beholden, for his Generous Treatment and great Civility. And so having spent four Days in Salem, to my great satisfaction, I return'd to Boston; and having made up a very considerable Cargo, I sent Palmer with it to Salem : Where he had very good Trading and took Money apace. But not having my Eye on him, I was told he neglected his Business and fell to shooting ; but quite missed the Mark I aimed at which was, to have my Books sold. *Rev. Nicholas Noyes, settled in 1683, a conspicuous figure at the time of the witchcraft delusion in Salem. JOHN DUNTON IN 1686. 37 My Landlady (Mrs. Wilkins) having a Sister at Ipswich, which she had not seen a great while, Mrs. Comfort, her Daughter, (a young Gen- tlewoman Equally happy in the Perfections both of her Body and mind,) had a great desire to see her Aunt, having never been at her House, nor in that Part of the Countrey ; Which Philaret* having likewise a desire to see, and being never backward to accommodate the Fair Sex, Prefers his Service to wait upon her thither, which was readily accepted by the young Lady, who knew Philaret so well, that she thought her self safe enough under his Protection. Nor were her Parents less willing to trust her with him ; and Philaret was as care- ful not to betray his Trust to any Inconvenience. And now. Sister, all things being ready for our Ramble, I took my Fair one up behind me, and rid to the River-side, which tho' it be often and usually cross'd in a Canoo, yet I rather chose to cross it in a Ferry, having my Horse with me : Having cross’d the River, We mounted again, and rid on our way ; meeting as we went a long with two or three Indians, who courteously saluted us, with, ‘What Chear, Netop?’ Netop in the Indian Language signifies Friend : I return’d their Salutation, and pass’d on ; not without observing that there is a vein of Civility and Courtesie runs in the Blood of these Wild Indians, both among them- selves and towards strangers. This Captain Marshalf is a hearty old Gentleman, formerly one of Oliver’s Souldiers, upon which he very much values himself: He keeps an Inn upon the Road between Boston and Marble-Head : His House was well-fumished, and we had very good Accommodation. I enquir’d of the Captain what memorable Actions he had been in under Oliver, and I found I cou’d not have pleas’d him better ; he was not long in Resolving me of the Civil Wars at his Finger’s Ends ; and if we may believe him, Oliver did hardly anything that was con- siderable without his Assistance ; For his good Service at the Fatal Battel of Naseby, (which gave such a Turn to the King’s affairs, that he cou’d never after come to a pitch’d Battel,) he was made a Cap- *The name Dunton applied to himself, signifying **a lover of virtue." t Captain Thomas Marshall, innkeeper at Lynn. 38 JOHN DUNTON IN 1686. tain ; from thence he went to Leicester, and besieg’d that ; then went to York, and afterwards to Marston-Moor ; and in short. Rambled so far in his Discourse, that if I wou’d have stay’d as long as he’d have talk’d, he wou’d have quite spoil’d my Ramble to Plymouth ; and therefore giving Mrs. Comfort to understand that I begun to be un- easie, she very seasonably came into my Relief, and the Captain was forc’d to leave a great part of his Noble Exploits unrelated. My Fellow-Traveller and I, having taken our leave of the Captain, quick- ly mounted, and went on our Ramble towards Marble-Head. This Discourse had brought us to Marvail, or Marble-Head, a small Town or Harbour, the Shore Rocky, upon which the Town is built, consisting of a few scattered Houses, where they have Stages for Fishermen, Orchards and Gardens ; half a mile within Land, there is good Pastures, and Arable Land, very good. Having left Marble- Head behind us, we Rambled towards New Salem, four miles North of Marble-Head, and directly in our way to Ipswich ; but having given a large Account of this Place, and of my Ramble thither, and staying there for some time, in a Letter to my Dearest Iris, which you may see when you please, I shall say nothing further of it here, but that having call’d at a Friends House, and refresh’d our Selves, we Ram- bled on towards Wenham. I had just concluded my Discourse, as we came to Wenham, which is an Inland Town, very well watered, lying between Salem and Ips- wich, and consisteth most of Men of Judgment and Experience in Country Affairs ; well stored with Cattel. At the first Rise of Ipswich River, in the highest part of the Land, near the Head, are the Springs of many Considerable Rivers ; Shashin, one of the most considerable Branches of Merrimack River; and also at the rise of Mistick River, are Ponds full of Pleasant Springs. In this Town of Wenham, lives one Mr. Geery ;* whose Father is now a Captain in Boston, in so de- licious a Paradice, that of all the Places in the Countrey, I shou’d have chosen this for the most happy Retirement : His House is neat and handsome, fitted with all Conveniences proper for the Countrey : *Rev. Joseph Gerrish, born in 1650 in Newbury. JOHN DUNTON IN 1686. 39 And does so abound with every thing of his own, that he has no Oc- casion to trouble his Neighbours : The lofty spreading Pines on each side of his House, are a sufficient Shelter from the Winds; And the Warm Sun so Kindly ripens both his Fruits and Flowers, as if the Spring, the Summer and the Autumn had agreed together to thrust Winter out of Doors ; He entertain’d us with such pleasant Fruits, as I must own Old England is a stranger to, and amongst all its great Varieties, knows nothing so Delicious. The honest Netop, or Friend Indian, had but just made an End of his Discourse, as we came to Ipswich : I gave him many thanks for the Information he had given me, and also for his good Company, and wou’d have made him drink, but he very thankfully refus’d it : And so we parted, he going about his Occasions, and I and my Fair Fellow-Traveller, to Mr. Steward’s,* whose Wife was Mrs. Comfort’s own Aunt ; whose Joy to see her Niece at Ipswich, was sufficiently Express’d by the Noble Reception we met with, and the Treatment we found there ; which far out-did whate’er we cou’d have Thought : And tho’ my self was but a Stranger to them, yet the Extraordinary Civility and respect they shew’d me, gave me reason enough to think I was very Welcome. It was late when we came thither, and we were both very weary, which yet wou’d not Excuse us from the Trouble of a very Splendid Supper, before I was permitted to go to Bed ; which was got ready in so short a time, as wou’d have made us think, had we not known the Contrary, that it had been ready Provided against we came. Tho’ our Supper was extraordinary, yet I had so great a desire to go to Bed, as made it to me a troublesome Piece of Kindness. But this being happily over, I took my leave of my Fellow-Traveller, and was conducted to my appartment by Mrs. Stewart herself, who Character I shan’t attempt tonight, being so very weary, but reserve till to morrow morning : Only I must let you know that my appartment was so Noble, and the Furniture so suitable to it, that I doubt not *William Stewart died in Ipswich, Aug. 5, 1693 aged 44 years. He lived in the ancient house yet standing at the corner of High and Manning streets and now known as the Caleb Lord house. 40 JOHN DUNTON IN 1686. but even the King himself has been often-times contented with a worser Lodging. Having repos’d my self all Night upon a Bed of Down, (than which there cou’d be nothing softer but the Arms of Iris,) I slept so very soundly that the Sun, (who lay not on so soft a Bed as I did) had got the start of me, and rise before me ; but was so kind however as to make me one of his first visits, and to give me the Bonjeour ; on which I straight got up and dress’d my self, having a mind to look about me and see where I was : And having took a view of ^>swich, I found it to be situated by a fair River, whose first Rise from a Lake or Pond was twenty miles up, breaking its course thorow a hideous Swamp for many miles, a harbour for Bears ; it issueth forth into a large Bay, (where they fish for Whales,) due East over against the Island of Sholes, a great place of fishing ;* the mouth of that River is barr’d : It is a good Haven Town ; their Meeting-House or Church is built very beautifully : There is store of Orchards and Gardens about it, and good Land for Cattel and Husbandry. But I remember. Sister, I promis’d to give you Mrs. Steward’s Character, and if I hadn’t, yet Gratitude and Justice wou’d exact it of me : Her Stature is of a middle size fit for a Woman ; Her Face is still the magazine of Beauty, whence she may fetch Artillery enough to wound a Thousand Lovers ; and when she was about 18, perhaps there never was a Face more sweet and charming : Nor cou’d it well be otherwise, since now at 33, all you call sweet and ravishing, is in her face ; which ’tis as great a Pleasure to behold, as a perpetual Sunshine, without any Clouds at all ; and yet all this sweetness is joyn’d with such attractive vertue as draws all to a certain distance, and there detains them with reverence and admiration, none ever daring to approach her nigher, or having power to go further off. She’s so obliging, courteous and civil, as if those qualities were only born with her, and rested in her Bosom as their Center. Her Speech and her Behaviour is so gentle, sweet, and affable, that whatsoever Men may talk of Magic, there is none Charms but she. So good a Wife she is, she frames her Nature to her Husband’s ; the Hiacinth *The previous fifty-three words are taken almost verbatim from Edward John- son’s Wonder Working Providence, London, 1654. JOHN DUNTON IN 1686. 41 follows not the Sun more willingly, than she her Husbands pleasure. Her Household is her Charge ; her care to that, makes her but seldom a Non-resident. Her Pride is to be Neat and Cleanly, and her Thrift not to be Prodigal. And, to conclude, is both Wise and Religious, which makes her all that I have said before. In the next place, Sister, I suppose yourself will think it reasonable, that unto Mrs. Stewards, I shou’d add her Husband’s Character; whose Worth and Goodness do well merit it : As to his Stature ’tis inclining to Tall; and as to his Aspect, if all the Lineaments of a Sincere and honest-hearted Man were lost out of the World, they might be all retrievd, by looking on his Face: He’s one whose Bounty is limited by Reason, not by Ostentation ; and to make it last, he deals it discreetly ; as we Sowe our Land not by the Sack, but by the handful : He is so sincere and upright, that his word and his meaning never shake hands and part, but always go together : His Mind is always so serene, that Thunder does but rock him a sleep, which breaks other Mens slumbers. His Thoughts have an Aim as High as Heaven, tho’ their Residence be in the Valley of an humble Heart. He is not much given to talk, tho’ he knows how to do it as well as any Man : He loves his Friend, and will do any thing for him, except it be to wink at his faults, of which he will be always a severe Reprover : He is so good a Husband, that he is worthy of the Wife, that he Enjoys, and wou’d even make a bad Wife good by his Example. Ipswich, my Sister, is a Country Town, not very large, and when a Stranger arrives there, ’tis quickly known to every one : It is no wonder then that the next day after our Arrival, the News of it was carry’d to Mr. Hubbald,* the Minister of the Town, who hearing that I was the Person that had brought over so great a venture of Learn- ing, did me the Honour to make me a visit at Mr. Steward’s, where I lay, and afterwards kindly invited me and my Fellow Traveller to his own House, where he was pleas’d to give us a very handsome Entertainment. His writing of the History of Indian Warrs, shews him to be a Person of good Parts and Understanding : He is a sober, grave, and well accomplished Man ; a good Preacher (as all the Town affirm, for I didn’t hear him) and one that lives according to his Preaching. *Rev. William Hubbard, minister and historian. 42 JOHN DUNTON IN 1686. The next day I was for another Ramble, in which Mr. Steward was pleas’d to accompany me, (but I left Mrs. Comfort with her Aunt) and the place we went to, was a Town call’d Rowley, lying six miles North-East from Ipswich, where most of the Inhabitants had been Clothiers: But there was that Day a great Game of Foot-Ball to be play’d, which was the occasion of our going thither ; There was an- other Town that play’d against them, as is sometimes common in England ; but they play’d with their bare feet, which I thought was very odd ; but it was upon a broad Sandy Shoar, free from Stones, which made it more easy. Neither were they so apt to trip up one anothers heels and quarrel, as I have seen ’em in England. . . . Af- ter their Sport was over we return’d home. . . . From whence we were not long a going to his House, where Mrs. Steward had provided us a good Supper, and gave us a hearty welcome home. You know my Rambling Humour, Sister, and that I am still for new Discoveries, which made me the next morning Enquire of Mr. Steward’s Servants what other Towns there lay near Ipswich : (for I had a months mind that Day to make another Ramble) and they ac- quainted me that about Seven miles off there was the Town of Glou- sester, and that their Mistress had a Kinswoman that liv’d there, and therefore they believ’d she wou’d be very ready to go along with me thither. I was very well pleas’d with this Information, and presently went in and told Mrs. Steward, that I was for another Ramble that Day, being for seeing as much of the Countrey as I cou’d : She ask’d me whether I design’d to Ramble ? I told her I design’d for Glou- cester : ‘O,’ says she straight, ’I have a Kinswoman lives there, I want to see, and therefore Cousin Comfort and my self will go a long with you.’ I readily accepted of her Kind offer, it being all I wanted ; but Mr. Steward, by reason of some Business he had before appointed on that Day, cou’d not go with us, but sent his Chiefest Man, with one of his best Horses, to wait upon his Wife. The Way we rid was very pleasant ; for there the lofty Trees with their proud Spreading Tops, made a refreshing Shade, and kept us from the Suns too Officious Kindness. Besides the constant Pros- JOHN DUNTON IN 1686. 43 pect of the Sea on our right hand, brought us such cool refreshing Breezes thence, as made our Journey extream delightful, tho’ the Sun shin’d very hot : . . . We were now come to Gloucester, which is a pretty little Town. Here it was that the Massachusets Colony first set down, tho’ Salem was the first Town built in that Colony. Here is a very fine Harbour for Ships. Mrs. Steward’s kinswoman, who was a very obliging Country-Widow, receiv’d us very kindly, and made us very welcome. While Mrs. Steward and Mrs. Comfort were talking with their kins- woman, my self and Mr. Steward’s Man took a walk about the Town and went down to see the Harbour. ... So returning to the House again, we found Mrs. Steward and Mrs. Comfort waiting for us to take Horse ; which (after taking my Leave of the Widow, and thanking her for our kind Entertainment) we quickly did, and came back in very good time to Ipswich, where Mr. Steward had taken care to have a good Supper ready for us. The next morning, I was Returning to Boston, but Mr. Steward was very solicitous to have me stay that day, and go with him to Wanasquam,* and Indian Town, where he had some business : I confess he hit me in the right Vein, for I lov’d Rambling dearly, and knew not how to deny him ; and therefore was easily perswaded to go with him. Having refresh’d our selves before we went, by eating a good Breakfast, we began our Ramble, and had rid almost half the way to Wanasquam, when on the Road we met an Indian Woman, with her face all over black’d with soot, having a very sorrowful and rueful sort of Countenance ; and quickly after, two or three Indian Men in the same black and sorrowful Condition, that had I been alone, it wou’d have frightened me. But having Mr. Steward with me, I was well enough : Indeed they all pass’d by us very civilly, saying only Ascowequassum, which is in English Good morrow to you. Mr. Steward ask’d me if I had ever seen any of those blackfac’d Indians before? I told him No, and ask’d him what the meaning of it was? He told me. They had had some Relation very lately dead ; and that the Blacking of their Faces, was equivalent to the Englishes going into Mourning for their Relations ; and ask’d me whether I had ♦Annisquam, near Gloucester? 44 JOHN DUNTON IN 1686. ever seen an Indian Burial ? I told him No, nor English neither, in New-England, for none had dy’d that I remember’d, since I came in- to the Country. But the End of his Story having brought us to the beginning of Wanasquam, put an End to our Discourse ; It is a very sorry sort of a Town, but better to come at by Land than by Water: For it is a dangerous place to sail by, especially in stormy weather, by reason of the many Rocks and foaming Breakers all about it. We saw sev- eral other mourning Indians in that Town ; and upon Enquiry found that one of the chief Indians in the Town was lately dead and buried. There was nothing else remarkable to be seen in the Town, and therefore as soon as Mr. Steward had done his business, we return’d back to Ipswich. And early the next morning, having paid our hearty and repeated thanks to Mr. Steward and his Charming Wife, for the Noble Entertainment we had receiv’d from them, my self and Mrs. Comfort took our leaves, and made the best of our way for Boston, where we arriv’d according to our Promise, to the great satisfaction of my good Landlord and his Wife : Mrs. Comfort being no less pleas’d with the pleasure of her Journey, than I was for her good Company. EDWARD WARD IN 1699. Edward ward was bom in Oxfordshire, England, in 1667 and after visiting Jamaica and New England became a taverner in London. His tavern and punch shop was located next door to Gray’s Inn and was known as “The King’s Arms.” He began to publish pamphlets in 1691 and at his death in 1731 had produced over one hundred among them being an account of his visit to Boston, a folio tract of sixteen pages published with the following title : — A Trip to New -England with a character of the Country and People. . . . London, 1699. They have a Charter for a Fair at Salem, but it Begins, like Inger- stone Market, half an Hour after Eleven a Clock, and Ends half an Hour before Twelve : For I never see any thing in it but by great Accident, and those were Pumkins, which were the chief Fruit that supported the English at their first settling in these parts. But now they enjoy plenty of good Provisions, Fish, Flesh and Fowl, and are become as great Epicures, as ever Din’d at PontacNs ordinary. Lobsters and Cod-fish are held in such disdain, by reason of their Plenty, 'tis as Scandalous for a poor Man in Boston to carry one through the streets, as 'tis for an Alderman in the City of London, to be seen walking with a Groatsworth of Fresh-Herrings, from Bill- ings-Gate to his own House. There were formerly amongst them (as they themselves Report) abundance of Witches, and indeed I know not, but there may be as many now, for the men look still as if they were Hag-ridden ; and every Stranger, that comes into the Country, shall find they will Deal with him to this Day, as if the Devil were in ’em. Witchcraft they punish’d with Death, till they had Hang’d the best People in the Country ; and Convicted the Culprit upon a single Evi- dence : So that any prejudic’d person, who bore Malice against a neighbour, had an easie method of removing their Adversary. But since, upon better consideration, they have mitigated the severity of that unreasonable Law, there has not been one accused of Witchcraft, in the whole Country. (45) THOMAS STORY IN 1699 AND 1704. Thomas story was an itinerant Quaker preacher who came over from England in 1697 and between that year and 1708 visited all the colonies from New Hampshire to Carolina. The descrip- tion of his travels and labors in America occupies nearly three hun- dred pages of his “Journal” which is the largest book of travel in what is now the United States, up to the year 1708. He is particu- larly racy about the laws of Connecticut and Massachusetts. His book was published under the following title : — Journal of the Life of Thomas Story: Containing an Account of . . . his Embracing the Prin- ciples of Truth as held by the People called Quakers — His Travels in America . . . Newcastle upon Tyne, 1747. On the Second Day [July 1699] we went to Lynn; where, hearing of a Meeting appointed by our Friend Judadiah Allen, about two Miles thence, we went to it ; and lodged that night with our Friend Richard Estis, at Lynn : and had a Meeting the next Day after at Salem; and, that Night, lodged with our Friend Mathew Estis; and proceeded next Day to Hampton, ... The next Day we had a Meet- ing at Salisbury : and there having been a Report, that the minister of the Place, one Major Pike, and one Joseph Ring (all great Opposers) intended to be there, it was very great : yet none of them came but Ring: who did not oppose, but slunk off towards the Conclusion : and the meeting was held, and concluded in Peace, and the blessed Truth was over all, ... On the 26th, I went towards Hampton, accom- panied by my kind friend Samuel Collins, of Lynn; and, as we were near Ipswich, one of his acquaintance, not a Friend, overtook, and in- vited us to his House ; where. Meat being set before us, I was con- cerned in Prayer before we ate, and they were well affected with it. . . . The next day had a meeting at the House of Joseph Paisley, in Haverhill: It was not large, by reason of the Throng of Harvest. . . . That Afternoon [May 3, 1704] we went to Lynn with Samuel Col- lins: where we staid that Night and the next Day; and on the Sev- enth of the Week, the Fishermen being usually more at home on that (46) THOMAS STORY IN 1699 AND 1704. 47 Day than any other of the Week-days, we had a Meeting at Marble- Head ; where there is not a Friend : The Meeting was pretty large, and the People sober. The Creation of Man, his first State of Inno- cence, his Fall, present State of Nature, and Restoration by Christ the Second Adam, were Subjects of the Testimony : and the divine Truth the good Dominion over the People; who, after the Meeting, were loving, and behaved rather with awful Respect than light chear- fulness, or Familarity : and that Evening we returned to Lyww, . . . I remained at the House of our Friend Samuel Collins. On the 7th of the Month, being the Third of the Week, we were at a marriage at Salem, which had been delayed sometime on purpose ; but the Day proving very rainy and stormy, the meeting was not so large as otherwise it might have been ; but several of the People, of both Sexes, being there, were generally sober, and some broken in Heart. At Salem I remained until the 9th : and, being the Day of their Monthly Meeting, it was large ; several of the People being there, were well satisfied with the Testimony of Truth therein : and Lydia Norton, Mary Dow, Esther Palmer, and Susannah Freeborn, all living Ministers, came to that Meeting : The next Day we had a Meeting at Ipswich, where there were no Friends : It was indifferent large, several of the People tendered, and generally satisfied : some of them giving particular Demonstrations of it. ... that Afternoon we went forward to Newbury; and. Night coming on, I would have tarried there till the Morning, but there was no Provender to be had for my Horse^ so that I went over the great River with some Salisbury Friends, who had been at the Meeting ; and we went together to our Friend Henry Dow's, and lodged there, though it was in the Time of War, and not under the Protection of any Garrison. And several Persons having been killed a little before by the Indians, who were for the French against the English, I found the People in those Parts under great Fear and Danger ; and the Weight of their condition and Circum- stances came heavy upon me. The 11th I rested there ; and, in the Morning, went alone up a Hill, not far from the House, and stood upon a Stump of a Tree, where I could see to a Garrison, some Distance of ; and thought, in the mean 48 THOMAS STORY IN 1699 AND 1704. time, that if any Indians were in Ambush there, I might be a fair mark for them to shoot at ; upon which I retired from thence and descended the Hill, and, near the Foot of it, sat down under the side of a Fence ; where my mind was sensibly filled with divine Goodness, which staid me there for some time ; and, when I returned, I found the Friends had been a little thoughtful where I could be, and that I staid so long; and when I told them I had been on the Top of the same Hill, they informed me, that was the Place where the sculking Indians sometimes came, to spy for Advantages against the People, especially against the Inhabitants of the Garrison, if they could see any of them come out any Distance from it, as a Prey unto them who thirsted for their Blood. The same Day Henry Dow gave notice in the Neighbourhood of my being come, of the Meeting to be next Day at the House of Thomas Nichols, in the upper Part of the Town. It was a tender Meeting, the minds of the People being low for fear of the Indians, their cruel Enemies, and by reason of the great Distress many were in otherwise on that Occasion. It was a dismal Time indeed in those Parts; for no man knew, in an ordinary Way, when the Sun set that ever it would arise upon him more ; or, lying down to sleep, but his first waking might be in Eternity, by a Salutation in the Face with a Hatchet, or a Bullet from the Gun of a merciless Savage ; who, from Wrongs received, as they too justly say, from the Professors of Christ in New-England, are to this Day enraged, as Bears bereaved of their Cubs, sparing neither age nor sex : Nor are they capable of any In- treaty, but, on the contrary, by the Examples set them in the Destruc- tion of their Ancestors, by the pretended Massachusets Christians, promising Life and Friendship, they frequently murder their Captives in cold Blood ; roasting some alive in Times of their Triumph and Merriment as Objects of their Revenge, Laughter and Scorn. The People in those Parts, at this Time, were generally in Garrisons in the Night-time ; and some professing Truth also went into the same with their Guns, and some without them ; But the faithful and true, trusting in the Lord, neither used Gun nor Garrison, Sword, Buckler, nor Spear ; the Lord alone being their strong Tower, . . . and that Night I lodged with Thomas Nichols. THOMAS STORY IN 1699 AND 1704. 49 On the 13th we had a Meeting at Salisbury: where there was a Garrison in some Part of the Town, (for the People garrisoned any convenient House, in Town or Country, they thought most proper for a common Good and safety, as they reckon'd) but I had not Lib- erty in myself to lodge near the Garrison that Night ; but, after some Dispute with a Townsman, Brother-in-law to a Priest, returned, late in the Evening, to Henry Dow's, a place of as much seeming Danger as any, being within Pistol-shot of a great Swamp, and thicket, where Indians formerly inhabited, and there I lodged ; where there was neither Gun nor Sword, nor any Weapon of war, but Truth, Faith, .the Fear of God, and Love, in a humble and resigned mind ; and there I rested with consolation. And here I think fit to remark a particular Passage, viz. The Mother of Henry Dow's wife, being a Friend of blameless Life, and living in this same House with them, let in Reasonings against their continuing in a place of so much apparent Danger, and frequently urged them to remove into the Town, where the Garrison was, that they might lodge there in the night for moral Safety, as many others, and some Friends did ; which her daughter could never be free to do, believing, that if they should let in any slavish Fear, or distrust in the Arm and Protection of the Lord, some very hard thing would befal them ; till at length her mother said to her. That if she could say she had the mind of the Lord against it, (being a minister, though young) she would rest satisfied ; but nothing else than that could balance so rational Fears in so obvious Danger : But the young Woman, being modest, cautious, and prudent, durst not assume pos- itively to place her Aversion to their Removal so high ; so at length she and her Husband complied with the mother, and they removed to the Town, to a House near the Garrison; where the young Wom- an was constantly troubled with frightful surprizing Fears of the Indians : though, while at the House by the Swamp, she was free from it, and quiet. But the Mother, having left some small Things in the House by the swamp, was going early in the Morning to fetch them, and, by some Indians in Ambush near the Town in her way, was killed ; and the same morning, a young man, a Friend, and Tanner by Trade, 50 THOMAS STORY IN 1699 AND 1704. going from the Town to his work, with a Gun in his Hand, and an- other with him without any, the Indians shot him who had the Gun, but hurt not the other ; and when they knew the young man they had killed was a Friend, they seemed sorry for it, but blamed him for carrying a Gun : For they knew the Quakers would not fight, nor do them any Harm ; and therefore, by carrying a Gun, they took him for an Enemy. And the Garrison and Neighbourhood, being alarmed by the Guns of the Indians, some Inhabitants of some few Houses near made such precipitate Haste thither, that they left a little Boy behind them, whose Brains the Indians dashed out against a Plough, and made Prey of as many Goods as they could carry with them. And, when the Town was alarmed, the young woman concluded her mother was slain, (but it was not by shot, but a Blow on the Head) but did not go into the Garrison, but took one of her children in each Hand, and went with them into a swamp, or thicket, full of Reeds, near the Place ; where all her tormenting Fear left her, and she was then greatly comforted and strengthened in the Presence of the Lord, and confirmed in her thoughts, that they should not have left their House for her mother s Fears, though reasonable in human View, seeing that consequence had attended ; after which she returned to her House by the Garrison with her children. The loss of the mother was much lamented by the Son and Daugh- ter, and others ; but, as soon as her body was interred, they went back with their little children to the same Place by the Swamp ; where I lodged with them when they gave me this Relation. On the 14th of the Third month, we had a Meeting at an Inn in Newbury: There were not many Friends there, but probably may be in due time; for the Meeting was very large, and several Persons much broken under the testimony of the Truth. The Meeting con- tinuing long, and the River being between that Place and Salisbury, I went late that Night with Henry Dow and his Wife, and several Friends. . . . That Night [May 28th] I lodged again at Henry Dow's; and on the 29th, I was at another appointed Meeting as Salisbury ; which was not large, but good and comfortable. THOMAS STORY IN 1699 AND 1704. 51 On the 30th I was at their Week-day meeting at Jamaica; which was pretty large, . . . On the 1st of the Fourth Month we had a Meeting at Henry Dow's; which was also comfortable and edifying, and several of the People much tendered ; But this Meeting also was hurt in the Beginning of it, by a forward Person, who prayed a long Sermon to the Almighty, with many Accusations in it against the People and their Ways. . . . On the 2d, being the Seventh of the Week, we went up to Haverell from Salisbury ; and, the next Day, had a Meeting there ; which, be- ing near the Presbyterian Meeting-house, several of them came to us in the Time between their Forenoon and Afternoon meetings, and some of them were affected and tendered, and others very sober and attentive to what was delivered ; who, desired by some of the ruder sort of their own Profession to leave us, they would not ; and then the others endeavoured to have them away by Force; But the Lord gave us a good Meeting notwithstanding this Treatment : . . . That Night I went to Jamaica, and lodged with Thomas Nichols, parting with some Dover Friends in the Road near that Place. After this Meeting Jacob Moral of Salisbury informed me, that he had been with several Persons in that Town, in order to have a Meet- ing among them, but they generally refused ; the old Stock of Perse- cutors, still ruling there, being much against it ; but the younger People were, for the most part, for it : And that at last he had gone to one Major Pike, (an ancient man who had been very contentious, so that every mans Hand had been against him, and he against every Man) and desired his Consent that we might have a Meeting in their Meeting-house, to which the Major assented ; and said also, “That if we could not have their Meeting-house to meet at once, we should have his House And accordingly Jacob Moral had given notice of a Meeting to be there the next Day. Both Friends and others went to the Place about the Tenth Hour next morning, and the Major seemed very open and free ; and Seats being ranged, and many People set down, all of a sudden, and with- out any Provocation, save from the Evil One in himself, the Major began to be very turbulent and abusive, saying, “Friends, if I may call you so, what is your business here ? What means all this Concourse 52 THOMAS STORY IN 1699 AND 1704. of People?” To which Jacob Moral answered, “We have come here to have a Meeting, according to the Liberty thou hast given us.” Then said he, “You told me of a Man that had a Message from Heaven to the People ; which, if he hath, let him say on : but, for my Part, I did not expect such a multitude, neither did I intend any such Leave to such a People as ye are.” Then he gave us much ill and abusive Language, saying, “We were led by the Spirit of the Devil.” At length I stood up and told him, “That I was the Person intended in what had been said.” . . . Then Jacob Moral cleared the matter, affirming in the audience of the People, “That he never said any thing of a Message from Heaven, but only that a travelling Friend, in the Love of God, had a mind to see them in a Meeting ; which the Major had given Leave should be there in his House.” Notwithstanding this, the Major persisted in his Abuses, alledging that Scripture against us, and applying it unduly. Try the Spirits, be- lieve not every Spirit, &c. I asked him, . . . This made the old Per- secutor mad with Rage for a time, and he began to rub up his old rusty Tools of Persecution, asking me whence I came ? and threatened to order me into Custody : ... And so we went out, leaving him foaming and silent in his chair. I went then immediately into the Street ; where, seeing a Parcel of Logs of wood near the Side of a House, I went in and asked the woman of the House (the Goodman being absent) Leave to set the Logs in order, and sit upon them ; and she was very willing, and said, “The Street is free for all ; and as for the Logs ye cannot hurt them, use them at Pleasure,” And, besides these, we procured some Deal-boards, and other things fit for seats, and sat down in the open Street by the House-side ; which proved a far more convenient Place than the Ma- jor’s House, for a multitude of People came thither ; and though some were very light, airy and rude, most of them were sober, and several tender, I had a large time in Testimony among them. . . . Dur- ing all this Time the People were generally attentive, and seemingly pleased ; but just at the Close of the matter, I was attacked, all of a sudden, by a jolly, brisk Person, who brake into the Crowd behind me on Horseback, and, by his Garb, look’d like a Pastor of the People, (and, upon Enquiry afterwards, I found he was so) whose first Salu- THOMAS STORY IN 1699 AND 1704. 53 tation was after this Manner : “Are you not ashamed thus to delude the People, imposing upon them false Glosses on the Scripture? I am a Stranger on the Road, and drawing near this multitude to know the Occasion of it, cannot but appear in defence of Truth.” . . . Then he, wheeling his Horse about, said, “He could stay no longer and, in turning of his Horse, he prov’d resty, and ran back upon a Log, and his hinder Parts fell down, (which some would have a Judg- ment upon him :) but the Priest being a brisk nimble Man, kept upon his Back, and had no Harm, but rode hastily out of the crowd, and went off. ... It was now near Night, and began to rain : and, with some other Friends, I took Horse and rode to Henry Dow's. [On the 5th of June, Thomas Story went to Haverhill where he visited the minister. Rev. Benjamin Rolfe, and engaged in a theological contro- versy which he records in much detail. He describes the “priest” as looking very surly, haughty and illnatured and mentions a fast re- cently appointed because of the cold and backward Spring season, the danger of Indian attack, “several of the Inhabitants of that Town having been some time before killed, and others (about nineteen in all) taken captives by those Savages,” and lastly, against the prevail- ing of the Quakers, several of his congregation having left him not long before. “But mark the end of this ignorant and envious man : For (as I have been assured since) there came a Party of Indians to that Town, and before the dawning of the Day, placing themselves two at least at each Door of every House, and knocking softly as if they had been Neighbours, as soon as any open'd the Doors, the Indians rushed in and killed the first they met with their Hatchets, and then the rest, and many of them in their Beds : and this Teacher happening to be one who open'd his Door at this Time, an Indian killed him with a Hatchet ; at which I did not rejoice when I was in- formed of it, though I could not but remember his Fast and Prayers.” From Haverhill, Thomas Story went to Salem, Marble-Head and Lynn. At Salem he heard that the local “priest” had been “railing against Truth and us in his preachment; whereby he had offended several of the more sober sort of his Hearers.” At Cambridge, a few days later, he held a meeting under an oak before the College buildings at which Samuel Gaskin of Salem, “stood up first.”] JOHN HIGGINSON IN 1700. JOHN Higginson lived in Salem where he was “a considerable merchant” and held many public offices. Three times deputy from Salem to the General Court, he became a member of the Governor’s Council in 1700 and continued in that office until his death in 1719. He also was a Justice of the Court of Common Pleas and Colonel of the local troop. The following account of the com- mercial conditions in New England in 1700 is abstracted from a letter that he wrote on August 29, 1700, to his brother Nathaniel and which was printed in the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 3d Series, Volume VII (1838). Nathaniel Higginson was graduated at Harvard College in 1670 and four years later went to England. In 1683, he went to Madras, in the service of the East India Company where, in 1692, became Governor. ... I now come to answer your question : 1st, you say “may a stock of 5 or 10 thousand pounds be employed ?” I answer, the trade of New England is large. We trade to all parts where the law doth not prohibit. Our principal commodities are dry merchandise, cod- fish fit for the markets of Spaine, Portugal, the Straits, also refuse dry fish, mackerel, lumber, horses and provision for the West Indies ; the effects whereof mostly return for England. The returnes made directly hence for England, are chiefly sugar, molasses, cotton-wool, logwood and brazilla-wood ; for which, we are beholden to the West Indies. Of our owne produce, we have a considerable quantity of whale and other fish-oyles, whale bone, furrs, deer, elk and bear skins ; which are usually sent for England. We have also silver, lead, and copper mines ; but, for want of artists, there has been little got out of them. In all or any of which, a man may employ his money. 2d. “Whether 2 ships can be employed constantly between Eng- land and New England with that stock, and of what burden ?” I ans- wer ; 2 ships may be employed with the stock of a 100 tons or more ; but here is much shipping, freight very low, and it is a query wheth- er you had not better ship upon freight, than either hire or owne (54) JOHN HIGGINSON IN 1700. 55 vessels. The factor here may always have freight when he can pro- vide it. 3d. “How many trips can one ship make, in one year, between England and New England, and what are the proper seasons of voy- aging ?” I answer. It is possible for a ship to make two trips in a year, but it is seldom done. The season for voyaging is almost all the year ; the dead of winter most difficult to come on this coast ; the best time between April and November. 4th. “How many Barbadoes, Jamaica, Virginia, and other places in the West Indies or in Europe, be made use of in carrying on a trade betv/een England and New England ? Please to name the corres- pondent whom you have employed, or known, in any such place.” I answer, that Barbadoes, Jamaica, Virginia, and other places in the West Indies, are very proper to be made use of in making returns for England, of their commodities, the more advantageous than direct from hence. For instance, molasses has been this year at 12d a gal- lon, besides the charge of casks, &c., in Barbadoes; and much mo- lasses, which has been shipped of hence for England, cost here 2s a gallon; besides other charges of commission, cooperage, &c. The freight from Barbadoes being mmch the same as from hence, I judge it more advantageous to have returns of that kind from Barbadoes, than from New England ; sugar and cotton are much the same. Places proper in Europe to make returns to England from, and are much improved for that end, from hence, are Bilboa, Cadiz, Oporto, and the Streights ; where the markets are variable, according to the plenty or scarcity of the commodities. For correspondents in Barbadoes, I have had business with Mr. William Adams and his brother Conrad Adams. William served his time in this towne with Major Browne ; has now married a good fortune in Barbadoes, and understands busi- ness well, and is a faithful man. His brother Conrad lived some time in this towne, is now at Barbadoes, a worthy man. If anything con- siderable should be sent that way, it may be best to consign them in partnership for France and Leward Islands. I know none there ; but here is one John Bradstreet, son of Doctor Samuel Bradstreet, about 24 years old, who served his time with Moses Byfield and Mico ; who has an estate in Jamaica, and is going this fall to settle there, whom 56 JOHN HIGGINSON IN 1700. I would commend to you, if you have occasion to send thither. At Jamaica, are sugar and log-wood for returns, and other things, peices of eight, &c., for Bilboa, Couzin Hayler can inform you. 5th. “Whether Salem or Boston be the best place for trade ?” Answer, Boston, in some respects, Salem in others. Both well im- proved, may do well. 6th. “If Boston, whether you can manage business at Boston while you reside at Salem ?” For answer thereunto, I would propound to your consideration, that I have a son whose name is Nathaniel, now at prentice with Mr. Benjamin Browne, who has given his master great satisfaction in his service ; is twenty one years of age the 1st of April next ; and then out of his time. I intend, God willing, he shall wait upon you by the first ship after he is out of his time, and hope he will be very capable of business, being bred up a Salem mer- chant, and went to the Latin school till he was fourteen years old. Now if any business considerable should happen, I do propound that my son Nat., should live at Boston, and manage a warehouse there, and what goods may be proper for our trade at Salem, I would man- age here, and should be often also at Boston, to oversee and assist there ; also my eldest son John, whom I brought up at home, is very capable of business, a very hopeful young man as any in our towne, sober and judicious. . . . I would further propound my opinion, that considering that money is of late grown so exceeding scarce amongst us, that the making of returns for England, by the way of Barbadoes, Leeward Islands, Bil- boa, Oporto, Cadiz, and Isle of Wight, would be more easy and safe than direct for England ; and it’s probable, more advantageous ; be- cause, money being scarce, and returns direct, difficult to be got, debts must be contracted to procure money, which will be hardly got in, whereas, a man may sell more goods, and better get in his debts more speedily and certainly ; for barter of goods for those markets, than direct. REV. GEORGE KEITH IN 1702. This is an account of the observations of a man more interested in religious doctrines than in the natural features of the country through which he passed and therefore the following abstracts have value only as touching upon men rather than things. George Keith was born in Aberdeen, Scotland, and becoming a Quaker suffered confiscation and imprisonment. He came to America in 1684 and became a surveyor in New Jersey and afterwards taught school in Philadelphia, where he became involved in disputes with his sect. Returning to England he was ordained in the Church of England, and in 1702 was sent to America by the Society for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts. His journeyings were published in a vol- ume under the following title : A Journal of Travels from New-Hamp~ shire to Caratuck on the Continent of North- America, London, 1706. July 8, July 9, Thursday. I went from Boston to Linn, accom- panied with Mr. Talbot, and the next day, being the Quakers Meeting day, we visited there, having first called at a Quaker’s House, who was of my former acquaintance. Mr, Shepherd the Minister of Linn did also accompany us, but the Quakers, though many of them had been formerly Members of his Church, were very abusive to him, as they were unto us. After some time of silence, I stood up and began to speak, but they did so interrupt with their Noise and Clamour against me, that I could not proceed, though I much entreated them to hear me ; So I sat down and heard their Speakers one after another utter abundance of falsehoods and impertinencies and gross perversions of many Texts of the Holy Scripture. After their Speakers had done, they hasted to be gone ; I desired them to stay, and I would shew them that they had spoke many falshoods, and perverted many places of Scripture, but they would not stay to hear. But many of the People staid, some of them Quakers, and others who were not Quakers but disaffected to the Quakers Principles. I asked one of their Preach- ers before he went away, seeing they Preached so much the suf- ficiency of the Light within to Salvation, (without any thing else) did (57) 58 REV. GEORGE KEITH IN 1702. the Light within teach him without Scripture, that our Blessed Sav- iour was born of a Virgin, and died for our Sins, etc. He replyed, If he said it did, I would not believe him, and therefore he would not answer me. After their Speakers were gone, I went up into the Speakers Gallery, where they used to stand and Speak, and I did read unto the People that staid to hear me, Quakers and others, many Quotations out of Edw. Burroughs's Folio Book, detecting his vile Errors, who yet was one of their chief Authors, particularly in Page 150, 151. where he renders it the Doctrine of Salvation that's only necessary to be preached, viz. Christ within, and that he is a Deceiver that exhorts People for Sal- vation to any other thing than the Light within ; as appears by his sev- eral Queries in the Pages cited. And where he saith. Page 273, that the Sufferings of the People of God in this Age {meaning the Quakers) are greater Sufferings, and more Unjust, than those of Christ and the Apostles; what was done to Christ, or to the Apostles, was chiefly done by a Law, and in great part by the due execution of a Law. But all this a noted Quaker, whose name I spare to mention, (as I generally in- tend to spare the mentioning of their Names) did boldly defend. But another Quaker who stood by, confessed the last Passage in render- ing the Quakers Sufferings greater and more unjust than the Suffer- ings of Christ, was not well worded, but to excuse it, said, we must not make a Man an offender for a word. July 19, Sunday. Mr. Talbot Preached at Salisbury in the Forenoon, and I Preached there in the Afternoon, on Philip 2, 13, where we had a great Auditory, and well affected, as also we had the like at Hamp- ton. The occasion of our having so great an Auditory both at Hamp- ton and at Salisbury was this, as some of them told us, that they had been inform’d concerning us, that We being Ministers of the Church of England, we would Preach down-right Popery to our Hearers; But (said they) we came the rather to hear you, to know whether we could hear any Popery Preached by you ; but indeed, (said they which were the most Judicious, and most Ancient among them,) Praised be God we heard no Popish Doctrine Preached by any of you, but good sound Prot- estant Doctrine, the same which we have heard our Ministers of New- England Preach to us, and which to our great comfort we have believed REV. GEORGE KEITH IN 1702. 59 these Forty Years past, and we still continue to believe. We replied, we were very glad to find that they were of the same Faith with the Church of England, in these great Fundamentals of the Christian Religion. . . . July 25, 1702. We arrived at Salem, and had intended to have visited the Quakers at their Meeting there, the next Day, but we were informed that they had removed their Meeting for that Day from Salem to another Place, of which we could have no notice, though we made enquiry. . . . July 28. In our way from Salem to Boston, as we stayed some Hours at the Ferry by Newberry, I had much discourse with a sober Carpenter who was a Quaker, his Name was William Clement. He did readily confess to the Fundamentals of the Christian Faith, con- cerning our blessed Saviour ; but had some dispute with me about Baptism, and by the Discourse I had there with him, seemed to be much convinced that it was his Duty to have his Children Baptized, as he had been himself, in Infancy, and had a Resolution to have it done. JOHN OLDMIXON IN 1708. This English author is supposed to have visited America but some authorities incline to the belief that his book was com- piled by Herman Moll, the cartographer. The dedication, how- ever, is signed by Oldmixon who was the author of many plays, poems and historical and critical writings. He died in London in 1742. A second edition of his geographical work was published in 1741 and both editions were translated and published in Germany. The text bears evidence of a certain amount of compilation from earlier printed works and inaccuracies appear ; in fact, one critic says of the book that “it contains almost as many errors as pages, and unsupported is not to be trusted.” It was published in two volumes under the following title : The British Empire in America, Containing the His- tory oj the Discovery, Settlement, Progress, and Present State of the Brit- ish Colonies on the Continent and Islands of America, London, 1708. Salem is the chief Town of this County, situated on the Northern Branch of the Charles River. Here is one of the best built churches in the Country : but it was put to a very ill Use in the Time of the Witch Plague, being generally the place of Meeting for the Witch Judges, when they began the Prosecutions of the poor Women, who were put to Death as witches ; more were hang’d here than in all New-England besides. It broke out in the House of the Minister here, Mr. Paris, whose Daughter was a main Evidence against them, hav- ing been frequently under the Power of Witchcraft, which her Father contributed very much to the Belief of. The Town is situated in a Plain, between two Rivers, and has two Harbours, Winter Harbour and Summer Harbour. Here the Planters of the Massachusets Colony made their first Settlement, and a very good Trade is driven to Barbados and the Sugar Islands. It has a Market every Wednesday, and two Fairs in the Year, the last Wednesday in May, and the last Wednesday in Septem- ber. The inferior Court is kept here the last Tuesday in June, and Decem- ber, and the superior the second Tuesday in November. Northward of Salem is the high Promontory Trabigzando, now called Cape Ann, a (60) JOHN OLDMIXON IN 1708. 61 Place for fishing, and a Harbour for ships. A little higher is Ipswich, a large Town, situated by the side of a fine River. The inferior Court is kept here the last Tuesday in March, and the superior the third Tuesday in May. Lyn is a Market-Town, and I was surprised to read in Mr. Neal, that there’s hardly any Town in the Country that has a market ; for the Accounts we have met with of it name many Towns with Markets, and the days on which they are kept. Lyn is situated at the Bottom of a Bay, near a River, which on the breaking up of the Winter, empties itself with a rapid Torrent into the Sea. At the Mouth of the River Merrimack stands Newbury, pleas- antly situated, where Abundance of Sturgeon are taken, and pickled after the manner used in the Baltick. The Society for propagating the Gospel according to the Church of England, have a missionary here, to whom they allow 60/. a Year. If the Design is to convert the Indians to Christianity, ’tis very pious and laudable, if only to convert the Pesbyterian, the Society allowing them to be already Christians, what is wanting to their Salvation ? If it is to foment Division for indifferent Matters, to support Bigotry and Animosity, 'tis a pretty long way the Missionary goes for it, and I am afraid his Errand is not so necessary as a Mission among the Hurons and Iro- quois would be. On the other side of the Merrimack, over-against Newbury, is Salisbury, where there is a Ferry ; the River between the two Towns being half a Mile over, as broad as the Thames at Graves- end. Four Miles Southward of Salem is Marblehead, where there is another Missionary, who is not of the Religion as by Law establish’d in this Country. The above-mention’d Society allow him 50/. a Year. Both these Allowances are very handsom, and much more inviting than many a Welsh Curacy, which, however, the greatest Part of our Academists would prefer to the New-England Mission. The Soil of Essex County is not very fertile except it be near the Sea Coast, where the Towns are built for the Convenience of Fishing. The River Merrimack, which waters it, is barr’d in some Places, or it would be navigable up very high within Land. REV. JOHN BARNARD IN 1714. iHIS description relates only to one town — Marblehead, but it is so vivid that it must not be overlooked. Rev. John Barnard was born in Boston in 1681 and after assisting Dr. Coleman of the Brattle Street Church and serving as Chaplain in the expedi- tions against Port Royal in 1707, he preached as a candidate in several pulpits and at last become the assistant of Rev. Samuel Cheever at Marblehead and there he remained for the rest of his life. He must have been a fine type of the dignified old-time minister for in the dis- course preached at his funeral it was said — “His presence restrained every imprudent sally of youth, and when the aged saw him they arose and stood up.” The following is reprinted from an autobio- graphical account printed in Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 3d Series, Volume V. (1836) When I first came, [in 1714] there were two companies of poor, smoke-dried, rude, ill-clothed men, trained to no military discipline but that of “whipping the snake,” as they called it ; whereas now, [in 1766] and for years past, we are a distinct regiment, consisting of seven full companies, well clad, of bright countenances, vigorous and active men, so well trained in the use of their arms, and the var- ious motions and marches, that I have heard some Colonels of other regiments, and a Brigadier General say, they never saw throughout the country, not in their own regiment, no, nor in Boston, so goodly an appearance of spirited men, and so well exercised a regiment. When I came, there was not so much as one proper carpenter, nor mason, nor tailor, nor butcher in the town, nor any thing of a market worth naming ; but they had their houses built by country workmen, and their clothes made out of town, and supplied themselves with beef and pork from Boston, which drained the town of its moneys But now we abound in artificers, and some of the best, and our mar- kets large, even to a full supply. And, what above all I would re- mark, there was not so much as one foreign trading vessel belonging to the town, nor for several years after I came into it ; though no town had really greater advantages in their hands. The people con- (62) REV. JOHN BARNARD IN 1714. 63 tented themselves to be the slaves that digged in the mines, and left the merchants of Boston, Salem, and Europe, to carry away the gains ; by which means the town was always in dismally poor circumstances, involved in debt to the merchants more than they were worth ; nor could I find twenty families in it that, upon the best examination, could stand upon their own legs ; and they were generally as rude, swearing, drunken, and fighting a crew, as they were poor. Where- as, not only are the public ways vastly mended, but the manners of the people greatly cultivated ; and we have many gentlemenlike and polite families, and the very fishermen generally scorn the rudenesses of the former generation. I soon saw that the town had a price in its hands, and it was a pity they had not a heart to improve it. I therefore laid myself out to get acquaintance with the English masters of vessels, that I might by them be let into the mystery of the fish trade, and in a little time I gained a pretty thorough understanding in it. When I saw the advantages of it, I thought it my duty to stir up my people, such as I thought would harken to me, and were capable of practising upon the advice, to send the fish to market themselves, that they might reap the benefit of it, to the enriching themselves, and serving the town. But, alas ! I could inspire no man with courage and resolution enough to engage in it, till I met with Mr. Joseph Swett, a young man of strict justice, great industry, enterprising genius, quick ap- prehension, and firm resolution, but of small fortune. To him I opened myself fully, laid the scheme clearly before him, and he hearkened unto me, and wise enough to put it in practise. He first sent a small cargo to Barbadoes. He soon found he increased his stock, built ves- sels, and sent the fish to Europe, and prospered in the trade, to the enriching of himself ; and some of his family, by carrying on the trade, have arrived at large estates. The more promising young men of the town soon followed his example ; that now we have be- tween thirty and forty ships, brigs, snows, and topsail schooners en- gaged in foreign trade. From so small a beginning the town has risen into its present flourishing circumstances, and we need no for- eigner to transport our fish, but are able ourselves to send it all to the market. DR. ALEXANDER HAMILTON IN 1744. Doctor Hamilton was a Scotchman who had learned pharmacy in Edinburgh and came to Annapolis, Maryland, where he set up the practice of medicine. After a severe illness he under- took a journey through the Colonies with the hope of benefitting his health and during that time kept a journal descriptive of his move- ments and the country through which he passed. Shortly after re- turning to Annapolis he presented this journal to an Italian gentle- man, Onorio Razolini, who was visiting America and in whose family the manuscript remained until the beginning of the twentieth century when it passed into the hands of booksellers and eventually became the property of Mr. William K. Bixby of St. Louis, Missouri, who published it privately under the following title : Hamilton’s Itinerarium, being a Narrative of a Journey from Annapolis, Maryland, though Dela- ware, Pennsylvania, New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Massachusetts and New Hampshire, from May to September, 1 744, St. Louis, 1907. Mystic — Lynn Departing Charlestown I passed thro’ Mystic at ten o’clock, a pretty large village, about four miles northeast from Boston. A little after twelve I passed thro’ Lynn, another village,'-, but very scattered, and standing upon a large compass of ground, the situation very open and pleasant. Here I could have a view of the sea upon my right hand, and upon my left a large open hilly and rocky country with some skirts of woods, which seemed to be but low and of a small growth. Marblehead At one o’clock I arrived at Marblehead, a large fishing town, lying upon the sea coast, built upon a rock, and standing pretty bleak to the easterly winds from the sea. It lies eighteen miles northeast from Boston, and is somewhat larger than Albany, but not so neatly or compactly built, the houses being all of wood and the streets very (64) DR. ALEXANDER HAMILTON IN 1744. 65 uneven, narrow, and irregular. It contains about 5,000 inhabitants and their commodity is fish. There is round the town above 200 acres of land covered with fish-flakes, upon which they dry their cod. There are ninety fishing sloops always employed, and they deal for £34,000 sterling prime cost value in fish yearly, bringing in 30,000 quintals, — a quintal being one hundredweight dried fish, which is 3,000,000 pounds weight, a great quantity of that commodity. I put up here at one Ried’s at the sign of the Dragon, and while I was at dinner, Mr Malcolm,* the Church of England minister to whom I was recommended, came in. After I had dined he carried me round the town, and showed me the fish-flakes, and the town battery, which is built upon a rock, nat- urally well fortified, and mounts about twelve large guns. We had a great deal of talk about affairs at home. I went to his house and drank tea with him. He showed me some pretty pieces of music, and played some tunes on the flute and violin. He is author of a very good book upon music, which shows his judgment and knowledge in that part of Science. Sunday, July 29th. — This morning inquiring for my portmanteau, I was told by my man Dromo that it was in his room. I had the curiosity to go and see what kind of a room his room was, and upon a reconnoitre found it a most spacious one, furnished a la mode de cabaret, with tables, chairs, a fine feather-bed with quilted counter- pane, white calico canopy or tester, and curtains, every way adapted for a gentleman of his degree and complexion. I went to church to hear Mr. Malcolm in the forenoon, who gave us a pretty discourse. This church is a building of wood, about eighty feet square, supported in the inside with eight large octagonal wooden pillars of the Doric order. Upon this church stands a steeple in which there is a public clock. The floor of the church is raised six or seven feet above the ground, and under it is a burying place. The pulpit and alter are neat enough, the first being set out with a cushion of red velvet, and the other painted and adorned with the King’s arms at top. There is one large gallery facing the pulpit, op- posite to which at the south entry of the church hangs a pretty large *Rev. Alexander Malcolm, rector of St. Michael’s Church (1740-1749) who re- signed and removed to Maryland. 66 DR. ALEXANDER HAMILTON IN 1744. gilt candle branch. The congregation consists of about 400 people. I dined with Mr. Malcolm, and went to church again with him in the afternoon, and spent the evening agreeably in his company. In this town are likewise two great Presbyterian meetings. Salem Monday, July 30th. — Mr. Malcolm and I set out at eleven o’clock in the morning for Salem, which is a pretty town about five miles from Marblehead, going round a creek, but not above two if you cross the creek. We arrived there betwixt twelve and one o’clock, and called at Justice Sewell’s,* who invited us to dine with him. We put up our horses at the Ship Tavern, and went to Mr. Sewell’s. Our conversation ran upon the enthusiasm now prevalent in these parts, and the strange madness that had possessed some people at Ipswitch, occasioned by one Woodberry, a mad enthusiast, who, pre- tending to inspiration, uttered several blasphemous and absurd speeches, asserting that he was the same today, yesterday, and for- ever, saying he had it in his power to save or damn whom he pleased, falling down upon the ground, licking the dust, and condemning all to hell who would not do the like, drinking healths to King Jesus, the self-existing Being, and prosperity to the kingdom of heaven, and a thousand other such mad and ridiculous frolics. I was quite shocked at these relations, both when I heard them mentioned in conversation, and saw them published in the newspaper, being sur- prised that some of the chief clergy there had been so weak as to be drawn away by these follies. This is a remarkable instance to what lengths of madness enthusiasm will carry men once they give it a loose [rein], and tho’ these excursions may appear shocking to people in their senses, yet so much good may follow them as that the interest and influence of these fanatic preachers will be thereby depressed among all such people as are not quite fools or mad. These extravagancies take all their first root from the labours of that righteous apostle Whitefield, who, only for the sake of private lucre and gain, sowed the first seeds of distraction in these unhappy ignorant parts. ♦Stephen Sewall (1704-1760), Harvard College, 1721. Judge of the Superior Court of Judicature and Chief Justice from 1752 until his death. He was the son of Major Stephen Sewall who was the clerk of the witchcraft court. DR. ALEXANDER HAMILTON IN 1744. 67 In the afternoon Mr. Malcolm and I rid to the country-seat of one Brown,* a gentleman who married a daughter of the late Governour Burnets’, a grand-daughter of the bishops'. His house stands upon the top of a high hill, and is not yet quite finished. It is built in the form of an H, with a middle body and two wings. The porch is supported by pillars of the Ionic order about fifteen feet high, and betwixt the windows of the front are pilasters of the same. The great hall or parlour is about forty feet long and twenty five wide, with a gallery over the first row of windows, and there are two large rooms upon a floor in each of the wings about twenty-five feet square. From this hill you have a most extensive view. To the southwest you see the Blue Hills, about thirty-six miles distance ; to the east the sea and several islands ; to the northwest the top of a mountain called Wachusett Mountain, like a cloud, about ninety miles distance, towards Albany ; and all round you have a fine landscape, covered with woods, a mixture of hills and valleys, land and water, upon which variety the eye dwells with pleasure. This hill Mr. Brown calls Mount Burnet in compliment to his wife. In the hall I saw a piece ot tapestry or arras of scripture history, done by Vanderbank, a Dutch artist. For elegance and design it is like painting, the passions in the faces being well expressed. It is the best of the kind ever I saw. This gentleman has a fine estate, but withal has the character of being narrow and avaricious, a vice uncommon to young men. He has a strange taste for theological controversy. While we were there the conversation turned chiefly upon nice metaphysical distinctions relating to original sin, imputed righteousness, reprobation, effectual calling, and absolute decrees, which stuff — as I esteem it to be no more than the monstruous and deformed offspring of scholastic, theological heads — I should choose to hear at no other times but when I took a *Hon. William Browne (1709-1763), whose county seat in Beverly was popularly known as “Browne’s Folly,” a name afterwards applied to the hill on which it was built. He was a Justice of the Court of General Sessions and died suddenly while about his fields in Beverly. A reservior supplying water to the city of Salem now occupies the crest of this hill. For a full account of “Browne’s Folly” and its owner see Essex Institute Historical Collections, Vol. 31, page 205. 68 DR. ALEXANDER HAMILTON IN 1744. cathartic or emetic, in order to promote the operation if it proved too sluggish. Mr. Malcolm and I returned to Salem a little before eight o’clock, and went to the Ship Tavern, where we drank punch and smoaked tobacco with several colonels ; for colonels, captains, and majors are so plenty here that they are to be met with in all companies, and yet methinks they look no more like soldiers than they look like divines ; but they are gentlemen of the place, and that is sufficient. We went to Mr. Sewell’s lodging betwixt nine and ten at night, and after some chat with him went to bed. The town of Salem is a pretty place, being the first settled place in New England. In it there is one Church of England, one Quaker meeting, and five Presbyterian meetings. It consists of one very long street, running nearly east and west. Upon the watch-house,* is a grenadier, carved in wood, shoulder- ing his piece. Salem Ferry — Ipswitch Tuesday, July 31st. — At eleven o’clock this morning Mr. Malcolm accompanied me to Salem Ferry, where I crossed, and rid a pleasant level road all they way to Ipswitch, where the houses are so thick planted that it looks like one continued village. I put up at one Howel’s in Ipswitch, at the sign of the Armed Knight. I waited up- on Mr. John Rogers,t the minister there, and delivered him a packet of letters from his son at Annapolis. I returned again to the tavern and there met a talkative old fellow, who was very inquisitive about my place of abode and occupation, as he called it. He frequently accosted me with please your honour, with which grand title, like some fools whom I know, I seemed highly pleased, tho’ I was conscious it did not belong to me. When I told him I came from Maryland he said he had frequently read of that place, *The watch house formerly stood in Town House Square, in the middle of what is now Washington Street. It was erected in 1712 and was little more than a large sentry box. The life-size figure of a grenadier bore on its breast the legend "Anne Regina, 1712.” tRev. John Rogers died the next year. He had been minister of the Ipswich church since 1688. His portrait is at the Essex Institute, Salem. DR. ALEXANDER HAMILTON IN 1744. 69 but never had seen it. This old fellow, by his own account, had read of everything, but had seen nothing. He affected being a scholar, or a man much given to reading or study, and used a great many hard words in discourse, which he generally misapplied. There was likewise a young man in company, who rid with me some miles on my way to Newberry. He valued himself much upon the goodness of his horse, and said that he was a prime beast as ever went upon four legs or wore hoofs. He told me he had a curiosity to ride to Maryland, but was afraid of the terrible woods in the way, and asked me if there were not a great many dangerous wild beasts in these woods. I told him that the most dangerous wild beasts in these woods were shaped exactly like men, and they went by the name of Buck- skins, or Bucks, tho’ they were not Bucks either, but something, as it were, betwixt a man and a beast. “Bless us ! you don’t say so,” says he ; “then surely you had needs ride with guns” (meaning my pistols). I parted with this wiseacre. When I had got about half way to Newberry, a little farther I met a fat sheep driving in a chaise, a negro sitting upon the box. I asked the negro if that was his master. He told me no, but that it was a wether belonging to Mr. Jones, who had strayed and would not come home without being carried. Passing by this prodigy I met another, which was two great fat women riding upon one horse. I arrived at Newbury at seven o’clock, and put up at one Cheat’s at the sign of the Crown, which is a good house. Newbury is a pretty large village, lying close upon the water ; the houses are chiefly wood. In this town there is one handsome meeting built in a square form, with a spire or steeple upon which is a little neat publick clock. Newbury Ferry — Hampton Wednesday, August 1st. — This morning proved very rainy, and therefore I did not set out till eleven o’clock. I crossed Newbury Ferry, and rid a pleasant even road, only some- what stony, and in a perpetual drizzle, so that I could not have an advantageous view of the country round me. At half an hour after one I passed thro’ Hampton, a very long, scattered town. . . . 70 DR. ALEXANDER HAMILTON IN 1744. Newbury Ferry [August 3d] Near Newbury Ferry I met an old man, who was very inquisitive about news. He rid above a mile with me. I crossed the ferry at twelve o’clock, and dined at Cheat’s with two Boston gentle- men, and after dinner they would have had me go to the Presbyter- ian meeting to hear a sermon, but I declined it, and getting upon horseback departed Newbury at three in the afternoon, the day being pretty hot. Some miles from this town I passed thro’ a pleasant small plain about a quarter of a mile broad, thro’ the middle of which runs a pretty winding river. On the way I met a young sailor on foot who kept pace with my horse, and he told me he was bound for Salem that night. He entertained me with his adventures and voyages, and dealt much in the miraculous, according to the custom of most travellers and sailors. I arrived at Ipswitch at six o’clock and put up at Howell’s. I went to see Mr. Rogers, the minister there, and at night drank punch with his son, the doctor. Salem Ferry Saturday, August 4th. — I left Ipswich early in the morning, and had a solitary ride to Salem. I put up my horses there at the Ship Tavern and called at Messrs Sewell’s and Brown’s, but they were both gone out of town. At Salem there is a fort with two demi-bastions, but they stand less in need of it than any of the other maritime towns here, for the entry to this harbour is so difficult and rocky that even those who have been for years used to the place will not venture in without a good pilot, so that it would be a hard task for an enemy to enter. Portsmouth harbour is easy enough, but the current of the tides there is so violent that there is no getting in or out but at particular seasons, and, besides, they are locked in on all hands by islands and promon- tories. At Marblehead the entry is very easy and open. At twelve o’clock I thought of going to Marblehead again to pay another visit to Mr. Malcolm, whose company and conversation had much pleased me, but meeting here with a gentleman going to Boston, I took the opportunity, for the sake of company, to go along with him. REV. GEGRGE WHITEFIELD IN 1740. Rev. George Whitefield, the revivalist, made several tours of New England and at last died suddenly in Newburyport, in 1770 and was buried “Under the church on Federal Street” where for many years the coffin was exhibited to visitors. Doctor Bentley, the Salem minister, viewed the remains on May 6, 1787 and records in his Diary : “His body is yet firm. The resistance of the breast is as great as in a piece of tight parchment, both his hands are taken away, and his throat cut open.” His first tour of New England was published under the following title : ''A Continuation of the Rev. Mr. Whitefields' Journal . . . Containing an account of the work of God at Georgia, Rhode Island, New-England . . . London, 1741. Monday, Sept. 29, [1740]. Set out about 7 in the Morning, got to Marblehead, a large Town 20 Miles from Boston, about 11 ; preach’d to some Thousands in a broad Place in the middle of the Town, but not with much visable Effect. Din’d with Mr. Barnard, one of the Ministers of the Place. Rode to Salem, 4 Miles from Marblehead, and preach’d there also to about 7000 People ; Here the Lord mani- fested forth his Glory. One Man was, I believe, struck down by the Power of the Word. In every Part of the Congregation Persons might be seen under great Concern ; One Mr. Clark, a good Minister, as is granted by all Lovers of God, seemed to be almost in Heaven. Salem is the first settled, and except Boston, the largest Town in all New England; but rather, as far as I could see and hear, excells it for Politeness. Upon Enquiry, I found the Inhabitants had been sadly divided about their Minister ; and God was pleased, before I knew their Circumstances, to direct me to a suitable Subject. . . . After the Exercise, I immediately set out and got to Ipswich, another large Town, 16 Miles (the Way we went) distant from Salem. Two or three Gentlemen came to meet me, and I and my Friends were kind- ly entertain’d at the House of Mr. Rogers, one of the Ministers of the Place. (71) 72 REV. GEORGE WHITEFIELD IN 1740. Tuesday, Sept. 30. Preach’d at Ipswich about 10 in the Morning, to some Thousands ; The Lord gave me Freedom, and there was a great Melting in the Congregation. Din’d, set out and reach’d New- bury, another large Town, twelve Miles distant from Ipswich, about 3. Here again the Lord accompanied the Word with his Power ; The Meeting-House was very large, many Ministers were present, and People were greatly affected. Took Ferry immediately after Sermon ; went with Mr. Cotton, Minister of the Place, who came to meet me in a Chaise to Hampton, another great Town, 9 Miles from Newbury. Set out directly for Newbury; which we reach’d about 8 at Night, and were kindly entertain’d at a Gentleman’s House with all my Friends, my Heart was much enlarged and fill’d with Joy. . . . Saturday, Octob. 4. Lay at the House of Mr. Lowell, Minister of the Place. Preached in the Morning to a very throng’d Congregation, and saw the Outgoings of God in his Sanctuary ; collected £80 9s. Hastned to Ipswich; preached to a larger Congregation, and with as much Power as when there last. Got to Salem about 8 at night, was most kindly received by Col. P d ; and also was favour’d with a Visit from the Minister belonging to the Church of England. Sunday, October 5. Preach’d at 8 o’clock, this Morning in the Meeting-House. At the Minister’s Request, read Prayers and assisted at the Sacrament in the Church of England, but thought Matters were not at all carried on with Decency and Order. Preached again in the Afternoon in the Meeting-House, but saw no such Power all the Day as v/hen I preached here a few Days ago. Monday, October 6. Spent the Sabbath Evening very comfortably with my dear Fellow Travellers in praying and singing spiritual Songs ; I trust we made Melody, with Grace in our Hearts unto the Lord. Set out from Salem about 9, preached at Marblehead about 11, and with such Power that I trust it will be a Day much to be re- membered by many Souls. The two Ministers presented me £70 2s. 6d. for the Orphan-House, which they had voluntarily collected Yes- terday in their own private Meetings. Was most affectionately re- ceived and entertain’d by Col. M n, from whom I parted almost with Tears. ESSEX COUNTY QUARTERLY COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. ABSTRACTED BY GEORGE FRANCIS DOW. {Continued from Volume XXIV, page 140.) Topsfield marriages, 1669, returned by John Redington, clarke : — ■ James Waters and Mary Stalworthie, Mar. 24. Michaell Bouden and Sara Nurse, Dec. 15. Topsfield births, 1669 : — Benjamin, son of Isack and Mary Estey, Apr. 29. Elizabeth, daughter of Edmond and Mary Towne, Nov. 2, Nathaniel, son of Frances and Mary Pebodie, July 29. Martha, daughter of John and Phebe French, Aug. 19. Solomon, son of William and Rebecah Smith, Mar. 3. John, son of John and Mary How, Mar. 3. Samuell, son of John and Sarah Gould, Mar. 9. Ebenezer, son of William and Hana Averel, Oct. 14. Mary, daughter of James and Mary Waters, Feb. 7. Mary, daugher of Josiph and Phebe Towne, Mar. 27, 1670. Francis Pabody served on the grand jury and Thomas Perkings on the jury of trials at Ipswich, Sept. 28, 1669. Thomas Baker v. Anthony Carrell. For not delivering him a divi- sion of land, etc. Verdict for plaintiff. John Jewett deposed that on Apr. 2, 1661, he was possessed of that land in Topsfield which he sold to Anthony Carrell, it having come to him from his father Comings upon marriage. His father told him that he himself was rated in Topsfield, and further that his father paid it for him and he allowed him for it. Sworn in court. — Sept. 28, 1669.^ John How V. John Hutcheson. Debt. Verdict for plaintiff. Writ, dated Sept. 21, 1669, signed by Robert Lord, for the court, and served by Robert Lord, marshal of Ipswich by attachment of a parcel of tobacco of defendant’s. Amme Coper testified that John Hucheson was to pay John How for his horse in tobacco and sugar as it went from merchant to mer- chant. Sworn, Sept. 28, 1669, before Daniel Denison. *The date at the end of each paragraph or case is the date of the session of the Court. (73) 74 COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. Jonathan Clark, aged about twenty-one years, deposed. Sworn in court. John How received of John Hutcheson three score and fourteen pounds of tobacco and five score and one pound of sugar. John How’s bill of cost. Hi. 2s. 4d. John Hutchinson of Salem acknowledged a debt of 81i. 10s. to John How of Topesfeld, dated Aug. 12, 1668, in consideration of a horse; if the horse lived to Barbadoes, said How was to have his pay in to- bacco and sugar, but if it died, he was to have but 41i,, or if the horse was otherwise disposed of he was to have the money. Wit : Recherd (his mark) Husheson and Ame (her mark) Coper. Sworn by Ame Cooper, Sept. 28, 1669, before Daniel Denison. Itemized account of the sugar and tobacco received by John How to the amount of 81i. 13s. 6d—Sept. 28, 1669. Evan Morice, upon acknowledging in court that he was drunk, was fined.— Sept. 28, 1669. Execution, dated July 17, 1669, against John Goold of Topsfeild, to satisfy judgment granted Mr. William Browne, sr., June 29, 1669, at Salem court ; signed by Hilliard Veren, cleric ; and served by Henery Skerry, marshal of Salem, by attachment of eight neat entile.— Nov. 30, 1669. Warrant to the constable of Topsfield, dated Mar. 2, 1668 : ’'Wher- as the law published by the Honered Generali Court lib. 1 pag 76. Sect. 3, doe require all Townes from time to time to dispose of all sing- le psons and inmates within their Towns to service or otherwise and in pag. 16. tit. children & youth, It is required of the selectmen that they see that all and youth under family Government be taught to read perfectly the english tongue, have knowledge in the capital laws, and be taught some orthodox catechism, and that they be brought up to some honest imployment, profitable to themsellves and the com- monwealth, and in case of neglect, on the part of famaly Governours, after admonition given them, the sayd selectmen are required, with the helpe of two magistrates, or next court of that shire, to take such children or apprentices from them, and place them forth with such as will looke more straitly to them. The neglect whereof, as by sad ex- perience from court to court abundantly appears, doth occasion much sin and prophanes to increase among us, to the dishoner of God, and the ensueing of many children and servants, by the dissolute lives and practices of such as doe live from under family Goverment and is a great discouragement to most family governours, who conscien- tiously indeavour to bring up their youth in all Christian nurture, as the laws of God and this commonwealth doth require said constable was ordered to acquaint the selectmen of the town that “the court doth expect and will require that the sayd laws be accordingly attend- COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. 75 ed, the prevalency of the formar neglect notwithstanding, and you are also required to take a list of the names of those young persons within the bounds of your Town, and all adiacent farmes, through out of all Towne bounds, who do live from under family goverment viz. doe not serve their parents or masters, as children, apprentices, hired servants or journeymen ought to do, and usually did in our na- tive country, being subiect to there commands & disipline and the same you are to returne to the next court to be held at Ipswich the 30 day of this month, etc. ; signed by Robert Lord, cleric ; and served by Thomas Dorman, constable of Topsfield, who returned that he had made the selectmen acquainted with Mathew Hooker living out of service, who was all that he found in the town. — Nov. 30, 1669. Thomas Baker served on the jury of trials at Ipswich, Mar. 29, 1670. John French was sworn constable of Topsfield. — Mar. 29, 1670. John Gould was licensed to draw cider and liquors for six months. —Mar. 29, 1670. John Death and his wife were fined for fornication before marriage. —Mar. 29, 1670. Mr. Thomas Gilbert was presented for suspicion of being overtaken with drink. Court saw cause to counsel and admonish him and or- dered him to pay the witnesses returned by the jury. On 30 : 1 : 1670, William Averell, late constable of Topsfield, ad- dressed the court, he having been charged with base carriages open- ly in the congregation for doing no more than he apprehended was his duty : “About the 14th of the 9*^^ mo last Mr. Gilbert being about to publish an order from the gen court for a day of thanksgiv- ing as afterwards apeared : hee was pleased to say that one the of the next month the last generall court at boston had agreed upon or given order for a day of thanksgiving wherupon one that was present Reply ed Sir you mean the 4^h day of next week I being pres- ent saw there was a mistake in boath I accounted it my duty in con- science to my oath to endevor to prevent furder inconnevience at that time and place : made bold to say it is the 4^h day of this week as I had ben informed to which m** gillbert Replyed I blesse god I am not drunk : o base base unworthy cariages to catch at a minastars words let them that are more godly and judicious speke that are church members If I haue desarued Justly to be so villifyed in the face of an asembly for this cause I desire freely to leaue it to the court to determin.” Isaack Comings, sr., and John Goold testified to the same. Sworn in court. Thomas Baker deposed that one day in the summer, on a sacra- ment day the people waited a long time in the afternoon for Mr. Gil- 76 COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. bert to come and many went away. When he prayed deponent per- ceived that he was distempered in his head for he repeated many things many times over and lisped. Then he went to singing and read the psalm so that it could not be well understood, then he went to prayer again. When he had done he was going to sing again, but being desired to forbear used these expressions, “I bles god I find a great deall of comfort in it,” and came out of the pulpit. He said to the people “I give you notis That I will preach amongst you no more.” Sworn in court. Isaacke Cummings, sr., deposed that Mr. Gilberte was not as com- posed as he used to be, and after praying said “lett us singe the 153 psalme,” but both in singing and reading was very much out of order so that the people could not follow. V/hen the psalm was about half done, deponent stood up and saw three or four laughing, and he said, “Sir, I intreete you to forbare and proscede no further for we are very much out of order, for in thus doeinge we shall but take the name of god in vaine.” Mr. Gilberte stopped, said he found much comfort in singing and bade deponent hold his tongue and sit down and they would sing without him. Deponent sat down and Mr. Gilberte prayed again and when he began to sing the second time, deponent stood up and said, "Sir, you went first to prayer and then you did singe and then you went to prayer againe and now would you goe to singe againe certeynly you nether knowe what you say nor what you doe. Then Mr. Gilberte was very angry and cam away without giuinge the blessinge.” Sworn in court. Phebe Perkins, wife of Tho. Perkins, deposed that on sacrament day she was at dinner at Mr. Gilbert’s and there was a cup with wine in it which was offered to Mr. Gilbert. He refused to take it at first, but afterward put the cup to his mouth, but she knew not whether he drank or not. Three more had the cup besides himself, and after he had dined he drank what was left in the cup. Immediately after dinner he sang a psalm, and in reading it she thought his voice was lower than it used to be. Sworn in court. Sarah Gould deposed that being at Mr. Gilbert’s house after sacra- ment at dinner time, she saw her brother Perkins bring the wine, empty it into the golden cup and ask Mr. Gilbert to drink. "M** Gil- bert did drinke to my Brother Perkins and bad him drinke to ould Goodwife Townes shee did put the cope to her mouth and set the cope doune and M^ Gilbert take et the seckond time at dinner and dranke et up for hee torned up the cope and my brother Perkins tould mee the Golden Cope was about three quarter full I did see the cope offered to noe more then is aboue mencned and emedatly upon this I did see M^ Gilbert eyes groe very dim and hee did sinke doune in his chare Lenig bake and after he had sat a while hee toke his psalme books COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. 77 to sing and his wife told him hee had not returned thankes o said he I haue for goot : he did returne thankes and sing a psalme after the same maner as hee did in the pulpit Clepping his words very short so as I could not understand him as soone as dener was don my sister Perkins and I went into the tother rome and presantly we hard him vomit A : said my sister Perkins I wonder my Husban would aske him to drinke for I thinke hee had noe need of et ; for sd my Sister Perkins the forst time hee toke the Cope I saw him drinke a good draft and as he went to the meting hous hee had Like to fale down and when hee Came into the pulpit, he went to prayer and prayed so brokenly clepping of the King Engliss as we ues to say so as I could not under- stand him and after prayer hee went to sing a psalme and named the hundred and fiufty thurd psalme and after a uery broken manner did sing,” etc. He said he would never preach more in Topsfield and de- sired the people to provide for themselves. Sworn in court. Johanna (her mark) Towne, aged about seventy-five years deposed that in the forenoon of that day, Mr. Gilbert administered the “sacra- ment swetly unto us,” and after sacrament at dinner was very temper- ate, she sitting next to him. If he were drunk, she believed it was with his distemper and not with drinking too much strong liquor, “as sum so uncharitably surmise against him.” John Gould deposed concerning what he heard his sister Perkins say, etc. Sworn in court. — May 3, 1670. Will of Thomas Dorman, sr., aged about seventy-eight years, dated Apr. 24, 1670, proved May 3, 1670by the witnesses Lif tenant Frances Pabodie and John How: To son Thomas, feather bed and bolster and iron pot, great timber chain and spanshackle ; to son Ephram rug and three blankets, two little pots, tramill, draft chains ; wearing apparel to cousin Daniell Bradley ; to son Thomas, all household stuff, half the land in Rowley, land bought of Mr. Symonds, etc., sheep, horse and bullocks ; to son Ephraim, half the Rowley land, all land given him by Ipswich, land bought of Evan Morice, sheep and bullocks. Debts for work were due him from John Warner, Thamas Day, Robert Styles, Thomas Hobbs, John Morall, William Smith, Micall Donnill, Mathew Stanlye and Goodman Biggsbye. He owed Goodman Biggs- bye, William White of Ipswich and Robert Colborne ; son Thomas, executor. [Original on file in the Registry of Probate.] — May 3, 1670. Ensign John Gould served on the grand jury and Edward Towne on the jury of trials at Ipswich, Sept. 27, 1670. Ensign John Gould had his license to sell cider and liquors renewed until the March court, but not to suffer townsmen to drink liquors in his house. — Sept. 27, 1670. Tho. Perkins of Topsfield was released from training, paying 6s. yearly to the use of the company. — Sept. 27, 1670. 78 COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. Ens. John Gould was allowed costs in an action brought by Edw. Bridges and not prosecuted. — Sept. 27, 1670. John How served on the grand jury at Salem, Nov. 29, 1670. John Goold v. Edmond Bridges. For not fulfilling a bargain in sett- ing his hand to a deed of sale of land. Verdict for plaintiff. Said Bridges was to sign the deed of the house and land in Topsfeild or pay said Gould ISOli. Writs, dated Sept. 29, 1670, signed by Robert Lord, for the court, and served by Robert Lord, marshal of Ipswich, who committed Ed- mon Bridges to prison. Bond of Thomas White, Walter Fayerfield and William Beale. John Gould’s bills of cost. Hi. 9s. 8d., and 41i. 10s. 2d. Isack Estey acknowledged that he received in April, 1669, from John Goold, five pounds for Edman Bridges. Wit : John How and Even (his mark) Moris. Judgment in this action. John Newmarch’s receipt, dated 25 : 9 : 1670, to John Gould for the use of Edmon Bridges, jr., for eight pounds. John Numarch deposed. Sworn, Nov. 25, 1670, before Daniel Den- ison. William Browne’s receipt, dated July 23, 1669, to Mr. Jno. Goold of Topsfeld, for 301i. 17s.. 9d., for a debt that Edmand Bridges owed him. Thomas Bishop testified that he having a bill of Edmund Bridges, sr., and the latter not paying him, deponent sent an attachment to him. Then he came and had John Gold engage to pay this debt. Sworn, Nov. 26, 1670, before Daniel Denison. An accompt of what is paid to Edmond Bridges : to Capt. Currell, 281i. 8s. 6d. ; to Mr. Will. Browne, sr., 301i. 17s. 9d. ; to Mr. Buship, 61i. 10s. ; to John Newmarsh, 81i. 4s. ; Isack Estick, 51i. ; total, 791i. 3d. Copy of deed, dated Dec. 9, 1670, from Edmond Bridges of Salem, blacksmith, to Ensign John Gould of Topsfield, yeoman, eight acres, with a dwelling house and barn in Topsfeild bounded on the north- east by land of Thomas Perkins, sr., east or south east by land of Jacob Townes, west or southwest by land now in the possession of John Robinson and south by land of Edmond Townes; also a parcel of land on the south side of Ipswich river of about ten acres, bounded by the river on the northeast, common land of Topsfeild on all other sides ; said Gould having had possession of the land since 1668. Wit : Thomas White and Walter Fayerfield. Acknowledged, 10 : 10:1670, before William Hathorn, assistant. Recorder, 14 : 10 : 1670, in Salem in book 3, folio, 101, by Hilliard Veren, recorder. Philip Welch deposed that last winter he went with Ens. John Gould to the house of Isack Estick, and Edmond Bridges came in. COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. 79 who falling into discourse with Jacob Townes and Isack Estick about getting clapboards for his house, not knowing where to get them, desired Ens. John Gould to let him get them upon his division. De- ponent asked if the division were his or Ens. Gould’s to which Bridges replied that he had nothing to do with it. Sworn in court. James Hanscomb deposed that Edmond Bridges asked him to write a deed of sale for the house and land in Topsfeeld, etc. Sworn in court. Thomas Perkins, John Robinson, Even Moris and John How de- posed. Sworn in court. Walter Fayerfeld, aged about thirty-eight years, deposed. Sworn in court. Deed, dated Mar. 1, 1668-9, from Edmond Bridges [no signature] of Salem, blacksmith, for 751i., to John Gould of Topsfeeld. Lot bounded as in deed dated Dec. 9, 1670. William (his mark) Towne, Joseph (his mark) Towne, Johanah (her mark) Towne and Pheby (her mark) Towne surrendered their interest in the premises. [No witnesses.] Thomas Backer deposed that Bridges said if Ens. Gould would come down to Salem he would sign the deed, but when he came, said Bridges refused unless he would give him forty shillings more. Sworn in court. Edmond Bridges of Topsfeild, on Apr. 4, 1668, acknowledged a debt of 31i. 15s. to John Gould, to be paid in money or wheat at money price, delivered at Ipswich, and to allow the freight to Boston. Bond of Hackaliah Bridges, his brother. Wit : John How and John Perkins. Sworn in court. Even Moris deposed that he saw Bridges give Gould possession by turf and twig before witnesses, previous to said Bridges removal to Salem. Sworn in court. Thomas Perkins deposed that he was at the house when Bridges was removing to Salem, and saw him deliver the key to Gould, after all were out of the house. Sworn in court. John Robenson testified. Sworn in court. John How deposed that Bridges sold his house to pay debts which deponent saw Ensine Gould engage to Captain Corwin, etc. Sworn in court. Robert Lord, jr., deposed. Sworn in court. — Nov. 29, 1670. John Gould v. Ed. Bridges. Debt. Verdict for plaintiff. Edmond Bridges v. John Goold. Verdict for defendant. — Nov. 29, 1670. Writ : Edmond Bridges v. John Goold ; for not paying six pounds to Mr. William Symonds on his behalf ; dated Sept 28, 1670 ; signed 80 COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. by Tho. Fiske, for the court; and served by Henery Skerry, marshal of Salem. Bond of John Gould. John Gould’s bill of cost, 6s. Mr. Willaum Simons and Robart Lord, marshal, deposed that they heard John Gould promise to pay said Simons to satisfy the execution, etc. Sworn in court. — Nov. 29, 1670. Mr. Simond Bradstreet v. Ed. Bridges. Debt. Verdict for plain- tiff. The two parcels of iron at 27s. 6d. were not included in the damages. Writ, dated Sept. 27, 1670, signed by Robert Lord, for the court, and served by Robert Lord, marshal of Salem. Bond of Edmond Bridges, with Jeramiah Getchall, surety. Agreement of Edmond Bridges of Topsfield, blacksmith, with Mr. Symon Bradstreet of Andover, dated 26: 2: 1664 ; said Bridges hired of said Bradstreet a pair of smith’s bellows and anvil for one year from Sept. 29 last past and so long after as said Simon should be willing to spare them, for 15s. per year, in such iron wares as he desired or in wheat at Ipswich and to return the bellows and anvil in good re- pair ; also whereas Bridges was to receive 71i. of Goodman Easty by order of said Simon, he promised to pay in corn or iron work at 2s, 9d. a year for what he should receive for the space of two years from May 1st next, and at the end of that time to pay the principle at Ips- wich in wheat or barley or good young cattle not exceeding seven years old, at Andover. Wit : Richard Hubberd and Symon Brad- street, jr. Edmond Bridges’ account, Nov. 1670 : for 7 yeares hire of a pair of bellowes & Andvile at 15s. p. year, 51i. 5s. ; for soe much reed of Goodman Easty by my order, 71i. ; for 2 years allowance as by agree- mt, ending May 1, 1666, Hi. 8s. ; for 4 yeares forbearance since, att 8 pcent, 21i. 4s. ; for Iron rec. upon my bill of Mr. Purchas, 21i. 10s. ; 31i. Spanish Iron to his father to make nayles for ye tyre, 7s. 6d. ; total 181i. 14s. 6d. This 21i. 17s. 6d. in these tow last lines the Jury did not take in to o^" verdit for want of proff. Credr. For 8 pr. of hooke & eyes about, 12s. ; 4 hoopes, 241b. att 6d., 12s. ; streekes for Cart wheeles, waighing 1731b. & 115 nayles waighing 171b. in all 1901i. at 6d., 41b. 15s. ; for 4 axes att sevuall tymes, 16s. ; for shoeing my horse. Is. ; total, 61i. 16s. “I had 2 more axes of him, one of them was returned againe the other hee was pd. for in bacon. — Nov. 29, 1670. Births, marriages and deaths for Topsfield in 1670, returned by John Redington, clerk : Thomas Dorman, sr., died Apr. 25. Thomas, son of John and Mary Death, born May 21. Elizabeth, daughter of William and Elisabeth Perkins, born June 21. COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. 81 Thomas, s. Isack and Mary Cummings, born June 27. Thomas Andrews and Martha Antrome, married June 22. Thomas, son of Thomas and Judeth Dorman, born Aug. 14. Thomas, son of John and Hana Pabody, born July 22. Michaell, son of Michaell and Mary Dwenell, born Dec. 5. Susana, d. Michaell and Sarah Bouden, born June 10. Hanah, d. Daniell and Hanah Bourman, born Feb. 18. Sarah, d. Robert and Mary Smith, born June 25. Samuel Howlet and Sarah Clarke, married Jan. 3. Edmond Towne served on the grand jury and Isaack Estye on the jury of trials at Ipswich, Mar. 28, 1671. Edmond Bridges v. John Newmarsh. Debt. Verdict for plaintiff ; said Bridges was to answer Milton’s judgment. Writ, dated Mar. 20, 1670-71, signed by Hilliard Veren, for the court, and served by Henery Skerry, marshal of Salem, by attachment of land near the house of defendant. Edward Bridges’ bill of cost, 21i. Is. 8d. John Newmarsh, Dr., 26 : 9 : 1660, to 22 Bo. 1-2 wheat, 51i. 12s. 6d. ; 10 Bo. Ind. Come, Hi. 10s. ; Apr., 1662, to an Ax & cheine, 14s. ; to soe much of Jno. Goold, 81i. 4s. ; to a Bagg, 6s. ; total 161i. 6s. 6d. Creditor, 9 bu. 1660, By 3 C. of Barr Iron, 31i. 12s. ; 14 Bo. Coale, Hi. 12s. 6d. John Newmarsh certified, 25 : 9 : 1670, that he received of John Goold for the use of Edmond Bridges, jr., 81i. 4s. He further deposed that Edmond Bridges, jr., told him that he had sold all the land and housing of said Bridges in Topsfield, to Goold, etc. Sworn, 25 : 9 : 1670, before Daniell Denison. Copy made by Hilliard Veren, cleric. Daniel Clark deposed that Bridges carried wheat and Indian corn down to John Newmarch about the time that the latter brought iron from said Newmarch. Sworn in court. Jacob Town deposed. Sworn in court. Robert Lord, jr., deposed that Christipher Milton gave him an ex- ecution to levy upon Edmond Brigis and as he was proceeding to do so, on the way to Topsfield, he met ’'old father Gould” who told him to go back, for his son John had engaged to pay it. They came to Baker’s house and met with John Newmarch who said “how do I know wether my Brother John will pay itt,” etc. Sworn in court. Robert Peares, aged about sixty years, deposed that he was at Bos- ton, 16 ; 9 : 1660, when John Newmarch bought 500 weight of iron and half a cauldron of coals, which deponent brought home in his bark, etc. Sworn in court. John Gould deposed that Edward Bridges ordered him to pay to deponent’s brother Numarch the judgment that Cristofer Miltone had against him and he would consider it as part of pay for the house 82 COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. and land that deponent bought of him, etc. Sworn in court. — Mar. 28, 1671. Ensign Gould had his license renewed for a year. — Mar. 28, 1671. Court ordered that John French take what Mr. Gilbert was assigned to pay upon his presentment. — Mar. 28, 1671. Mr. Thomas Gilbert, complained of for many reproachful and re- viling speeches against the court and divers other persons, his au- ditors, both in his sermons and prayers and at other times, court or- dered that he be sharply admonished to forbear to vent his distemper to the scandal of persons and dishonor of God and profanation of his ordinances. Further, if he should find himself unable to demean himself more soberly and Christianlike, as becomes his office, they “do thinke it more convenient for him to surcease from ye exercise of any publick imployment.'’ Complaint of John Gould, dated Sept. 27, 1671, against Mr. Thomas Gilbert of Topsfield : “Impri. that ye 23 of Apriell haueing bin by ye Court Censured for sundery miscarriages, to wffiich censure religon, yea reson mite haue perswaided a wise man to have submited, and to haue let his infamy haue died by degrees : Yet not content with ye Courts sentence, hee by papers affixed to ye meting hous doore, de- serted his office, left ye Congretion and Church for three saboths des- titute, refussed to Com to, or to sufer ye Church to come to treat with him about his disorderly abdicasion of his ministry : vnles the Church would Ingage to take off from him ye odium of ye Courts sentence which, hee said rendered him a scandalous person : and unlesse ye Church would subscribe to a wrighting, testifeing that thay neuer hard him speake againts Athority, which, with a good Conscience many of ye Church could not doe 21y he has, oft since that time, upbraided ye Church, and others, with Complaing againts him to ye Court, for toyes, and trifles : things not worth taking notice of ; by which words wee Conceiue him to haue blemisht ye Court allso who for thoss toyes sen- tencesd him so seuerely, as hee Complains of Sly in ye pulpit, frequent- ly vindicates himselfe as Innocent, both in preaching, and prayers, as if persecuted for doeing nothing, but designing ye Glory of god, and salvation of our soules Laying ye fait of his irregular actings on ye Church, but not proueing in vs any fault but tirannically threaten- ing us from out of ye pulpit, with complaining to authority again & them that desier him to shew them how ye Church was in fait and imperiously Commanding them silence yea such silence that they neuer speaks word publiquely more. “41y nameth some of his opposites by their proper names, to ye making of them a Reproach to sume Ignorant ones : naming them John, Thomas, Thomas, John, apon pretence of A ministeriall power so to doe : 51y After many shuch prouocations and prophanations of COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. 83 ye Lords day and ordinances, not a pointed to giue ministers oppor- tunity to vent their malice a gaints their hearears, but to indeauor theiar Conuertions, and saluation : hee tel vs plainly that as hee hath done So hee will doe : and if wee meane to haue him for our minister wee know what wee must trust to These, and Innumerable such Like, put vs out of all hope of obtaining peace, or of attaining his amend- ment, and ye furtherance of gods Glory, and our Saluation Yo^ wor- ships petitioner therefore Humbely Requests Yo^ Worps Justice, for ye Freeing of vs from such an intollerable burden, and vexation.” Wit : Mr. Will. Perkines, Thomas Baker and John Commings. Wm. Perkins, sr., and Thomas Baker were ready to depose the same, if called. Sworn in court. Court’s judgment : “wee are very sorry that our advice to m^ Gil- bert the Last court at Ipswich hath not beene attended & cannot but take notice upon this occasion of the complaint of his two great pro- pensity to exceede the bounds of sobriety especially in a minister and that in his sermons to vindicate & justify himselfe w^h prouking re- flections upon others and therefore cannot but this second time reit- erate our advice and admonition,” etc. The complaint of Tho. Gilbert, the minister of Topsfield in behalf of the country against Sara Gold, wife of Ensigne Gold of Topsfeild : ”The complainant hath long born in his breast, the rash, and unadvised Oath of Goodi Gold, w^ shee took in this honored Court, in May last, 1670, and hath lamented befor God : and w^ (w^ some other things) did occasion your complainant to declare against lying, slandering, and rash swearing, befor Magistrats : God knoweth I was afraied by by sinful silence to partake of other mens sines : I had put in this complaint befor this tyme, had I considered that the oath I took when I was made a free man bound me to it, w^ I never thought of, til lately a friend of myn told me, that I was bound to bring forth the truth light : so that now I can no longer forbear : Ther are two things I would intreat your Worships befor any sentence passe against me : first to compair hir Oath, wt the Oath of Goodie perkins, taken att the same tym, and if they do not clash one against another, I am much mistaken : secondly that you would take the paines seriously to compair hir oath w^ the depositions of such as are alreadie sworen in behalfe of the country, especialy that then satt next me, and ob- served my cariage then, as they themselues confesse : And I desyre your Worships would take myn owen oath, and deposition in behalfe of the country if you think fitt, and then do as the Lord shall per- swade your hearts.” Sara Gilbert’s testimony for the country against Sara Gould : “Whearas Goody Gould in the begining of May last : took a wicked false oth, against M^^ Gilbert as tho he was drunk with the sacrament 84 COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. wine, I know and can safly take my oth in behalf of the country that she wronged him greviously in sundry perticlars I tould her (after I heard the paper read in court) to take heed how she swore to that paper, and she frowned upon me ; and went straight to swear whear- upon, I (allmost trembling) cried out (as some may remember) to the magistrats beseching them not to put her to swear knowing certainly that it was false and that his distemper then upon him was not with drinking ; it hath taken him somtims when fasting, somtimes with could geting or befor rainy weather, being much spent in good work : I am sory that not only he but the country is much abused by fals reports : I know its the first time he had the Cup in his hand, he did not drink any at all, when the Cup had gon about, it came to me, with 2 or 3 spoonfulls at most which wer all that Gilbert drunk. I saw it : and also she swore that he sunk doun in his Chair, and looked dim with eyes, all w^ with his stumbling as he went to the meeting, is utterly fals : I followed him, and Thomas Perkins all the way we saw no such thing. Gilbert is well knowen by some in New-England & never to have been inclined to the sine of drunkenes, but to have lived soberly and godly-ly, as his certificate do witness.” Sworn, 13 : 2 : 1671, before V7m. Hathorne, assistant. Old Johannah Towne, deposed, in behalf of the country, that “I was att dinner att M^er Gilberts table, that sacrament day he was dis- tempered, and sat next to him on his right hand, and though some report that he drank too much of the sacrament wyn : then, and that therupon that his eyes grew dimm and that he sank doune in his chair, yet I beleeve he is wronged, for I that then sat next him, saw no such matter : the cup is but little, and was not ful att first, and I am sure that I dranke some of it and that it went round to others : And I can saifly take my oath that though our minister had the cup twyce in his hand, yit the first tyme he drank not one drop of it, but gave it out of his hand to Thomas Perkins, bidding him give it to me, for I needed it mor then he, being older, when the cup had gone about, it came into his hand the second tym, and I am sure ther could not be much in it then (it may be two or three spoon-ful) and that he drank so far as I saw, att the table att dinner, he was moderat both in eating and drinking and knew what he sayed and did, and this I can saifly testifie upon Oath.” Sworn, 18 : 2 : 1671, before Wm. Hathorne, assistant. John Gould deposed that soon after m^ Gilbert come from the Court from ancring to this presentment that he did say in sarmon that thay yt sat to Judge would say et w^as the scotties blod and y® scoties fumes that fumed up into his head, and if y^ godly did speake for them selues what doe y^^ threat the Court but if euer thay doe Come to heauen thay shall bles god that euer thay did see ye Scot man and COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. 85 this I did vnderstand to be in refarence to Court : and the rest of ye heads as et is wrightten in ye Complaint to ye beast of my remem- brance there is nothing in ye Complaint but what I haue hard in the pulpit one the Saboth dayes touching the charges Consarning the men of ye world I did vnderstand et to be the Court becase I did not know any eles that did Judge or Condeme further this deponent saith yt m^ Gilbert did use the words of being gaged at that time after he came from the court when he spake of Scottich blood & scottich Fumes.’’ Sworn in court by deponent and Sarah Gould. — Mar. 28, 1671. Will of Tho. Browning was proved by oath of Mr. Joseph Grafton and Leift. George Gardner, and an inventory brought in by the wid- ow was allowed. Will of Thomas (his mark) Browning, of Salem, dated Feb. 16, 1670, “being sicke in bodie yett of pfit vnderstanding : “Imprimus I doe apoint my wife to bee my whole Exceutres And doe giue vnto my grandchild Thomas Towne twenty two pounds: which twelue pownds is in the hands of her father & ten pounds is in the hands of his Uncle Jacob Towne : to be paid to the sd Thomas Towne afore- said when he come to be twentie & one yeares of Age : “Itam I giue After my wifes deseace All my land and housing at topsfeild, to my daughter towne her husband & my daughter Simons to be disposed by the two daughters abousd to Children of there owne bodies Laufully begotton Itam to my daugher Willy ams & daughter Meachum And there husbands All my Land & bowsing at Salem, After my wifes deseace as aboue is Exsprest And after there deseace to the Children Laufully begoten of there owne bodies as abouesaid, And If anie of my daughters should die without Issew : Then the estat to be deuided among The children of my daughters siruiuing And If my wife should dy without a will, then whatsoeuer is Left to be deuided betwin my fower daughters or their Chilldren.” Wit : Joseph Grafton, sr., and George Gardner. Overseers, Mr. Henry Bartholmew, Georg Gardner and Joseph Grafton, sr. Inventory of the estate of Thomas Browning, late deceased, in Salem : House & 80 acres or upland. About twenty Acers of medow In Topsfeild, 160H. ; cattle, 701i. ; A house & two Acer lott & fifeteene Acres of upland, & three Acers of medow in Salem, 1601i. ; A bed & bedstead, lOli. ; six p of sheets, 51i. ; pillebers & table lining, 21i. ; wearing Clothes, 51i. ; thre Chests & A box. Hi. ; 1 small Table & 1 trundle bedstead & Chears, 15s. ; puter, 30s. ; spoones, siluer & tin, 20s. ; A small wine cup, 5s. ; 4 kettels & 1 pott, 21i. 15s. ; 1 skellet & 2 bras Candlesticks, 10s. ; 1 spitt, tongs & fire shouels & 2 hakes & old Iron, Hi. 10s. ; warming pan & two bibles. Hi. 6. ; 1 mare & 1 Cow, 71i. ; debts, 151i. ; debts owing, 31i. — June 27, 1671. 86 COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. Court having heard of the complaint against Sergt. Joseph Bigsbee and Abraham Reddington for neglect in attending common train- ings at Topsfeild, they were fined. The rest of the company who did exempt themselves from training “were to be left to the clerk of the bond, whoe according to his oath is to take theire seuerall fines, according to law.” John Goold was allowed 8s. for his charges, half from the fines and half from the fines of the company. — June 27, 1671. Upon a motion made by the selectmen of Salem to this court concerning the settling of a highway between Andever and Salem, they affirming that they had found out a nearer and better way than formerly, court ordered that there be appointed some men of Salem to meet with some men of Andever appointed thereunto, at or near the new way by Ipswich river, the sixth day of the next week about nine o’clock in the morning. If there should be a convenient way then found to the acceptance of Andever men, then the said way be made good and sufficient to the river with a bridge over the said river, except that part which lay in Topsfeild bounds, which they were to make good but not obliged to keep in repair afterwards, before the next Salem court upon penalty of lOli. If a way should not be found, then Salem men were to make good their part of the highway. Petition to the General Court from the selectmen of Salem, signed by William Brown, Henry Bartholomev/, Wm. Browne, jr., Wm. Hathorne, John Porter and Joseph Grafton : That the present high- way as laid out is very unequal with respect to the town of Salem ; that they had long spoken with their neighbors of Andover about finding a better way, but had been prevented the past two summers by unseasonable rains ; that Salem had been fined and was likely to be fined again for the way, and that the new way they proposed was shorter, cheaper to maintain, “having as wee conceiue Aboue A hun- dred rodd of meadow & Swamp in not much more then two myles & some of it very deep.” They ask that a committee be appointed to see it done. — June 27, 1671. Writ : Mr. Simon Bradstreete v. Willm. Evens ; debt ; dated 6:4: 1671 ; signed by Jonath. Negus, for the court ; and served by Rich. Wayte, marshal of Suffolk. Bond of William (his mark) Evans and John Tapping. — June 27, 1671. John Redington served on the grand jury and John Howe on the jury of trials at Ipswich, Sept. 26, 1671. Mr. Thomas Gilbert v. John Gould. For threatening him or as- saulting him. Verdict for plaintiff. Mr. Thomas Gilbert v. Ens. John Gould. For Sarah Gould defam- ing him. Verdict for defendant. COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. 87 Ens. John Gould, in behalf of his wife v. Mr. Thomas Gilbert, in behalf of his wife. Slander. Verdict for plaintiff. Writ, dated 20 : 7 : 1671, signed by John Redington, for the court and served by Daniell Borman, Constable of Topsfield. Writ, dated Sept. 19, 1671, signed by Robert Lord, for the court, and served by Robert Lord, marshal of Ipswich. John Gould’s bills of cost, 21i. 16s. 6d., 31i. 2s. 6d., and 31i. 18s. Copies of depositions in this case. May 3, 1670, at Ipswich court, made by Robert Lord, cleric. Thomas Baker and John Cumings deposed. Sworn in court. John How deposed that one Sabbath day this summer Mr. Gilbert was reading the “one and thurty salme,” and when he reached the eightenth verse or thereabouts, he looked toward Sarah Gould and put forth his hand and book. Also he said in sermon, “I must not say Christ died a damd dath but I must be corted for it but whan I came to the godle wise at boston thay clered me.” Sworn in court. Edmond Bridges and Lues Hews deposed that they heard Ensigne Gould say that if Mr. Gilbert did not stop lying about him in the pul- pit, he was resolved to have his tongue cut or clipped, etc. Sworn in court. Tho. Perkings, sr., deposed that he offered Mr. Gilbert a cup of wine, which he at first refused, but afterwards took it and said, “Thomas I will drinke to the and do you drink to this ould woman she hath more need of it than I,” etc. Sworn in court. Obadiah Bridges deposed. Sworn in court. Thomas Baker, Edmon Towne and John Cumings deposed that Mr. Perkins, desiring to partake of the Lord’s supper before his going to England, Mr. Gilbert asked him to withdraw and he would try the church’s mind to see if they were willing. The major part gave their consent by vote, yet he did not call Mr. Perkins in but the latter coming in, Mr. Gilbert’s answer was that the church was not willing. Sworn in court. Philip Wells [Welch?], aged about thirty-five years, deposed. Sworn in court. Wm. Perkins aged about sixty-four years, deposed that Aug. 29, 1669, when old Goodman Comins reproved Mr. Gilbert for the way he conducted the service, he said that if he did not like it he could sit by and be silent. “Mr. Gilbert ran out most bitterly, telling us yt Wee were y^ basest, & unworthiest people yt ever hee Came amongst & yt hee w^ preach to us no more . . . none interrupted him saving ye Liut Poebody w^h some vehemency rusht out of his seate & depted . . . y« hee came downe & reasoning at y® Table end w^h & Com- plaining to Ens. Gould, bro. John Reddington, & bro : Tho : Baker, hee wd not be pswaded yt hee had prayed or offered to sing twice,” 88 COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. until his wife came at whose request he departed. The next Sabbath making his apology for his actions he, "imputed all to ye weather — its unseasonablenesse & to 4 distempers w^h y^ weeke before had dogd him,” etc. — Sept. 26, 1671. Edmond Bridges v. Mr. Symon Bradstreet. Review of a case tried at Salem court. Nonsuited. — Sept. 26, 1671. Fined by Mr. Symonds, Ens. John Gould and Evan Morice. Upon complaint of Evan Morris against Ens. John Gould, Aug. 5, 1671, for abuse by beating and threatening him, said Gould was fined by Samuel Symonds. In Sept., 1671, Morris was fined for misdemean- ors toward said Gould. — Sept. 26, 1671. Upon petition from Topsfield that the villagers who dwell near Topsfield contribute to the maintenance of Ihe ministry, court advised that their neighbors of Topsfield and Rowley come to some agree- ment or else appear at the next Ipswich court, when the court agreed to hear them. — Sept. 26, 1671. John Perkings, aged sixteen years, and Sarah Perkings, aged be- tween fourteen and fifteen years, made choice of their father Mr. Wm. Perkings to be their guardian. — Sept. 26, 1671. Edmond Bridges was allowed costs in an action brought in this court by Mr. Symond Bradstreet and not prosecuted. — Nov. 28, 1671. James Hall being complained of for stealing lOli. worth of goods from Ensign Goold, which are in the hands of Major Hathorne, the latter was ordered to return them to said Goold. — Nov. 28, 1671. Warrant, dated Nov. 21, 1671, to Edmond Bridges of Topsfeild, blacksmith, upon complaint of Mr. Simon Bradstreete, for debt and refusing to deliver a pair of smith's bellows and anvil, with rent due for them, signed by Edmond Fawkner, for the court. — Nov. 28, 1671. Petition of John Gould and Thomas Baker, dated 26 : 7 : 1671, in behalf of the selectmen and town of Topsfeild : “That whereas by ye standing aloofe from us, of ye inhabitants of Rowly village, many in- conveniences accrue to both Church & Towne of Topsfeild, soe yt our Ministers maintenance is made very heauy to us, but a smale & poore people by reason of ye w^hdrawing of y"^ of ye village, who equally ptake in y® benefit of y® ministry w^h our selues : & Military disci- pline, & exercise Canot bee well attended & promoted by Reason of ye paucity of our trained souldiers lysted in Topsfeild very few, too few to make our Exercise to haue any thing of souldier-like Lustre & beauty in it ; Worses petitioners therefore humbly intreate y^ Wor^s helpe to y® ioyning them of y® village to us, for some space at least till such time as they shall bee Capeable of themselues to attend y® forementioned ende.” — Nov. 28, 1671. John Cummings served on the jury of trials at Ipswich, Mar. 26, 1672. COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. 89 James Watters v. Patrick Morrin. Slander. Verdict for plaintiff. Defendant was to make public acknowledgment in the first town meeting in Topsfield. Execution was fully satisfied on Apr. 2, under the hands of James Watters, Jo. How and James Hartscomb. Writ, dated 21 : 10 : 1671, signed by John Redintgon, for the court, and served by Jeremiah Elsworth, constable of Rowly. — Mar. 26, 1672. Wm. Averill v. John Procktor, sr. Withdrawn. — Mar. 26, 1672. Ordered that at the next training day at Topsfield, the soldiers of the Village shall attend there and declare whether for the future they will train there or not. And as the major part of the said Village soldiers shall determine by vote, it shall be binding during the court’s pleasure. Daniell Borman, constable of Topsfield, was fined for not returning his warrant for juryman. — Mar. 26, 1672. Patrick Morrin, for offering abuse to the wife of James Watters, was ordered to be whipped and pay a fine. Upon his petition court remitted the corporal punishment. Examination of Mary, wife of James Waters : “on Thursday last about noone, Patricke morril came to her house, her husband then being within, and her husband desired to entertain him courteously. I never saw him before ; my husband went out of the house to a cel- lar out of doores to tap a barrel of cyder to make him drinke, the s^ Patricke continuing in the house with me and my child about 2 years old he called the child to him and asked the child,” etc. He assaulted said Mary, who told her husband of it, and asked him not to leave her alone with him. “On Munday morning last my husband went by the iron works to cutt wood and as he s^h saw & spake w^h Patrick Morril at the iron works, about noone I saw the s^ Patrick coming towards our doore w^h I kept shutt, and he knocking I answered not, then he came and looked into the window and asked if my husband was not at home, I answered no ; he then s^ may not a man light his pipe, I s^ I was not against lighting his pipe in a civil way (for I was afrayd of him being alone w^h my child and no neighbours within call) so without bidding he opened the doore and came in, and went not to the fire nor offered to light his pipe but came directly to me . . . and the child cryed let my mother alone, then he tooke a wedg out of my hand, and s«i he would splitt my brains about the house & tramp them as smal as ashes . . . then I rose to goe out of doors and he stopped me and called me impudent & brasen faced baud, he stepping to the fire I caught up my child & went out of doores, and then he followed and came up to the doore w^h I was shutting & told me I would not best go any whither, but I sayd I would goe to the neighbours and as I was going he sitting on his horse s^ that if he had not his will of me now, the next time he mett me he would be the death of me, so I went 90 COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. to Edmund Townes house and he rod thither before me and stood in the doore, and s'l I should not come there I was better to goe home I spake aloud that I would come for all him or any such as he was, when I came in he went out & fetched his horse and came againe and I was telling Goodwife towne how the s^ Patrick had done by me, hee asked what it was that I sayd and Goodwife Towne replyed if it be as shee say you are a naughty man being asked why when she saw Patrick She did not locke her doore, she s^ was allowed. Ipswich Quarterly Court Records, vol. 1, page 104. PROBATE RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. 103 Inventory taken Feb. 12, 1661, by Francis Pebody and Samuell Brocklebanke : One booke and Aperell, one cloke, 21i. 5s. 6d. ; one jackit and briches, 21i. ; one wascoate, 7s. ; one dublit and a paire of briches, Hi. Is. ; three paire of stockins, 8s. ; Gloves, 6s. ; one Ink- horne, 4d. ; one neckcloath, 8d. ; one hate, 10s. ; another wascoate jackit and two paire of briches. Hi. 15s. ; one paire of boots and spurs and 2 paire of shooes. Hi. Is. ; in sheets, shirt and other linen, 21i. 15s.; 4 cushins, 12s.; 4 bands and 3 handkercheifs, 9s. 6d.; one bed- stead and beding on it, 71i. 8s.; musket, sword and amunition. Hi. 15s.; puter and spounes, 12s. 6d.; one drinkeing and brase skellitt, 4s.; in earthern and wooden dishes and trayes, 6s. 4d.; in chest and boxe, 9s.; in one Iron pot and pothookes, 12s.; wheat 31i.; one meall trough and one sith, 3s.; in flaxe and hempe, 16s.; in two swine, 21i. 13s.; in two cows, one stere calfe, lOli. 6s. 8d.; in Indian come un- thrashed, by estimation about therty bushell, 31i.; more in wheat un- winowed, about 4 bushell Hi.; total, 461i. Is.; in debts dew to the deceased from Thomas Baker, 4 bushels of wheat, Hi.; debt due from Peter Cowper as part of portion, 211i.; debt due by bond from Thomas Dorman, 501i.; debts to be paid out of the estate, 81i. 6s. 6d. “Be this knowne unto all men that Thomas Dorman of the towne of Topsfeild Hath and doth freely exprese himselfe that for a quiete and loueing Agreement betwene peter couper and him in differance about that estate that the said peter couper did expect that his daughter should haue bene estated in, he would Giue unto the said Mary dorman.” Essex Co. Quarterly Court Files, vol. 7, leaf 94. Estate of Thomas Howlett, Jr.* “This 21 Day of Desember 1667 Wheras I Thomas Howlet ||Jul|| being weak in body yet haueing my perfite vnderstanding doe make this to be my last will and testament Imp in case my wife be with child and hath a son I doe giue and bequeaue to him halfe as much more to him as to any one of my Daughters, but if it be a daughter then I doe giue and bequeaue unto my e[l]dest daughter one third part more then vnto any of the other two. and also I doe giue and bequeaue to my two youngest daughters equal portions both alike, and these to be heire one to another in case either of them dy childles and further I doe giue and bequeaue vnto my Dere and loueing wife al my moueable goods and my stock and the benifite of the || housing and II lands vntell my chilren com to age which wil be at the day of marriage or at eighteen years of age for my Daughters and my son *Thomas Howlett lived just over the boundary line in Ipswich, near Hewlett’s brook, in what is now Topsfield. The farm is now owned by John S. Lawrence. 104 PROBATE RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. at one and twenty, and after the children com to age she shal haue halfe the benifite of the || housing and|| lands dureing her life tim I willing my debts to be payd out of my estate doe make my ffather Pebody and my wife excecutor & excecutres.” Thomas (his X mark) Howlet. Witness : John Redington, Sr., Daniell Borman, Isaacke Cumings, Sr. Proved in Ipswich court. Mar. 31, 1668 by John Reddington and Isaack Comings. Inventory of the estate of Thomas Howlet, Jr., deceased Dec. 23, 1667, taken by Isaacke Cummings and John Redington : house and lands one hundred acres more or les, 2201i.; one horse, 61i.; two oxen, 141i.; five Cows, 201i.; two 2 yeare old stears, 71i.; two hefers at one yeare old, 41i. 12s.; nine swine, 71i.; Beding, bedsted, Coverlid, two blankets, Curtins, bed, strawbed, bolster and sheets, two pilows, 81i.; five sheets, a table cloath, seven napkins, three shurts, foure pillow- beers, 61i.; Dublite, paire of breches, two Coats, paire of drawers, two paire of stockings, 31i. 10s.; paire of boots. Hi.; his best aparill he gave away when he was vpon his death bed ; two brase kittles, bras skilet, pewter and tinn of al sorts, 41i.; meat, porke, baken and sewet, 51i. 10s.; Iron materialls, share, coulter, chaine, adses, exes, wedges, agers, saws, yoaks, hamers and all the other tools of iron, 31i.; two gunse, 21i. 15s.; yearne twenty pound hemp and flex, 21i. 10s.; tables, chests, chaires, stools, barells, tubs, pailes, boxes, wheels with al the rest of the wooden ware, a case for glases, 21i. 10s.; two and twenty bushels of Indean Come, 21i. 18s. 8d.; eight and twenty bushels of wheat, 71i.; Twelve bushels of barly, four bush, of rye, 31i. 4s.; Two hats and gloves. Hi. 6s.; Books and sadle. Hi.; debts due to him, 71i. 5s.; total, 3401i. 8d. Allowed in Ipswich court. Mar. 31, 1668. Essex County Probate Files, Docket 14,092. Estate of John Perkins. Administration on the estate of John Perkins, intestate, granted June 30, 1668, to his wife Deborah, who brought in an inventory amounting to 481i. 15s., which was ordered to be for the use of the widow. She was to pay to her child Thomas, son of said Perkins, lOli. at the age of twenty-one years, and if Deborah married again she was to give bond for the payment thereof. Salem Quarterly Court Records, vol. 5, leaflO. Inventory taken June 12, 1668, by Frances Pabody and Edman (his O mark) Town : Three Cowes and one year old beast, 1311. 10s.; PROBATE RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. 105 one horse, 81i.; three Ewes and fore lames and one Calfe, 31i.; five swine, 41i.; wareing paril, 81i. 10s.; fore sheetes, pilobers and napkines, 31i. 16s.; bibel, 5s.; sadel. Hi. 5s.; one sheet and a bridel, 10s.; Come, 31i.; Cuper ware and other lumber 10s.; hoe, 4s.; one axe, 5s.; pare of fetters, 4s.; table and a box, 10s.; musket, 25s.; total, 481i. 15s. Essex County Quarterly Court Files, vol. 13, leaf 67. Estate of Robert Andrews.* “In the name of god amen Know all Christian people this may or shall concearne yt I Robart Andrews of Rowley villiage in the County of Esex being verey sick & weack of body but blesed be god in p^fect cence & memorey doe mack this my last will & testiment reuocking all other former wills w^soeuer Imp^ I bequeath my soule to Allmighty god yt gaue it me in whome I trust through the merits of Jesus Christ to be receaiued into Eternall happiness foreuer and my body to ye earth from whence it came to be deciently hurried in ye burring place of Topsfeeld according as my wife and Children shall see meet It I giue & bequeath vnto my eldest sonn Thomas Andrews the house yt I now Liue in and ninecore Ackers of Land being upland & Medow & Land y^ I bought of Zacheus Gould only my well beloued wife is to haue duering her life time the Kiching and hall & Kiching Chamber & halfe the seller & the new feeld & the eight Acker peeice & halfe the orchard & if ther be not Land enufe for her to manner then my sd sonn with ye help of my son Robart is to breach her vp three Ackers more or let her haue three Ackers yt is allready broacken vp and the same to inioy duering her life without the Lett hinderanc or molesta- tion of my sd sonn or aney other p^son vnder him and my sonn Thomas is to shingle the house and at my wiues deceas the said land orchard and rooms is to returne to my son Thomas & his haires for- euer my said sonn Paying vnto my three youngest daughters Rebeckah Sarah & Ruth twenty pound p^ each when she shall be twenty yeares of Age and if eaither of them shall die before yt time then yt prt shall be equaly devided between the other two and allso he is to pay vnto my Daughter Mary the wife of Isack Comins fiue pounds three years after my deceas & for the new whip saw and all other Carpenters tools shall be for the vse of my wife sonn Thomas & Robart “It I giue and bequeath vnto vnto my sonn Robart Andrews eight- core Ackers of Land from Piebroock to y^ clay pits and ye fatti medow and the fishing broock medow & becaus my sonn Thomas & Robart should not wrong one another in wood I desier ther Land may be ped *Robert Andrews lived just over the boundary line in Rowley Village now Box- ford, but was mainly identified with Topsfield. 106 PROBATE RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. by them selues & two other honest men and Robart is to pay vnto my Daughter Elizebeth the wife of Samuell Symons hue pounds three years aftter my deceas and to my Daughte Hanah Pebody hue pounds fouer years affter my deceas It I giue vnto my sonn John the Lot comonly called the seller Lott and the Medow belonging vnto it but the medow shall be for the vse of my wife & Thomas vntell my sonn John shall be one and twenty years of Age and then to returne to him without aney further truble he paying to my seauen Grand- children twenty shillings p*" each when the shall come to the age of fourteen years It I giue vnto my sonn Joseph yt Land in Topsfeeld yt I bought of John Wilds Sem with all the preuiledgs thereunto be- longing It I giue vnto my well beloued wife all my Cattell & other moueable goods and the Doung that is now in y® yard & halfe the barne & Lintos and my sonn Thomas the other halfe and he and his brother Robart is to set vp the other Lintoos & to Lay in for the vse of ther mother eauery year duering her Life twelue Loads of hay and if eaither of my sonns should die before they are married then yt Land yt is giuen to them to be equally deuied amongst the Suruiuers Leaueing my said v/ife hole Exsectetrix and in testimony hearof I haue hearvnto Set my hand and Seale this Sixteenth day of May in the yeare of our Lord one thousand Six hundred Sixty & eight.” Robart (his / mark) Andrews, Sen^ (seal) Witness: Robert (his G mark) Smith, James Hanscombe. Proved in Salem court 2:5m: 1668 by the witnesses. Essex County Probate Files, Docket 709. Inventory of the estate of Robart Andrews, sr., of Rowley, taken by Frances Pabody, Isack Comings and Edman (his O mark) Towne: Three beds & beding, 171i.; two dusen & three napkins, 21i.; sheets, table Cloaths & pillow beres, 81i.; mares and colts, 161i.; fouer Cowes, 161i.; fouer young Cattell, 71i.; fouer steares, 181i.; Cart and wheeles, 21i.; Grinding stone, 6s.; yoacks, Chaines & plows, 31i. 15s.; Harrow, beetell, wedges, sives & sickells, 21i.; sheepe. Lambs & one Caulfe, 21i. 10s.; twenti ackers of Come upon the ground, 251i.; his wearing Cloaths, 81i.; worcking tooles, 31i. 5s.; Chests, boxes & one trunck, Hi. 10s.; two musckets, & rest, 21i. 10s.; Chairs, tubs & trays, 21i. 10s.; one peice of new Cloath, Hi. 4s.; one parsed of Land bought of John Wilds, 451i.; the housen & two hundered ackers of Land upland & medow, 3501i.; Eighteene ackers of upland & medow, lOOli.; one par- cell of Land more Lieing in topsfeeld, 601i.; eighteene bushells of wheat, seaven bushells of rye, 51i. 18s.; twelve bushells of malt. Hi. 16s.; thirty bushells of Indian come, 41i.; pewter, bras and Iron pots, 51i.; two tables, 31i. Is. debts due to the estate, 51i.; Rugg, lOli.; the estate debtor, 231i. PROBATE RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. 107 Attested 1 : 5m : 1668 by Grace Andrewes wife of the deceased. Essex County Quarterly Court Files, vol. 13, leaf ^1. Estate of Philip Knight. Administration upon the estate of Philip Knight, granted 24 : 9 : 1668, to his wife Margery, who brought in an inventory amounting to 1061i. 18s. Court ordered to the eldest son, 201i., and lOli. each to Philip, Rebeca, Elizabeth and Mary, at age or at marriage, and the widow was bound for the children’s portions. Salem Quarterly Court Records, vol. 5, leaf 16. Inventory of the estate of Phillipe Knight, taken by John Putnam and Thomas Fuller: Two cows, 81i.; two oxen, 141i.; two stores, 91i; two young cattle, 41i.; one mare, 51i.; five swine, 51i.; feather bed with furniture, 91i.; puter, 15s.; wereing clothes, 41i.; wooding lum- ber, 61i.; Beefe & porcke, 21i.; Irron were, 81i. 16s.; Brasse were, 21i. 12s.; Indian Come, 61i.; Rie & Barley, 21i.; hoopes, 31i.; hempe & flax, 31i.; Cotton woole, 21i.; two beeds & furniture, 51i.; five pare of shetes, 31i. 10s.; three pare of pillowbyes, 15s.; table cloth & napkines. Hi.; five sackes & winno shette. Hi.; new Cloth & one Wallett, Hi. 10s.; total, 1061i. 18s. There were five children, Jonathan, aged 26 years ; Phillep, aged 23 years ; Rebeca, aged 17 years ; Eliza, aged 13 years ; Mary, aged 11 years. Essex County Quarterly Court Files, vol. 13, leaf 121. Estate of Thomas Dorman, Sr. ‘‘this is the laste will and testiment of Thomas Dorman senior be- ing about seuenty yeres oulde being parfeft in understanding and memory my fether bed and boulster I giue to my sun Thomas and my ruge and thre blakits I giue to my sun Ephrain my bigiste lirne pot I give to my sun Thomas and my to litle pots to my sun Ephraim and toe tramiles the one for Thomas and the other for Ephraim I giue to my sun Thomas my grate timber Chaine and one drafte Chaine and to Ephraim the other tooe draft Chaines and to my sun Thomas the spanshakle, I exsept toe peticots and toe waskuts and a pair of bodis which I giue to my Cussun Daniell bradly all the rest of my housoll stuf and goods I giue to my sun Thomas tooe parts and my sun Ephraim one parte and my land in Rouly bounds I giue to my tooe suns to dispos of it equily to thare best Content I giue to my sun Thomas all that land that I bout of M^ Simans all housing and fensis that are about it and all preuiligis that doe or may belong to it exsepting my land on the south sid of the Riuer that I giue the 108 PROBATE RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. one halfe to my sun Thomas and the other halfe to my sun Ephraim. I giue to my sun Ephraim all that land that I had giuen me by Ibsidg and all that land that I bought of Euin moris, both these parsiles of land and medow that belongs to them and all Rights that doe or may belong to them : my shep I giue to my sun Thomasis Children my hors and my buluks I giue to both my suns to part as thay shall see good fouer days worke and a halfe that John worner oweth me for ; and thre days and a halfe that Thomas day oweth me for : thre pekes of indien Come and halfe a days worke Roberd stiles oweth me and thirtene shilings goodman bigsbe oweth me : and I doe owe him for four days plowing one bushall of indian Come I owe to wiliam white of ipsige I owe to Robert Cobarnd halfe a bushall of indian Come tooe bushales of whet Thomas hobs doth ow me John morall doth ow me ten shilings twenty shilings wiliam smith oweth me that I giue to my sun Thomas for twenty shilings I ow him with that allso that worner and day and micall dounill oweth me. I give it to my sun Thomis and that ten shilins that John morall oweth me all so ; thre pound that mathu standly oweth me : I make Chois of my sun Thomas to be my exseciter to pay all my dets and to recouer all that is owing to me. “Dated the twenty forth day of Aprill one thousen six hundred and seventy.” [no signature]. Witness : ffransis Pebody, John How. Proved in Ipswich court May 3, 1670 by Lt. Frances Pabody and John How. Essex County Probate Files, Docket 8,166. Estate of Thomas Browning.* “The Last Will & teastiment of Thomas Browning of Salem being sicke in bodie yett of pfit understanding this 16^^ day of febewari: 1670 Imprimis I doe apoint my wife to bee my whole Exceutres And doe giue vnto my grandchild Thomas Towne twenty two pounds : which twelve pownds is in the hands of his father & ten pounds is in the hands of his Uncle Jacob Towne : to be paid to the sd Thomas Towne aforesaid when he come to be twentie & one years of Age : “Itam I giue After my wifes deseace All my land and housing at topsfeild, to my daughter towne her husband & my daughter Simons & her husband during ther Lives And after their decease to be dis- posed by the two daughters abousd to Children of ther owne bodies Laufully begotton Itam to my daughter Willyams & daughter Mea- *Thomas Browning had long lived in Topsfield. His daughter married John Perkins who died in 1668. PROBATE RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. 109 chum And there husbands All my Land & bowsing at Salem, After my wifes deseace as aboue is Exprest And after there deseace to the Children Laufully begoten of there owne bodies as abouesaid, And If anie of my daughters should die without Issew : Then the estat to be deuided among The children of my daughters siruiuing And If my wife should dy without a will, then whatsoeuer is Left to be deuided betwin my fower daughters or there Chilldren.” Thomas (his £ mark) Browning. Witness : Joseph Grafton, sr., George Gardner. '‘Allsoe I desier my Louing freinds to see this my will performed As Mr Henry Bartholmew : & Georg Gardner & Joseph Grafton senr.” Proved in Salem court 28 : 4m : 1671 by the witnesses. Inventory of the estate of Thomas Browning, late deceased, in Salem : House & 80 acres of upland. About twenty Acers of medow In Topsfeild, 1601i.; cattle, 701i.; A house & two Acer lott & fifeteene Acers of upland, & three Acers of medow in Salem, 1601i.; A bed & bedstead, lOli.; six p. of sheets, 51i.; pillebers & table lining, 21i.; wearing Clothes, 51i.; thre Chests & A box, Hi.; 1 small Table & 1 trundle bedstead & Chears, 15s.; puter, 30s.; spoones, siluer & tin, 20s.; A small wine cup, 5s.; 4 kettels & 1 pott, 21i. 15s.; 1 skellet & 2 brass Candlesticks, 10s.; 1 spitt, tongs & fire shouels & 2 hakes & old Iron, Hi. 10s.; warming pan & two bibles. Hi. 6s.; 1 mare & 1 Cow, 71i.; debts, 151i.; debts owing, 31i. Attested 28 : 4 : 1671 by the widow. Essex County Quarterly Court Files, vol. 17, leaves 90, 91. Will proved by oath of Mr. Joseph Grafton and Leift. George Gard- ner. Salem Quarterly Court Records, vol. 5, leaf 46. Guardianship of John Perkins. John Perkings, aged sixteen years, and Sarah Perkings, aged be- tween fourteen and fifteen years, made choice of their father Mr. Wm. Perkings to be their guardian. Sept. 26, 1671. Ipswich Quarterly Court Records, vol. 5, page 146. Estate of John Davis.* ”May the Sixteenth 1672 The last will and Testement of John Danes That beeing week In body yet pafit in memori I being In detted to Mr batter of Salem feefteene shilengs and fore pence and beeing In detted to mr newman of wenoun twelu® shilen and to goody mole of Salem one shiling and to old m^ garner of Salem three shilings *Copy, Ipswich Quarterly Court Records, vol. 5, page 203. 110 PROBATE RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. and I Oe Danil borman one shiling Six pence and to old baker of Ipswech ten penc and to quarter master pearke[ns] ten penc and I oe two shilings Six penc due by Rate to the towne now there are detes that ar oeing to me John french o^^ me fore shilings and Six penc Robart Smith oeth me on shilig and Six penc and mikal bouden oeth mee flue pound fefteene shi[li]ngs he lius in [Salem: copy] bounds and Jacob towne of Topsfeeld oeth me thirti pound thes two last detes wil a pere due by bil or bond and I haue twente bushils of Indean Come in my masters Clarkes house three peckes of Indian Come Wileam Pearkens oeth mee and I haue a her lock musket and a Cutles and hanger After all my detes ar payde the Rest of my es- tate I despose of o/as follows To mare howe of Salem I giue fiue pounds I also giue to Jacob townes lame Child fiue pounds I giue to Samuel houlet fore pound and I give my dame Clarke ten pound and I giue luk wackle twente shilings and I giue matha Clare mi masters dafter twenti shilings and I giue to my master dafter willi. Perkens wife fiue pound and I give to John Robesons wife twente shilings and the Rest to pay for diet and Charges and its my wil that mi master Clark and frances Pababody shal be my excecters.” John (his 8 mark) daues. Witness : Euen (his I mark) Mores, frances Pabody. Proved in Ipswich court Mar. 25, 1673 by Lift. Francis Pabody and Evan Morice ; and Frances Pabody openly renounced his executor- ship. Inventory taken by John Gould and John How : one wascot and payer of drawers, 8s.; one Doblet and payer of britches, 18s.; one yard of brodcloth, 14s.; foure payer of stockengs, 18s.; one payer of gloves, 2s. 6d.; one payer of linen linengs, 5s.; one holen shurt, 8s.; one shurt cloth, 7s.; one How, 2s.; payer of shues, 2s. 6d.; bandelers and Snapsak, 4s. 6d.; one pound of powder and bulets, 2s. 6d.; one paier of tabaco toungs, 6d.; bands and hancatchers, 12s.; mony, 8d.; too hats, 2s.; one chest, 3s.; detes due to John Davis, 371i. 11s.; one paire of stokins to Jacob Towne, 2s. 6d.; from willyem Perkins one bushell of Rey, 4s.; total, 431i. 7s. 8d. Debts he oweth : for feseck and Cordulls to Mr. Numan, — ; to Mr. Batter of Salem, ; ten months diet or thareabouts and his burriell, 151i.; to Mr. Rogers for Phisek, 4s.; to goody Pabody, 4s.; Jorny to Rouly to ye docters to John How, 2s.; goodwife mole of Salem, Is.; old Mr. Gardner, 3s.; Rate to the Towne, 2s. 6d. Attested in Ipswich court Mar. 25, 1673 by Daniell Clarke, the executor. Essex County Probate Files, Docket 7,279. PROBATE RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. Ill Estate of William Towne. Administration granted 24: 4: 1673 to Johana Towne on the estate of Wm. Towne, her late husband, and she was to bring in an inven- tory to the next Ipswich court. Salem Quarterly Court Records, vol. 5, leaf 66. Petition for settlement of a small estate left the undersigned by their father, who died ten years ago leaving no will, but left his estate in the hands of their mother who was appointed administratrix and the estate remained unsettled until her death, and now they desire that the following division may be allowed : the land to be divided equally to his three sons, Edmond, Jacob and Joseph and the moveables equally to the three daughters, Rebecka, Mary, and Sarah ; also the three brothers to pay all debts now due and what charges shall after arise in settlement of the estate to be equally borne by all six. Dated Jan. 17, 1682. Signed by Mary (her mark) Towne relict of Edmond, Jacob Towne, Josep (his mark) Towne, Francis (his mark) Nurs with the consent of Rebeka, Mary (her mark) Estey formerly Mary Towne, Sarah (her mark) Bridges. Witness : John How, John Pritchet. Allowed by the court at Ipswich Apr. 10, 1683. Ipswich Deeds, vol. 4, page 515. Estate of Robert Andrews.* “The will and testomony of robort Andrus I doe Commit my Soul and body to the keping of the gra lord of oste and if it be his good wile to Cal me out of this world that i retorne not a gaine to my frindes and estate that god hath given me i doe wile and beques to each of my brothers and sisters twenti shilens a pese and hue pound to marey towne and the rest of my estat when my detes ar payed to be be equally deuided |lbetwen|| my mother ||and|| broth^s John and Joseph Andrus and dow make my brother Samuel Symonds my exsekter to louk after the true performens of this my las wile and dow giue him that which ensin goule ad danel blaike doth owe to me ad this is my true wile ad testamoni as witnes my hand this 6 day of desember in the year of our lord 1675.” Robard Andru[s]. Witness : Samuel Symonds, Josue Bisson. Proved in Ipswich court Mar. 28, 1676 by the witnesses. *Robert Andrews lived just over the line in Boxford but was closely identified with Topsfield. 112 PROBATE RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. Inventory of the estate of Robard Androus, taken by Abraham Reddington and John Gould who were chosen by Samuel Symons : 2 oxen, lOli.; 1 Coue, 41i.; 3 piges, Hi.; 1 parcell of flaxe, lli. 12s.; 1 mare, 21i.; 1 new bariell, 3s. 6d.; 1 old bariell, 2s.; 1 parcill of befe and suate, 21i.; 1 parcill of porke, lli. 15s.; 1 parcill of clothes, 41i. 4s.; nailes, 6s.; 1 chest, 16s.; 1 saddell and stuirup and sturips Lethers, lli. Is. 4d.; 1 bridall, rains and bits, 4s.; 4 axes, 1 howe, 2 okers. Hi.; 2 boshiall of wheat, 12s.; 2 boshiall of rie, 9s.; 22 boshiall of Indon Come, 31i. 17s.; 5 boshiall of Lime, 5s.; 1 siseth and takiling to et, 4s. 6d.; 1 pike, 4s.; ye halfe part of a whipswa, 4s.; 2 weges, 3s.; 1 gr. 21b. bar Iron, 6s. 6d.; 1 share and Coulter, 6s.; 1 slead, 3s.; 1 brake. Is.; 1 mine Carte, oo.; total, 361i. 18s. lOd. The remainder of the inventory taken by Abraham Redington, Samuel (his O mark) burtt : a lese of medowe, 31i. Is. 6d.; tene akers of earabel land and medo, 251i.; the house, 281i.; a hundred and fiftie akers of land, 1501i.; a sarg sute. Hi. 8s.; a bybel, 5s.; a short, 3s.; sadel Cloth, 2s.; Iq and 26 pound of bar Eiren, 11s. 6d.; total, 2081i. 11s. The deptes ar that do as yet appear, 221i. 5s. 6d. Attested in Ipswich court Mar. 28, 1676 by Samuell Symonds, executor. Essex County Probate Files, Docket 710. Estate of Jonathan Wildes. Administration upon the estate of Jonathan Wiles, intestate, grant- ed 30 : 4 : 1676 to John Wiles who made oath to the inventory. Salem Quarterly Court Records, voL 5, leaf9&. Inventory of the estate of Johnnathan Wills, taken June 28, 1676 by John How and William Aver[ill]: a mar and ould sadell, 21i.; a small Gun, 15s.; thre saws, 18s.; a beres, 5s.; Broad ax, 5s.; square, 2s. 6d.; mortis auger, 2s.; ould lorans. Is. 6d.; an ould ax, 2s.; an inch auger and a payer of Chisells, 3s. 6d. There is a parsed of Land about 15 akers which was to be Johnnathan’s after his fathers decase : this to be consederd wither to be in the Inventory or no. Allov/ed in Salem court 30 : 4 : 1676. Essex County Quarterly Court Files, vol. 25, leaf 63. Estate of William Pritchett. Administration upon the estate of William Pritchett, intestate, was granted Feb. 13, 1676-7, to John Pritchet, his eldest son, who was to bring in an inventory to the next Ipswich court. Ipswich Quarterly Court Records, vol. 5, page 284. PROBATE RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. 113 Inventory of the estate of William Prechard taken 27 : 1 : 1677 by Thomas Chaniler and Thomas Baker : a house and 20 ackers of up- land and three ackers and a halfe of medow Lying in topsfield and six ackers of medow in Ipswich in the west medow 701i.; 4 cows on three yere old and 3 yearlins, 191i.; 2 phather Beeds and 4 rugs, bolsters, 91i., 5s.; 4 payer of sheets and on ode on and tow pillowbers, 21i. 13s.; jack, wheele, mele trofe, saddle and musket, 21i. 13s.; payer of showse, old putter, tramell and pothoks, 15s.; cotton wheele, iorn pot, a chase, a bocks, a friing pan, 15s. 6d.; old barell, chane, plow tackling, 12s. 9d.; debt due to the estate, 41i. 15s.; total, 109H. 9s. 3d. The Land at Broukfild that was my fathers and my Brothers and the quarter part of the mill thire that was my fathers is not put into this envoys. The debts due from the estate : to Majer Pinching, 91i. 5s.; Mr. John Pinching in mony, llli. 12s.; Samuell Ela in mony, 21i. 11s.; dacken Goodhugh, 41i. 12s.; dacken Knolten, 31i. 11s.; William Howard, 21i. 7s.; Samuell Hart, 6s.; my silfe for charg and exspenc to harford, 31i. 8s.; clothing for my mother, 51i. 15s. 9d.; wintering tow cowse. Hi. 10s.; prisers and records, 7s. 6d.; a debt due to my father denison. Hi. 10s. lOd.; debt due to the marshall, 10s.; total, 471i. 6s. Id. Attested in Ipswich court Mar. 27, 1677 by John Pritchet adminis- trator of the estate of his father, Wm. Pritchet. Division of the estate of William Prichard deceased : to the woman, lOli.; to John Prechard, 131i.; to William, Joseph, Elizabeth and Sarih, 61i. 10s. each ; to Mary, 21i. 5s.; Hanah, 21i.; Esther, 21i. 3s. The land at Brokefild and the mill John to have one half and William and Joseph the other half. Allowed by the Ipswich court Mar. 27, 1677. Essex County Probate Files, Docket 22,818. Estate of Isaac Cummings, Sr. “The Last will and testament of Isaac Comins Senier. I being Sencabl of my approaching desolution being att present weak in body yet perfect in my vnderstanding : haueing by the grace of god bene helped to provid for my futur state in another world, doe now in ordering of what god hath been pleased to bestow upon me of the blesings of this life take Care and order that in the first place my debts be duly payd : nextly I doe by this my last will and testament confirme to my Son Isaac the ten Acres of division Land on the South Side of the great riuer be it more or less : nextly I doe give unto my Son in Law John jewet ten pounds part in Cattel and part in hous- hould goods : nextly I doe will and bequeath to my grand Son Isaac : the Son of my Son Isaac on year old hefer on littel Sow the Indian 114 PROBATE RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. come which he hath planted for himself and the flax which he hath Sowne item I doe giue unto him my chest the 2^ in bignes with the lock and key : item my history book with Such books as are his owne : i e a bibl and testament item I do giue him ten pounds to be payd att Seuenteen years of age in Country pay item I doe giue vnto my Son in Law John pease thirty pounds to be pay out of the stock of Cattell and houshould goods as much as may be att present : and the rest in two years : item : I doe make my Son John my sole executor and doe giue unto him my house and Lands being fourty Acres more or less consisting of upland and meddow with all the priviledges and Emmolvments ther of and apurtainances therunto belonging : pro- vided that this land shall stand bound in part and in wholl for the payment of these Leagacyes and in case that the sayd legacyes shal not be payd according to this my will : the land shall be sould and payment made out of the price thereof : and the remainder shall be the executors : : item my will further is that if any of these my chil- dren shall through discontent att what is done for them in this my will : Cause troubl to arise to the executor then there shall be noth- ing payd to him or them but the Legacy or Legacyes willed to them shall return too and remain in the hands of the executor as his proper right : dated the 8^^ of the 3^ m^h 1677. “my desir farther is that Isaac ffoster and Thomas Dorman would take Care that this my will be duly performed.” Isaac Cummings Witness : John (his t mark) poore, Sr., Thomas Dorman, Isaac Foster, Proved June 14, 1677 by Thomas Dorman and Isack Foster before Samuell Symonds, Esq., Dep. Gov. and Maj. Gen. Denison, Esq. Inventory of the estate of Isake Comings, Senior, late of Topsfield, taken May 22, 1677 by John Whipple and John How : a Cloth Sute, 21i.; a Grey sute. Hi. 15s.; 6 yds of cloth with butons silk & thred as they cost at the merchants. Hi. 19s. 3d.; an old Grat Coat, 9s.; wascot, 6s.; payer of Gren brchis & two payer of drawers, 9s.; 3 payer of shoos. Is.; 5 payer of stokins, 8s.; 4 shirts, 10s.; 7 caps, 7s.; one slke Cape, 4s.; 10 bandes, 10s.; 7 handcerchrs, 3s. 6d.; 4 hates, 8s.; cloth hood & startups. Is. 6d.; fether beed, bolser & pillow, 41i.; nu cover- let, 24s.; an old Civerlit, 5s.; Curtins & valants, beedsted. Cord & matt. Hi. 10s.; smale beed with a pilow & a Rugge, Hi. 15s. 6d.; one payer of sheetes, 30s.; & other payer, 16s.; one payer of sheets, 18s.; one sheet, 7s.; 3 pilowbers, 6s.; 3 napkins, 3s. 6d.; 2 table cloths, 5s. 6d.; 7 towels, 5s. 6d.; thre sacks, one willit, one bage, 10s.; 3 small Rem- nants of Cloth, 2s. 6d.; flax and tow, 6s.; 6 pownd of cotton woole, 6s.; a broad howe, 2s.; one broad how, 3s. 6d.; an Iron foot. Is. 6d.; 3 haye forks, 4s. 6d.; an Iron spitt, 3s.; ades, 5s.; handsawe, 2s. PROBATE RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. 115 6d.; axe, 3s. 6d.; old spad, 3s.; betle & 4 wedgis, 6s.; a mare, 40s.; yearling colt, 15s.; Sadie & panel with bridle, gurts & crooper, 20s.; brase pott, 20s.; one Iron pott, 9s., two payer of pott hooks. Hi. 12s.; an old Ketle, 6s., 3s. 6d., bras candlstik, 4s., potlid. Is., 14s. 6d.; pew- ter, 18s.; tine 9d.; one glac. Is.; 5 spons, 2s.; earthn ware, 6s. 8d.; tramell, tongs, bellis, 12s.; hamer, pinchers, 5s.; fann, 3s.; Chern, 5s.; a nu powdering tub, 3s. 6d.; 4 paiels, 7s. 8d.; 2 Kelers, 4s.; old powdring tub. Is.; two old barels, 2s.; half bushel, peck, halfe peck, 3s. 6d.; 4 trayes, 4s.; 4 bouls, 4s.; dishes & Ladle, Is. 8d.; one duz. trenchers. Is.; two barels, 5s.; 3 sives, 3s.; 3 chayers, 7s.; a litle table & form, 4s.; desk, 6s.; one chest, 11s. 6d.; two old chests, 4s.; 3 books, 10s.; chest, 5s.; two books, 10s.; corn, 10s.; malt, 6s.; baken, 3s.; Kneding trof, 2s.; warming Pann, fring pan, 10s.; eight swine, 51i.; 3 cowes, 121i.; one 2 yer old ster, one yerling, 161i. 2s.; bowsing and Lands with all priveledges & apurtenances, upland and meado is about 40 accers, lOOli.; depts due to the estat, 41i.; total, 166H. Is. 6d. Depts due from the estat about 191i. 16s. 15d. Attested June 14, 1677 by John Comings to be a true inventory of his father s estate. Essex County Probate Files, Docket 6,705. Estate of John Wild, Jr. ’This may satisfy whome it may concarne : that I John Wilde Juner haue Resaiued of my ffather that Land which he promised to my brother Johnnathan : and was ingaged to him and to my salfe by our Grandfather Gould or fifty Pounds to be paied and than my father Redemed his land againe and I doe herby declar that my ffather hath satisfied and paied me both what was promised or in gaged to my Brother Johnnathen and to my salfe to my full satisfaction and the intant of this is that my father may com to no trobell by any claime of my onkell Gould : the fifty pounds that was in Gaged to me and my brother Johnnathen is paied to me by my father to my full con- tent in part of that land which was formerly goodman dormans And now I being prest to go to the war being desirous to satell things be- for I goo : not knowing how God may daell with me in respact of Returning againe : If I doe not Returne againe : than I doe dispose of II what II God hath Given me as foloweth: I haue fiue Sistors and one Brother Sarah Elisabath : Phabe : Pracelah : martha : and Eph- rem and my will is that my land at Hauerell and at topsffeld and my mouabells be Equaly deuided amongst all the aboue named Sistors and brother : and Let the lands be prised and thos that haue y® lands shall paye to the other that which is there proporshon : : and I doe hereby apint my Honered ffather and Louing onkell John Radington to be admenistrators of this Estate : and to paye all my debts out of 116 PROBATE RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. the Estat be fore it be deuided : and this is my last will and testement in wetnes whereof I have Set too my hand this too and twentieth day of October one thousan Six hundred Seventy and Six : : ye 22 : of October 1676 John Wild, Juner : Witness : John How, Marah How. Proved in Ipswich court Sept. 25, 1677 by the witnesses. 'This is to declare that I John wild of topsfeald do purpos and in- tend that my former will writen in October : before my going to the Eastward shall stand good : prouided it be the will of god I retur not again writen the: 22 of June: 77.” John Wild. Witness : John Herrick, Sarah (her O mark) bishop. Inventory taken Sept. 27, 1677, by Thomas Perkins and William Auerell : a percell of upland and medow which hee does by writing under his hand acknowledge to have received of his father in lieu of 501i., 501i.; a peece of Indian corn on the ground prised at six bushells, 18s.; four sheep. Hi. 10s.; three ould woolin garments, 14s.; a sarge westcote and som ould linin, 4s.; an Iron pott, 7s.; and ould saddle, 3s.; three saws, 16s.; two ould axes, 5s.; two Iron wedges, 3s.; two chisills. Is. 6d.; one augre. Is. 6d.; a pair of beetle Rings, Is. 6d.; som sheep wooll not apearing how much Rests unprised. Debts due to him, lli. Is. 8d. The debts he oweth the credithers not haveing given in their acounts remain uncertain. Delivered in Ipswich court Sept. 25, 1677 as a true inventory of the estate of John Wildes, Jr. Essex County Probate Files, Docket 29,826. Estate of Edmond Towne. “The Intent and purpose of Edmond Towne presented by mary his wife Conscernin his estate presented to this Hounored Court now sit- ting Imprimis The minde of the deceased was as is mine allsoe ; and is consented too by all partys conscernd that the four sonns shall haue all the Lands Equally devyded amongst them, And the rest of the estate to be Equally devyded amongst the 5 : garles only Sarah the secong Daughter is already marryed and Hath rescievd to the vallue of twelve pounds already. Soe Leaveing my Cause to god, and to your Honnors searious Consideration I subscrybe myselfe mary Towne. Only provided that the widow’s thirds of the whole be taken out fust. Jacob Towne deposed that Thomas Towne, eldest son of Edmund Towne, deceased, declared himself to be satisfied with an equal share with the rest of his brethren.” Sworn in court, 27: 4: 1678. Proved by the widow, 27 : 4 : 1678, with the consent of all the surviving persons concerned. Essex County Quarterly Court Files, vol. 29, leaf 30. Administration upon the estate of Edmond Towne was granted PROBATE RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. 117 27 : 4 : 1678, to Mary, the relict, who was to dispose of the estate ac- cording to the mind of the deceased, as by mutual agreement of all surviving persons concerned, which writing was allowed. An in- ventory was also presented and sworn to. Salem Quarterly Court Records, voL 5, leafWl. Inventory of the estate of Sergeant Edman Towne, taken at Tops- field, May 3, 1678, by Frances Pabody and Thomas Baker : Books, Hi.; wearing clothes, 71i. 14s.; linning sheetes and neckpins, llli. 6s.; house and landes on the north of the Riuer, 2201i.; upland and mado on the south side River, 721i.; five oxen and seven coues, 521i.; young Cattel, 191i. 17s.; shepe and lambes, 61i.; two horses, 71i.; swine, 81i.; iron tooles, 31i.; kittels and potes and other iron ware, 41i. 4s.; peuter and earthing ware and glas, 21i. 15s.; swordes and gones, 41i. 6s.; wheles and other lumbur, 61i. 3s.; a cubbard and cheastes, 21i. 10s.; bedsted and beddin, 161i. 10s.; pillin and saddel, 21i.; wooll and flax, 17s.; five barrels of sider, 21i. 10s.; wollin and linnin yarne, 21i. 10s.; home spon cloath, 71i. 10s.; come and porke, 41i.; for halfe the farme which was given to Sargent Toune in Revertion by Thomas Brown- ing ; total, 4531i. 12s. Depts owing, 261i 3s. 3d.; by the death of one cow, 31i. 10s. Allowed in Salem court 27 : 4 : 1678. Essex County Quarterly Court Files, vol. 29, leafZ\. Acknowledgment of John How, dated Mar. 5, 1679-80, of the re- ceipt from his mother Towne, executrix to the estate of his father Towne, of his wife’s portion. Acknowledgment of Abigaile Peabody, dated Mar. 21, 1694-5, of the receipt from her mother Towne of her portion. Acknowledgment of Rebecca Knitte, dated June 2, 1698, of the re- ceipt from mother Towne of her portion. Acknowledgment of John Prichett and his wife, dated July 27, 1698, of the receipt of her portion. The widow Mary Towne of Topsfield testified in Ipswich court. Sept. 6, 1714, that as administratrix of her husband’s estate, she had paid to Thomas Wilkins who married one of her daughters, her por- tion of the estate. Essex County Probate Records, vol. 311, page 181. An agreement made between Thomas Towne, William (his W mark) Towne, Joseph Town and Samuel Town, all of Topsfield, that whereas the court settled the lands of our father, Edmond Town of Topsfeild upon us, and also our mother Mrs. Mary Town hath given to us her share of land which belonged to our grandfather Thomas Browning, and we have divided all the said lands amongst ourselves as is hereafter expressed (excepting only two acres and a half of medow of said Browning’s which our mother hath given by her will to our sisters): “Thomas Town 118 PROBATE RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. hath two twenty acre lotts in the first Division where he now dwels and about six acres of medow joyning to his Land and to the Rever also about foure acres of medow Lyeing betwen Beverely medows and Wenham medows which he had of our father for Twenti and Two pounds willed to him by our grandfather Browning.” William Town’s share of upland “is all that which was our fathers on the north side of the Rever where he now dwells as also a peace of medow of about three acres joyning eastward on Jacob Easte and westward upon Joseph Town and also six acres of medow on the south side of the Rever over against his dore.” Joseph Town’s share is “all our fathers second devision where he now dwells it being about fifty acres also Three acres of Rever medow joyning to Jacob Este on the west and William Town on the east, al- so foure acres of medow on the south side of the Rever joyning upon Joseph Town on the east and on John Curtice on the west.” Samuell Town’s share is “all the upland and medow that was our grandfather Brownings on the north side of the Rever In which is included William Towns share of land and medow which he and Samuell Town bought of our Unkle James Symonds, also about an acre and halfe of Revir medow joyning to Joseph Town to the west and Jacob Town to the east.” Signed Feb. 1, 1709-10. Witness: William Porter, Jonathan Putnam. Acknowledged Dec. 16, 1717, by Thomas Town, William Towne, Benja. and Daniell Town sons of Joseph Towne and executors to their father’s will. Essex County Probate Files, Docket 27,886. Estate of Thomas Howlet.* ”In the name of god Amen I Thomas Howlit of Ipswich in New- ingland being at this present time of perfit understanding & memory Though weak in body. Comitinge my Soule into the handes of almyty god & my body to deasent buriall in hope of reserection to eternal 1 life by the power & merit of Jesus Christ my most mersyful father & redemer doe thus dispos of the Temporall estat that god hath gracios- ly giuen me Imprimis I Giue to Rebeka my wiff : one Cow and two heyfers that ar Caled hurs also my litle Grey mare : Also I giue to my wiff an anvety of fiue pownds a yeare : to be pd yearly : fiuty shil- ings in Come And fiuety shilings in Catle : the Come part to be pd half in wheat & malt and the other half in indian Corn : this to be pd at Ipswich wher my wife shal appoint : also that my wifes goods be returned to her she brought It I Giue to my Son Samuil Howlit fiuety accers of land by mecher of that which I formerly intended for my Son John Howlet & also two twenty Accer lots in the thick woods in *Thomas Howlet lived in Ipswich on the border line next to Topsfield and was mainly identified with the latter town. PROBATE RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. 119 topsfeild & also foure Accers of medo. [It I giue to my dafter Sarah Comings fower accers of the hasakey medo lying at the moth It I Giue to my son Samuil howlet the rest of the hasekey medow at the bridg. written in margin] Also my wil is that my Son Samuil How- let shall paye fiuety shiling yearly of the anvety of hue powndes that I haue Giuen to my wife in specea according to my will It I giue to my wife a Ketle in stead of a bed teck I promesed It I Giue to my dafter Sarah Comings 4 pownds to ||be|| pd with in fowr yeares after my desseas if she be lining elc to her heyers : Also 20^ to allis Comins at her mariag or at 18 yers of age It for my dafter mary perly I haue Giuen her twenty thre pownds which my wil is shud be made up fluty powndes the one half of it within a year after my Desseas the other half within thre years after my desseas “It I Giue to mary Howlit my Son John Howlits dafter forty flue pownds to be pd to her at the age of eighten years or at her day of maryag, if she Hue not to receiu it then my will is that ther shal be ten pownds pd to my Son John Howlits wiff Lastly I ordain my Son william Howlit my Sole executor of this my last wil and testyment to whom I giue my depts being pd all the rest of my estat housing Lands Goods & catle Utensils of all sorts and depts from whome so- euer due unto him & his heyers foreuer. I doe appoint my Louing freinds Capt. John Applton : major Samuil Applton and John whippl senior the ouerseers of this my last will and Testement : & I doe herby Giue them power to determin any differanc that maye arise betwen my executor and any of the Legetes aforsaid a bought the payments aforesaid It my will is that my Son Thomas Howlits wife shall injoy that hundred accers of land I possesed him of til his eldest dafter be at the age of eighten years or at her daye of mariag & then she shal Injoy one quarter of it : also when my Son Thomas howlits yongest dafter is of the age of eighten years or at her daye of mariag she shal injoy on quarter of the hundred accers giuen to her sd father : & after ther mothers desseas they shal injoy the other fluty accers equally deuided betwen them my wil is that if one of II my II Sonn Thomas Howlits dafters dy befor she is possesed of her portion it shal goe to her sister my wil is that if my Son Thomas howlits two dafter dy befor they are eighten years of age or ar maried that then my dafter in lawe my Son Thomas Howlits wiff shal injoy all the hunderd accers of land her lif and at her desseas shall paye out of it, to my children then living one hundred pownds which shal be equally devided among them in confermation wherof I hau set to my hand and seal this forth of nouember 1677.” Thomas (his T mark) Howlit (seal) Witness : John Appleton, Samuell Appleton, John Whipple. Proved in Ipswich court Sept. 24, 1678 by Capt. John Appleton, Maj. Samuell Appleton, Capt. John Whipple. 120 PROBATE RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD. Inventory of the estate of Deckon Thomas Howlett taken 10 : 7m : 1678, by John Gould and Abraham Redington : 5 oxen, 201i.; 2 steres, 61i.; 2 yearelings. Hi, 10s.; 5 Coues, 121i. 10s.; 2 heferes & bull, 21i. 10s.; 1 horse, 1 Coult, 31i.; 3 Coues, 71i. 10s.; 1 mare, 21i.; ye farme with housing, barne, orchard, upland and medo with one parcle of march at Ipswich, 2001i.; some other percicles of land, lOOli.; 16 sheepe & Lams, 18 hoges & piges, 71i.; Clothing woolon & Linnon, 1 saddel, saddel cloth, bridell, pilion and pilion cloth, 131i. 9s.; 1 foul- ing pece, bookes, 1 brosh, 21i. 16s. 4d.; 1 fether bed, 1 bolster, 2 piloes, 1 ruge, 81i.; 4 chainges, 3 plowes, shares, colters, 20 haroe teeth, Hi. 5s.; 3 yoakes, 1 cart & wheels, cart rope, 4 forkes, 2 siges, Hi. 10s. 6d.; wheges, betell rings, axses, howes, 1 spade, 14s. 6d.; 1 hadess, froe & ringer, 12s.; toules, chisel, plaines, ageres & swass. Hi. 2s.; one heckel teeth, smoething Iron, could chisels, punchies & Lantrone, 4s.; and Iron, spite, tramiell, slise, hath Iron, gridiron, friing pan, tonges. Hi. 4s.; old Iron & the blad of a whipswae, 8s.; 1 bed, 1 blan- kat, 1 ruge, 2 bolsters, Hi. 10s.; 1 coverlide, 2 blankat, 1 bolster, 21i. 12s.; 2 brass citteles, 1 brass Kandelstik, 1 brass Ladell, 41i.; 1 waring pan, 3 Iron potes, 2 pothookes, 1 Iron morter, Hi. 10s.; 5 poringers, 2 dram Cups, 1 wine Cupe, 1 pint pote, 8s. 9d.; 5 puter platters, 1 tin cittell, 1 tin pot, 2 tin pans & tunel. Hi. 7s. 8d.; earthen ware, 6 brase spones, 7s. 6d.; small woodden ware. Hi. 9s. lid.; 4 barieles, 1-2 bariel, 6 tubes, 2 coueles, 2 salt boxes. Hi. 3s. 6d.; 1 Bakin troofe, 3 wheeles, 2 melee troves, 1 chease press. Hi.; 1 stand, 1 Cubbord, 2 tabeles, 1 chest, 1 tronke, 1 boxe, 21i. 2s. 2d.; 2 drie caske, 1 fane, 5 chares, 2 chasing, 1 peec Lether, 19s.; 28 yards of nue woolon Cloth, 51i. 12s.; 5 pare of sheets, 2 tabele cloths, 9 napkins, 3 pillobeers, 61i. 19s. 6d.; 1 pare of Curttins, sarge golome & silke buttons. Hi. 17s.; Chase and yarne, 21i. Is.; 15 pound of sheep woole, 12 pound of fethers, 21i. 6d.; 4 spones, 1 poringer, 1 sirige, 1 yard of genting, 9s. 6d.; 1 pound 1-2 starch. Hi.; plomes, thred, silke & bone Lase, 5s. 9d.; 1 parcell of Linon Cloth, suger, spice & butter. Hi. 10s. 6d.; foueles of all sorts. Hi. 10s.; Indon Come apon ye ground, 81i.; Ingliss Come, 91i. 6s. 8d.; 2 sifes. Is. 4d.; 1 grindstone, 1 plow, 15s.; total, 4521i. 11s. 4d. The dets of Deckon Howlet : To Deckon Goodhue, 61i. 10s. 8 l-2d.; Edmon Hard, 9s.; Capt. Whipped, 14s. in malt & 7s. in money; Isaac Cummings, Jr., 40s.; Mar. Francis Wainewright, 29s. 5d.; Mr. John Wainwright, 81i. 15s. 9d.; Goodman Rust, 4s. 4d.; Mr. Darby, Is. 3d.; Elisha Perkins, 25s.; more detes as doe apeire, 121i. 11s. 5d.; total, 341i. 7s. 10 l-2d. Attested in Ipswich court Sept. 24, 1678, by William Howlet, ex- ecutor of his father’s estate. Essex County Probate Files, Docket 14,093. THE COINS OUR FATHERS USED. BY GEORGE FRANCIS DOW. IF THE question were asked, "What was the first American coin ; the first coin minted in America ?” the chances are the reply would be — “the pine tree shilling.” But as a matter of fact the first coin minted on this continent was struck in Mexico more than one hundred years before the first “pine tree” money of 1652 was issued. The "pine tree” money, however, although not the first coin- age actually produced in the New World was the first money coined in the territory now comprising the United States. In 1535, the Spaniards established a mint in Mexico city and silver and copper coins were struck bearing the familiar pillars of the Spanish-Mexican coins and the names of Carolus and Joanna, the Spanish king and queen. This was the first coinage in America. The denominations issued were 1/4 real in copper and 1/2, 1, 2 and 4 reals in silver, the real approximating in value the English sixpence. Although none of these coins bore dates, they all probably were made soon after the mint was established and from that time until 1556 when Philip II ascended the Spanish throne. The earliest settlers of New England had no coinage for circula- tion and none was provided for them by the English crown and even the right to coin money for themselves wa^ treated as a treasonable usurpation of the royal prerogative. For these reasons our ancestors were driven to the necessity of using the produce of the soil and the live stock from their pastures as their media of exchange. Peltry also was one of the first and for many years the principal article of currency. It was offered in great abundance by the Indians who were very ready to barter it for beads, knives, hatchets and blankets and especially for powder, shot, guns and “strong water.” In most of the Colonies the wampum of the Indians also was exten- sively used and frequently was paid into the treasury in payment of taxes. So, also, were cattle and corn as is shown by numerous enact- ments of the Massachusetts Great and General Court. Musket balls were also current and were made legal tender by order of the Court which decreed “that musket bullets of a full bore shall pass current for a farthing a piece provided that no man be compelled to take more than 12 pence at a time of them.” In Virginia, tobacco was used for (121) 122 THE COINS OUR FATHERS USED. currency and “from 100 to 150 pounds of it bought many a man a good wife.” The Indian wampum was perhaps the most convenient currency available. It is described by Roger Williams who, perhaps, had a better knowledge of it than most of the early colonists. He says : — “It is of two kinds which the Indians make of the stem or the stock of the periwinkle after all the shell is broken off. [The periwinkle is a mollusc, more common south of Cape Cod than along the shores of Massachusetts Bay.] Of this kind, six of the small beads, which they make with holes to string upon their bracelet, are current with the English for a penny. The other kind is black, inclined to a blue shade, which is made of the shell of a fish [that is, a mollusc] which some of the English call henspoquahoc [now known as the hen-clam or quahaug] and of this description three are equal to an English penny. One fathom of this stringed money is worth five shillings.” To show the intimate relation of this Indian money to our early history, it appears that even Harvard College accepted it for tuition fees and otherwise ; for in 1641 a trading company, chartered to deal with the Indians in furs and wampum, was required to relieve the College of its super-abundance of this odd currency and redeem it, “provided they were not obliged to take more than £25 of it at any one time.” The thrifty Dutch at New Amsterdam, however, took advantage of the scarcity of legitimate currency and the corre- sponding demand for wampum and established factories where they made it in such vast quantities that the market was broken and the value of wampum rapidly decreased. The great source of metallic currency for New England in those earliest days was the West India islands and much silver brought from thence was later coined into “pine tree” shillings and sixpences. Governor Winthrop in 1639 tells of “a small bark from the West Indies, one capt. Jackson in her, with a commission from the West- minister company to take prizes from the Spanish. He brought much wealth in money, plate, indigo and sugar.” But metallic money became so scarce that by 1640 there was but little in the colonies and the greatest difficulty existed in making payments for goods or the wages of servants. In one instance, in Rowley, “the master was forced to sell a pair of his oxen to pay his servant’s wages and so told the servant he could keep him no longer, not knowing how to pay him the next year. The servant answered him that he would [continue to] serve him for more of his cattle. But how shall I do, said the master, when all my cattle are gone ? The servant replied, why, then you shall serve me and you shall then have your cattle again.” THE COINS OUR FATHERS USED. 123 Various attempts were made to establish values to certain coins, more or less ficticious, but this failed to relieve the situation and finally to obtain a more stable basis the Massachusetts General Court adopted a currency of its own and the "pine tree” money appeared, shortly preceded by the more rude and more easily counterfeited New Eng- land shillings and six pences, which bore on one side the letters “N. E.” within a small circle and on the other side the denomination in Roman numerals. These primitive coins were made between 1650 and 1652 and were superseded by the true oak and pine tree pieces after that date. The simple irregular form of the "N. E.” coins ren- dered them an easy prey to the counterfeiter and the clipper and the design of the newer coins, covering the whole surface of the planchet, was a protection against both dangers. The "N. E.” shilling is now a rare coin and likewise the sixpence, while the three pence is rarer still, but two or three genuine examples being known to exist. The "N. E.” shilling in the sale of the coins of the late Matthew A. Stick- ney of Salem brought an even $50. and one in the Mills sale in New York a few years before sold for $62.50. What a genuine "N. E.” three pence would sell for is problematical, but a much larger sum, of course. There are two distinct forms of the so-called “pine tree” currency, the one bearing on the obverse a representation of a tree resembling an oak, or as some say, a willow ; the other with the true pine-tree. It is thought that the ruder pieces bearing the oak tree design were the first coined and that the more perfect pine tree money was issued later. At any rate both “oak” and “pine tree” pieces, shillings, six pences and three pences, all bear the same date, 1652. But this money was issued continuously until 1686 without a change of the date, it is said, to avoid interference from the English government, the coining of money by the colonists being a distinct violation of the royal prerogative. By the retention of the original date it was thought to deceive the authorities at home into the belief that the violation of the laws ceased as it began, in 1652. In 1652, however, a two-penny piece was minted bearing the oak tree design and hence it is natural to suppose that the pieces bearing the true pine tree design were the last coined and not issued until after 1662. One of the traditions connected with the pine or oak tree money is the story that Sir Thomas Temple, who was a real friend of the colonists, in 1662, showed some of the pieces to the king at the coun- cil table in London, when king Charles demanded upon what author- ity these colonists had coined money any way and sought to have orders sent to prohibit any further issues. “But,” responded Sir Thomas, “this tree is the oak which saved your majesty’s life and which your loyal subjects would perpetuate.” Sir Thomas of course 124 THE COINS OUR FATHERS USED. referred to the episode of Boscobel in which Charles II escaped his enemies by hiding in the branches of an oak. This it is said so pleased the king that he dropped the subject and the coining of “pine tree” money preceded merrily as before for twenty-five years longer. The master of the mint was John Hull who lived in Boston where Pemberton square now opens from Tremont street and where later was the famous garden and residence of Gardner Green, Esq. The mint house, sixteen feet square and ten feet high, was built on land belonging to Hull in the rear of his house. Robert Sanderson, a friend of Hull, was associated with him in making the “pine tree” money. It is not known how they divided their profit, but they re- ceived one shilling six pence for each twenty shillings coined, and as it is estimated that “pine tree” money to the amount of five millions of dollars in value was made during the thirty-four years it was issued, the commissions received must have been very large and the state- ment that the dowry, said to have been £30,000, given to Hull’s daughter at her marriage, appears reasonable. That the girl, plump as she is reported to have been, actually weighed down the dowry in shillings is, of course, absurd as that amount in silver would weigh over 6,000 pounds rating a silver £ as weighing 4 oz. at that time. Hawthorne’s description of what is said to have taken place on that occasion is too vivid a picture to be overlooked. He relates that Captain John Hull was appointed to manufacture the pine tree money and had about one shilling out of every twenty to pay him for the trouble of making them. Hereupon all the old silver in the colony was handed over to Captain John Hull. The battered silver cans and tankards, I suppose, and silver buckles and broken spoons and silver hilts of swords that figured at court, — all such articles were doubt- less thrown into the melting pot together. The magistrates soon began to suspect that the mint-master would have the best of the bargain and they offered him a large sum of money if he would but give up that twentieth shilling which he was continually dropping into his own pocket. But Captain Hull de- clared himself perfectly satisfied with the shilling. And well he might be, for so dilligently did he labor that in a few years, his pockets, his money bags, and his strong box were overflowing with pine tree shillings. Then Samuel Sewall, afterwards the famous Judge Sewall of the days of witchcraft fame, came a courting to Hull’s daughter. Betsy was a fine and hearty damsel and having always fed heartily on pumpkin pies, doughnuts, Indian puddings and other Puritan dainties, she was as round and plump as a pudding herself. ”Yes, you may take her” said Captain Hull, to her lover, young Sewall, ”and you’ll find her a heavy burden enough”. Hawthorne THE COINS OUR FATHERS USED. 125 describes the wedding and the costumes of the contracting parties and their friends, and Captain Hull he ’'supposes”, rather improbably one would think, however, "dressed in a plum colored coat all the buttons of which were made of pine tree shillings. The buttons of his waistcoat were of sixpences and the knees of his small clothes were buttoned with silver three-pences. . . . and as to Betsy her- self, she was blushing with all her might, and looked like a full-blown peony or a great red apple”. When the marriage ceremony was over, at a whispered word from Captain Hull, a large pair of scales was lugged in to the room, such as wholesale merchants use for weighing bulky commodities, and quite a bulky commodity was now to be weighed in them. “Daughter Betsy” said the mint-master, “get into one side of these scales.” Miss Betsy, — or Mrs. Sewall as we must now call her, did as she was bid and again the servants tugged, this time bringing in a huge iron- bound oaken chest which being opened proved to be full to the brim with bright pine tree shillings fresh from the mint. At Captain Hull’s command the servants heaped double handfuls of shillings into one side of the scales, while Betsy remained in the other. Jingle, jingle, went the shillings as handful after handful was thrown in, till, plump and ponderous as she was, they fairly weighed the young lady from the floor. “There, son Sewall” cried the honest mint-master resuming his seat, "take these shillings for my daughter’s portion. Use her kindly and thank Heaven for her. It’s not every wife that’s worth her weight in silver.” However interesting the story may be of the plump girl sitting in one pan of the scales as shillings were thrown into the other, as de- picted in Hawthorne’s version of the affair, we must be permitted to consider that time has cast a halo around the mint-master’s daughter and increased both her avoirdupois and her dowry. Massachusetts was the only New England colony to coin silver but close upon the date of the issue of the first “pine tree” money came the Maryland shilling, sixpence, groat and penny, the last in copper. These bear no date but appeared about 1659, the dies having been made in England. All of these coins had on the obverse the head of Lord Baltimore and on the reverse the arms of the Palatinate. These issues of the Maryland coins are now rare but do not possess the interest which the ruder home-made “pine tree” money holds among coin collectors. At the Stickney sale, a Baltimore shilling in fine order sold for $32. and a sixpence as good, for $25., while another sixpence, slightly rubbed and having a small hole near the edge brought only $3.75. This is an excellent example of the greatly in- creased value of coins when the condition is perfect and shows how 126 THE COINS OUR FATHERS USED. useless it is to base ideas of the value of coins which we may possess by reading the newspaper accounts of the prices at which rare coins are sold without first knowing the condition of the coin itself. Among the coins made for circulation in the colonies are those of the series known as the “Rosa Americana” pieces. These are also called the “Wood money” not that they were made of wood but by Wood, William Wood having received a patent from the British gov- ernment in 1722 for coining money for America and also for Ireland. This coinage is in two penny pieces, pennies and half-pence, and all are well executed. They bear the head of George I on one side and on the other a rose crowned and the legend “Rosa Americana”, hence the name by which this series is always known. There are many varieties of these coins and some of the rarer sorts bring good prices in the market, but fifty cents to three or four dollars is the usual value; the rarest, however, the half-penny of 1724, sold for $310. in the Stickney sale. These coins circulated but little in the colonies, but, singularly enough, the Irish half-pence made by Wood are more common in this country than the ''Americana” coins and may be picked up for a few cents. After the capture of Louisburg, the parliament of Great Britain in 1748 voted to reimburse the Province of Massachusetts for the ex- penses incurred on account of the Cape Breton expedition. The amount estimated to have been expended by the Province was £183,649 sterling and a large quantity of silver and copper coins, forming the largest shipment of specie to this country during the colonial period, was forwarded to Boston to meet the indebtedness. The silver amounted to 650,000 ounces and filled 217 chests, while the copper half-pence and farthings weighed ten tons and came in 100 casks. The anticipated coming of so much specie caused the pro- vincial authorities much anxiety for its safety and a brick arch was built in the cellar of the house of the treasurer in Boston to receive it. On Monday, Sept. 18, 1749 the ship "Mermaid”, Captain Montague, arrived in Boston harbor with the precious cargo and it was safely landed and, later, distributed to its various destinations to meet local demands. The bulk of this hard cash was appropriated to redeem the Province bills of credit. Considerable of it, however, was trans- ported through the country to Portsmouth and it is an interesting fact that among the more common copper pieces found in collections of coins hereabouts are specimens of the half-pence bearing the head of George II, and dated 1749, even now retaining their mint bright- ness, the relics of this wonderful importation of British specie. Most of the silver, however, was in Spanish coinage and one may be criti- cised for using the term British as applied to the entire amount. THE COINS OUR FATHERS USED. 127 Numerous coins were made in the colonies, either intended for regular circulation or as tokens privately issued, among which are the Granby coppers — rude half-pennies — made in 1737 by one John Higley, the blacksmith, at Granby, Conn. They were made of soft copper which was dug at Granby and are never found in very good condition. One in a better state of preservation than usual recently sold for $180. There are coins of French origin attributed to Louisiana; others made to circulate in Virginia ; odd native products from New Hamp- shire, it is said, and a strange copper half-penny with a two-faced Janus head on the obverse and the legend “State of Massa,” with the “goddess liberty” on the other side and bearing the date 1776. This last piece is unique, the only known specimen having been in the Stickney collection, bringing $1060. at that sale. At the same time a New Hampshire piece with a pine tree design brought $212. Just after the Revolutionary war, as each state conducted its own independent government, coins were issued in Massachusetts, Ver- mont, Connecticut, New York and New Jersey. Nearly all of these issues were of the cent denomination and of the size of the familiar old-time copper cents of the early 19th century. Massachusetts, however, issued a half-cent which, with the cents, were coined in the years 1787 and 1788. The Massachusetts coins were far better in ex- ecution than those of the other states and are very creditable coins. Both dates of the cent are quite common and only when in the finest condition do they bring more than one dollar; those in poor preser- vation not being worth more than ten cents. The half-cents are somewhat scarcer but even these are not rare. Bearing an eagle on one side, these coins have on the other the standing Indian found on our Massachusetts coat of arms and state seal and hence is derived the common name of these coins, — “Indian cents.” The first Indian cents were coined from dies cut by Joseph Callen- der, but he charged so much for his work that Jacob Perkins of New- buryport was employed to make them thereafter. The mint-master was Joshua Witherle who became popularly known as the “cent maker.” The mint was established at Boston Neck at a point near what is now the corner of Washington and East Waltham streets. The State authorities were very particular about the quality of the cents and it became necessary to obtain the metal from condemned mortars and cannon, together with odd lots of brass and copper at Bridgewater. This material was carted to Newton, and, later, to Dedham and there rolled into sheets of the proper alloy and thickness. These sheets were then taken to the Boston mint and stamped, alto- gether an expensive matter, the first issues appearing in 1787. In 128 THE COINS OUR FATHERS USED. 1788 the State’s supply of copper having become exhausted the mint was closed and never reopened for it was found on making up the accounts, notwithstanding the scrupulous honesty of mint-master Witherle, that the venture had cost the State of Massachusetts very nearly two cents for every cent coined, quite a different story from the operations of the U. S. government today, when, owing to the immense number of cents coined and the small value of the materials in each “copper,” Uncle Sam makes millions of dollars through the operations of his mints at Philadelphia, San Francisco and elsewhere. In all probabilty more than a half million of the Massachusetts cents and half-cents were made and, although this is not a large number in comparison with the many millions of cents now made each year by our government, still it is sufficiently large to account for the comparative frequency with which these coins are now found in the region where they originally appeared. Vermont, although not admitted to the union until 1791, was one of the first of the States to coin money after the Revolutionary war had ended. And the cents issued in 1785 and 1786 were among the most pretentious of these state issues with their designs of the sun rising over the Green Mountains, the plow in the foreground and the latin motto indicating the State to be the “fourteenth star,” although the number of stars surrounding the eye with its radiating lines on the reverse of the coins is but thirteen. It was Reuben Harmon who received the grant in 1785 giving him the exclusive right to coin copper money for two years. He extablished his mint at Rupert. These early Vermont cents are not uncommon, the poor ones bring- ing but fifty cents while those in the very finest condition have been known to sell for fourteen dollars. Another illustration that condi- tion and rarity make the value of a coin, not its age. But Vermont cents of later dates are far inferior in workmanship and design to the Green Mountain coppers ; one of the oddest and rudest being the so-called “baby head” of 1786 ; others, there are, bearing heads re- sembling these of George II and George III on the British half- pennies from 1730-1780. Vermont cents were issued until 1788. Connecticut cents cover the same period as those of Vermont and are of the same character as the issues bearing the George II and George III heads. They were coined from 1785 to 1788. In fact, it is probable that some of the dies were used interchangeably and many counterfeits were made bearing the legends used on the cents of both States. None of these cents are very rare and ordinary ones may be found in almost any lot of old coppers and are worth but a few cents. New Jersey cents are far more attractive in appearance than those THE COINS OUR FATHERS USED. 129 of Connecticut. They bear a horse’s head and a plow on one side with the legend “Nova Caesarea” for New Jersey and on the other side a shield with bars surrounded by the words “E Pluribus Unum.” These cents were made from 1786 to 1788 and are of very even qual- ity. There were two mint-houses in post-revolutionary days in New Jersey, one at Morristown, the other at Elizabethtown. It is probable that the same engraver cut the dies for the New Jersey coins as well as those for the early Vermont cents for the plows in each case close- ly resemble each other. The state of New York claims pre-eminence in the rarity of coins issued in its name at this period. The ordinary cents called New York coppers and bearing the legend “Nova Eborac” are not rare and even these are not thought to have been made in the State but sent over from England where they were made by private parties for profit. However, there are some of the very rarest of “Americana” in coins among those attributed to that State. There are Clinton coppers, “Nova Constellatio” coppers. Excelsior coppers and others. One of these coppers bears the legend “Neo Eboracus” on the obverse and an Indian standing and on the other side an eagle. An example of this coin sold in the Stickney collection for $850. It was in very fine condition and but four of these coins, pattern cents they may have been, are known to exist. Another of these rarities, bearing on one side the arms of the State of New York and on the other a spread eagle, brought $210, and a third, similar in design but with the eagle of larger size, brought $460. All of these coins are of the highest degree of rarity and all were in fine condition. The dies from which they were struck were skillfully made. But the highest tide of coin values has been reached in the case of the so-called “Brasher doub- loon,” a gold coin about the size of a ten dollar gold-piece of our day. It bears on the face a design showing the sun “in splendor, rising from behind a range of mountains, beneath which is, ‘Brasher’”. The legend is “Nova Eborac Columbia Excelsior.” The reverse bears the spread eagle and legend “Unum E Pluribus.” The date is 1787 and the letters “E. B.” for Ephraim Brasher who made these doub- loons, are punched on one of the wings of the eagle. An extended reference is made to this coin for in 1907 it was sold for the highest figure ever realized for a coin in America up to that time. But four others are known besides this fine specimen which belonged to Matthew A. Stickney of Salem and which was sold with his collec- tion. In the great coin sale conducted by Henry Chapman of Phila- delphia, who purchased the entire Stickney collection, this coin brought the extraordinary sum of $6,200. at public auction. However re- markable this sale may be only two years later it was far exceded by two $50. gold pattern pieces. 130 THE COINS OUR FATHERS USED. In response to a demand for large denominations of gold coins from California, where the local conditions keep specie alway in con- stant circulation, an attempt was made in Congress to establish a $25., $50., and $100. gold coinage, but the bill never became a law. The mint authorities, however, preceded to make patterns for the $50. pieces, but not until 1877, several years after the law was proposed. Usually these pattern pieces are struck in low priced metals, but in this case additional pieces were struck in gold. There were two patterns made, differing slightly from each other. The gold patterns issued came into possession of John W. Haseltine and Stephen K. Nagy, coin dealers of Philadelphia, who sold them in 1909 to William H. Woodin of New York for $10,000. each. These are thought by many to be the most beautiful coins ever issued by our government. But they should not be confounded with the varieties of fifty-dollar gold pieces issued by private parties in California in the “fifties,” be- fore the government prohibited their issue. These private coins bring high prices, but nothing in comparison with the two of mint origin v/hich now it is said hold the record for high prices far in ad- vance of any coin ever before sold. Washington’s fame naturally brought out many designs for coins with his head upon them either full-faced or, more frequently, in profile. Many of these were intended as patterns for the first regular coinage of U. S. cents. Others were issued as medals or tokens and some, even, were made in England to be circulated in America. Washington coins and medals continued to be made until after his death, in 1799; at that time, in fact, a large number appeared. So there are really two groups of Washington coins; those issued before the United States government began a regular coinage, many of which may be considered as pattern coins, and those which were is- sued entirely as tributes to Washington, the man and hero. Among the last were the “mortuary medals” many of which are quite rare, designed and made by Jacob Perkins of Newburyport, he who had previously made the dies for the Massachusetts Indian coins of 1787 and 1788. Perkins also was favorably looked upon as the director of the United States mint when first established but another obtained the position. These medals were struck in tin, silver, copper and gold and bore on the obverse the head of Washington and on the reverse a funereal urn. The legend, "he is in glory and the world in tears” has given the popular name by which these Perkins medals are generally known. They sell at prices from $3. to $25. each, ac- cording to the metal in which they are struck and their individual rarity. Some of the rarer Washington pattern cents sell at figures up to $85. and the set of Washington Indian peace medals brought THE COINS OUR FATHERS USED. 131 $120. in the Stickney sale. Washington’s head never appeared on any regularly issued coin of the United States. It was his expressed wish that it should not and that wish has been followed. It is to be regretted that Washington’s views on the subject should not have prevailed regarding the “Lincoln cents,” a belittling use of Lincoln’s profile and a danger which may lead to the issue of government coins with the heads of undeserving men and even politicians as has been done in many of the Latin republics at the south. Medals serve as the proper method of perpetuating the names and deeds of men in this country. Our regularly issued coins should only express ideals in their designs. The so-called “First United States Cent” was issued in 1787 and is said to have been designed by Benjamin Franklin, at least it bears a legend attributed to him, — "mind your business.” This familiar coin bears on one side the sun shining on a sun-dial and the legend "Fugio” and on the other side thirteen links in an endless chain. These coins are not scarce and even in the finest condition in which they are ever found are worth hardly over a couple of dollars, while those in ordinary condition may be bought for ten cents. A coin struck in silver and sometimes in white metal bearing the same de- sign had been issued in 1776. This dollar coin is not of great rarity, but sells for about $5. to $10. according to condition. The design was a favorite one during and just after the Revolution for it appeared on the continental paper money as well as in copper and silver. The "Fugio” or "Franklin link cents” were coined in New York and in New Haven, the dies for them having been made by Abel Buel of the last named city. During the interval following the Revolution and until the adoption of the Constitution, great confusion existed in the currency of the States. There was a debased copper currency, mostly privately emitted coins, foisted upon the people by foreign speculators, and a worse condition in the confused and depreciated paper currency, based on the pound sterling, which, having been issued in different amounts in different colonies, varied in actual value in each, so that a pound in Massachusetts was not a pound in Connecticut and pos- sessed still another value in New York and New Jersey. As early as 1781, Robert Morris, the financier of the post-Revolu- tionary Confederacy, was requested to lay before Congress his views on coinage and currency. He did so in a report which was an attempt to harmonize all the conflicting elements with which the States had to deal financially and his plan had for its unit of value 1/1400 of a Spanish dollar. He proposed, however, a decimal system for our currency. Nothing more was done until 1784 when Thomas Jeffer- 132 THE COINS OUR FATHERS USED. son brought forward a better scheme. He said that the Morris unit was too small and proposed the Spanish dollar itself as the unit. He said it was of good size, easily divisible and already familiar through our West India trade and a coin which would be brought to the country in increasing quantities as our commerce became extended. This was a wise suggestion and for half a century after these coins flowed in and out the country by the millions by way of the China and India trade as our merchants sent their brave little ships on dis- tant voyages with their kegs of Spanish dollars stacked in their holds, or secreted in false bottomed chests. The word dollar is the English form of the German word thaler, and the origin of the thaler is as follows : — In the year 1519, Count Schlick of Bohemia issued silver coins weighing one ounce each and worth 113 cents. They were coined at Joachimsthal, that is, James’s Valley or dale, hence they became known as ''Joachimsthalers,” soon shortened to thalers. Through trade with the Dutch these coins came into England in the sixteenth century and are referred to sometimes as ”dalers.” But the dollar came to the American continent not through the Dutch or English but through the Spanish. This was due to the ex- tent of the Spanish Empire in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and also to the great quantities of silver which Spain drew from her mines in Mexico and South America. The Spanish coin was strictly speaking a peso, better known as a piece of eight, because it was equal to eight reals (royals). As it was of the same value, the name dollar was given to the piece of eight about the year 1690. The most famous Spanish dollar was known as the pillar dollar, because it had on one side two pillars, representing the pillars of Hercules, the classical name for the Straits of Gibralter, and this Spanish dollar was common in America at the time of the War of Independence. Jefferson’s report was adopted in 1785 when another rest followed. In 1792, however, Alexander Hamilton, then Secretary of the Treasury, a man of action, recommended immediate procedure on Jefferson’s plan. Hamilton’s recommendation was adopted by Congress with recommendations for a coinage of eagles, half- and quarter-eagles in gold ; dollars, halves, quarters, dimes and half-dimes in silver ; and cents and half-cents in copper. President Washington immediately proceeded to lay out plans in conformity with the action of Congress. The mint was established and David Rittenhouse was appointed director, the mint building was erected on 7th street, Philadelphia, between Market and Arch streets, and the presses were imported from abroad during the year THE COINS OUR FATHERS USED. 133 1792. On Sept. 21st of that year, the first copper was purchased, a very small amount, six pounds. The first actual coinage was a limit- ed number of half dimes, spelled at that time ”disme,” meaning a tenth, and bearing the so-called Martha Washington head. These were said to have been made from silver plate furnished by Wash- ington himself. These half-dimes are generally considered pattern pieces although they certainly should have a place in the regular coinage as they did circulate to some extent and were spoken of at the time as having been issued on account of the great scarcity of small change. A few other coins were issued as patterns in 1792, but the continuous coinage of the nation actually began the following year, with the issue of the cents and half-cents bearing the head of Liberty with ’'flowing hair,” the liberty cap on the pole over the god- dess’s shoulder being added the last part of the year. The United States mint, originally established in Philadelphia in 1792, has ever remained there as the chief mint, notwithstanding the change of the national capitol to Washington, the headquarters of all other government departments. The original mint building of 1792 remained standing until comparatively recent years, having been at the last used as a carpenter’s shop. The various complicated processes which the crude metal or bul- lion passes through before coming into our hands as the bright “coins of the realm,” are little imagined by those who use the coins every day. A bag of gold or silver bullion is brought by a depositor or sent by express to the mint to be coined into money. It is weighed in his presence or a certificate returned by messenger. Then an as- say is made to ascertain its fineness. Next comes the melting, refin- ing and casting into ingots which are then rolled in powerful machines and annealed and by other powerful machines drawn out to the prop- er thickness. Next the "planchets” or blanks are cut out by a stamp- ing machine, weighed and if too heavy they are filed off and if too light returned to the melting pot. Another machine "mills” the edges to prevent the clipping of the coins by unscrupulous persons and, finally, the great and beautifully adjusted coining press with its irresistible jaws seizes the blanks and stamps them with the steel dies cut by skilled engravers and turns out the gold and the shining dollars, halves, quarters, dimes and the "minor coins,” bright and clean. But not a grain of the precious metal must be lost. The floors of the rooms where all of these processes have been going on are made with fine grating and these are often removed and the dust swept up and removed and the gold and silver in it carefully extracted and returned to the pot. The dust thus saved amounts on the average to $23,000 annually. 134 THE COINS OUR FATHERS USED. In 1825, Samuel Morse, director of the mint, issued a list of rules and regulations for the mint employees and much solemn advice went out with them. Work began at 5 A. M. and continued until 4 P. M. The former allowance for ”drink money” in practice since 1792, was discontinued and three dollars was added to the regular wages ”for the three summer months” and liquor was prohibited in the mint. Visitors were to be admitted ”on all working days except Saturdays and rainy days.** The only holidays were Christmas and 4th of July. The watchman must use ”a dark lanthorn but not an open candle” and he must keep, in a proper arm chest, securely locked, a musket and bayonett, two pistols and a sword.” Once each month these ”arms must be discharged and charged again.” The director says that ”the delicate trust reposed in all employees presupposes that their character is free from all suspicion,” but he ”feels it his duty, nevertheless, to warn them of the danger of violating so high a trust.” The law of the United States then in full, enacted in 1792, provided that for "embezzlement of any coins struck at the mint or of any of the metals sent to the mint for coinage . . . the person so doing shall be guilty of felony and shall suffer death.” On the backs of many of the United States gold and silver coins issued since 1838, will be found small capital letters, — "O,” "D,” "S,” etc. They are found just beneath the spread eagle on the coins of larger denominations and inside of the legend, while on the smaller denominations the letter is at the base of the wreath near the edge of the coin. These little capital letters have often excited the interest of the curious and the question is frequently asked, — "What do they signify?” In 1838, three branch mints were established, one at New Orleans, another at Dahlonega, Georgia, and a third at Charlotte, North Caro- lina. These mints continued in operation until the opening of the Civil War in 1861, when their work was, of course, discontinued. In 1879, the New Orleans mint was reopened for coining all denomina- tions of gold and silver, but the other southern mints, however, were not reopened. They had been established to coin the gold, then largely coming from North Carolina and Georgia, into eagles and half-eagles, but silver was not minted in them as it was at New Orleans. Following the discovery of gold in California, a mint was opened at San Francisco in which gold of all denominations was coined and later, silver as well. The fifth branch mint was established at Car- son City, Nevada, in 1870, to coin gold and the silver then coming in vast quantities from neighboring mines. Among the silver coins THE COINS OUR FATHERS USED. 135 minted there was the short lived twenty cent piece. Those who are interested to look may readily find among their silver change coins from the branch mints excepting those of Dahlonega and Charlotte, where only gold was coined. If an "S” is found under the eagle or beneath the wreath on the back of the coin, the coin was minted at San Francisco, if ''C.C.” is there, it came from the Carson City mint, while New Orleans is distinguished by an '*0.” The gold of Charlotte and Dahlonega had ’’O” and ’’D” respectively for their mint marks. While the mint was established in 1792 and the so-called Martha Washington half-dimes were coined for circulation and several pat- tern or experiment pieces were made that year, still, the first coins from the mint which actually circulated were the cents and half-cents of the next year, and it was not until 1797 that the full quota of coins authorized when the mint was established was regularly issued. Quite naturally, of the gold coins comparatively little is known by the general public for few persons are collectors of coins in the most precious metal. But there are enough collectors of American gold coins, however, to keep the rarer issues in demand and cause them to sell for exceedingly high prices at the coin auctions, probably the highest figure reached being $2,000. paid for the half-eagle of 1815 of which the mint records show but 635 were coined. Eagles and half-eagles have been coined since 1795, the latter with greater reg- ularity but few years being missed up to the present time. The eagles, however, were not issued from 1804 until 1838. Quarter-eagles, which were first coined in 1796, skip many years until 1829, after which date they appeared with greater regularity. Double-eagles have been issued since 1850. Three dollar pieces began to appear in 1854 and the gold dollars in 1849. These are the only regular United States issues of gold, the fifty dollar gold coins and the four dollar pieces or "stella,” are either patterns or private coins from California. The "Stella” seems to have excited the most interest of any pattern or regularly issued coin of the United States, although by no means bringing the highest price when sold. There are several varieties of the coin which were struck in 1879 and 1880. The issue of these experimental coins is said to have been suggested by the Austrian Minister at Washington. They were intended to serve as an inter- national coin of the value of the Austrian 8 florin piece, approximate- ly $3.88. Five varieties of the "stella” are recorded, and they were struck in aluminum, copper, silver and in one instance in gold. Some varieties are much rarer than others, the commoner varieties former- ly selling for $8. to $10., but a steady gain in the values has been made of late. Recently one sold for $85. and $500. is now considered 136 THE COINS OUR FATHERS USED. to be the value of the rarest varieties in gold, although none have been actually sold at that figure in any coin sale. The issue of private coins is now prohibited by law. The present gold issues of the United States are in great contrast in appearance with all previous coins of the government. The eagles and double- eagles appearing more like medals than coins for circulation. Based upon designs of the late Augustus St. Gaudens, those first minted proved impracticable on account of their high relief, which was cor- rected in later issues. No doubt these coins have much artistic merit although they have been much criticised, but for the various purposes of money and for ready identification the old type of American coin- age is admittedly superior. The first United States silver coin to circulate generally, if we ex- clude the little half-dime of 1792, was the silver dollar of 1794, now a rare coin and selling in fine condition for nearly $200. The half- dollar of the same year, like the dollar bearing on its face the fine head of Liberty with the flowing hair, is not so rare as the dollar, but has often sold for $40. Other silver dollars from 1795 to the recent dates, excepting the rarest, sell for $2. to $12. The "Liberty seated” dollar of 1838 has sold for $200 ; that of 1839 for $55 ; the 1852 for $32.50 and the 1858 for $33. The most surprising thing in the way of coin prices is the low figures for which our so-called trade dollars are sold. These were made from 1873 onwards to be used in place of the Spanish or Mexican dollars in the Orient where those coins had long been used as the basis of trade. Our trade dollars actually contain more silver than the regular United States silver dollar, but as they are not legal tender here they are at a discount and in coin sales many of the dates of the trade dollar will bring but 65 cents to 90 cents, save the last two dates, of which only pattern pieces were issued and which now sell at extravagant prices. This attempt to work off our superfluous silver on the East, was at once imitated by Great Britain and France with trade dollars of their own and the issue of American trade dollars was discontinued in 1878. Of all American coins, however, and perhaps of all coins, the most famous and the one most written about, is the United States silver dollar of 1804, often called "the King of United States coins.” But with all the publicity given it, only six of these coins are known ; one in the mint collection at Philadelphia, one in the Massachusetts Historical Society at Boston, one in the City Museum, Omaha, two in private hands and the 6th, for 74 years owned by the late Matthew A. Stickney of Salem, and his heirs, Mr. Stickney having obtained it as a duplicate from the United States mint in 1843. It never was out of his possession or that of his daughters until sold by Henry THE COINS OUR FATHERS USED. 137 Chapman in 1907 for $3,600 — the highest price ever paid for an American silver coin. The so-called “King of the United States coins” has caused more discussion and been the subject of more popular interest then any coin in America. It has been the object of much newspaper comment and innumerable absurd stories. These coins have been found, ac- cording to distant newspapers, in stockings of the old-time hoarders, dug up in the most improbable places and in the possession of per- sons as family heirlooms and not to be parted with at any price. The facts in the case are that although the mint records give 19,570 silver dollars coined in 1804, the records are made up in such a way that the actual issues bearing different dates do not always corres- pond with the annual reports. Old dies were often used until worn out and past the date they bore. Therefore it is not always possible to be sure of the actual coinage of a certain date by depending on the mint records. Numismatists differ regarding the 1804 dollar and some assert that the entire lot now in collectors’ cabinets "are modern frauds, charit- ably called restrikes.” Thirteen coins of that date are known in collections of which six are considered as genuine so far as there is genuineness to any. It is undoubtedly a fact that none were coined in the year 1804. A die was made but not used. The stories that there was an issue of a large number may be set aside as false. The fairy tale that a ship load of 1804 dollars was lost in the China sea is absurd, as well as the story that the entire output was sent to pay off the navy at Tripoli and was lost with some vessel, or that they actually were used in this way and dispersed all over Europe. No single specimen of the 1804 dollar has a more direct history than the example sold with the Stickney collection. That one had been in Mr. Stickney’s possession and his daughters’ hands from the day it left the United States mint in 1843 until sold in 1907. It was the custom in the early days of the mint to keep old dies and little thought was given as to what became of them. Some were sold for junk and no doubt many coins have been struck from old dies sold or taken from the mint. Lately this has all been changed and now laws strictly enforced require all dies to be broken up and utterly destroyed at the end of each year. Either at the mint or elsewhere *it is probable that the face die made for 1804 was taken with a suit- able reverse die of some other year and a few coins made from this combination. Two of these were in the mint in 1843 when Mr. Stickney effected an exchange for one of them with the mint author- ities. Therefore, the Stickney 1804 dollar came directly from the original source and that was the mint itself. 138 THE COINS OUR FATHERS USED. Comparison shows that there are several others which have the appearance of similar genuineness and these are well known and re- corded in the numismatic books. There are also many specimens pretending to be 1804 dollars which have been made in various ways to deceive collectors. Some are electrotypes made, either from a vouched specimen or from a fake one. These should not easily deceive any expert. The most difficult ones to detect are those raised from a dollar of 1801 by adding a cross to the 1 making it a 4. Of course there are differences in the 1801 dollar by which the expert collector may know the fraud, but the collector not an expert may thus be deceived. The dollar called genuine has sold at various prices and not by any means at a steady increase. One sold in 1903 brought $2,000. The Stickney dollar sold for $3,600, and is undoubtedly the most valuable specimen historically, outside the United States mint. The smaller silver of the United States is of comparatively little interest. Half-dollars of 1796 have sold for $63. and the rare 1797, in fine condition, for $110. Of the quarters, the first issue of 1796 has sold for $35 — that of 1806 for $23. Many of the halves and quarters are not worth more than their face value even when in a fine state of preservation. The twenty-cent piece, first issued in 1875, was soon abandoned — a needless denomination — those of 1877 and 1878 bring from $2 to $6 — but they must be in perfect condition. The dimes are pretty coins, especially those of the early dates and they are often found finely preserved. From $5 to $12 are the highest prices paid for the rarest. Of the half-dimes, that of 1792 previously mentioned has sold for $23, and the rarest, probably that of 1796, has brought $44. A different variety of the same year sold at the same sale brought but $15.50. Half-dimes of 1864 are scarce, however, and sell for nearly $2. but they must be of the finest quality. The little three- cent pieces coined from 1851 to 1873 are the smallest coins ever is- sued by our government. A proof of 1856 sold once for $5, the high- est price paid for a three-cent piece. Other dates are common except 1865 and 1873, which sell as proofs for about $1.25 each. Of course all the silver coins in poor condition or rubbed bring very low prices. The American copper cents have interested more persons and are more sought for by collectors of the series of dates than any other coins. Among collectors are young and old, high and low, grave and gay. Some are satisfied to show one specimen of each date ob- tainable, no matter what its condition may be and will tuck in some other copper coin to fill the places of the varieties, 1793, 1799 and 1814, and even some collectors will add a British or Canadian half- THE COINS OUR FATHERS USED. 139 penny of 1815 to their series, although no United States cents were coined that year. Others there are whose purses are longer who will have the finest coins and there are some who are persistent in this hobby of discerning microscopic variations in the dies. The early dies were made individually and so each one varied from another, being used until it was broken when a new one was substituted. But later the dies have been made in exact duplicates from a “mother” die and the soft steel in which the dies are made is hardened for the coining press. So these variations no longer exist to any extent among the millions of cents minted today. Treatises have been written upon and fine plates issued of the var- ieties of the cents of 1793, 1794 and other dates. An interesting in- stance of the highly specialized collecting may be seen in the sale at public auction of the Gilbert collection, in New York, on Oct. 12, 1910, when a group of 67 cents of the year 1794 representing over fifty distinct varieties, were sold separately. The lot included some very beautiful specimens and was the largest collection of varieties of 1794 cents ever brought together. One cent was sold for $101, the highest price of any ; another for $75, and a third for $72. Eleven sold for over $50 each. The entire series brought more than $1500.00, making the average price $23, including the poorer as well as the fine specimens. In this connection it may be said that the prices of fine specimens of all rare and even somewhat scarce American coins have been greatly enhanced with recent years. From 1793 to the present time cents have been coined in great numbers with the single omission of the year 1815. The rarest in order of their scarcity are : — 1799, 1804, 1793, 1809, 1813, 1796 (liberty-cap), 1823, 1811 and so on. Of course prices vary greatly according to the condition of the cent, for condition not date invar- iably governs the comparative value of a coin. In their very finest state. United States cents of 1793 with the chain- designed reverse, have sold for $41 ; with the wreath, for $75 ; 1794 absolutely perfect, $52.50 to $75 ; 1796 liberty-cap design, $45 ; 1796 fillet head for $40 ; 1797 for $20. The two last named were in the Stickney collection and came from a bag of bright cents in Salem originally paid to the Hon. Benjamin Goodhue, Member of Congress, for the old Essex district at that time. This bag of mint-bright cents of 1796 and 1797 was in the possession of a Salem man in the 50’s and 60’s and from it went forth practically all that are now in the cabinets of the great coin collectors in this country and also many abroad. The owner, while retaining his hoard was, on the whole, rather free with the cents, individually giving them singly or in pairs by date to col- lectors who visited him to see, and if possible to secure them. 140 THE COINS OUR FATHERS USED. What finally became of the last of this lot is not known, but as the bag and its contents comes to the memory of one Salem man now living, who, as a boy, was given a pair of these cents, there were perhaps fifty left in 1860-1862, all of a beautiful bronze color with some of the original mint brightness lingering around the edges of the coins. The owner probably realized very little in the way of ex- change for his precious hoard and if he ever sold any it must have been when only the last of the lot were left. How many cents there were originally no one knows, — but could all have been sold at the prices which the pair realized at the Stickney sale, no doubt the original bag full would have reached the sum of $3,000. The cent of 1799 is scarcer than any other and it is never found in fine condition. The copper of which it was made is soft and the striking is weak. Tradition says that the year’s output was nearly all taken by a Salem merchant who bored holes through the cents and traded them with the natives in Africa for ivory and other precious things. Be that true or false (which no doubt it is), it makes one like Omar (slightly) altered ’’wonder often what the (merchants) bought, one half so precious as the (cents) they sold.” The condition of an 1804 cent in the Stickney sale brought the price up to an even $100 ; an 1805, to $46, and an 1808, to $20. An 1817 with 15 stars, the only cent ever issued with that number and made “to follow the flag” which at that time had 15 stars to repre- sent the full number of states, sold for $9.25. Cents of later dates, often worth but a few cents in ordinary condition and no more than their face value if very poor, if very fine will bring extraordinary prices. Records show actual sales of cents of 1821 at $77.50 ; of 1823 at $17; of 1827 at $22 ; of 1831 at $10.50 ; 1834 at $17.50 ; of 1838 at $12.50 ; of 1840 at $20 and 1849 at $13.50, when of the en- tire lot only 1821 and 1823 are in the least scarce and none would be worth over 10 cents in ordinary circulated condition. The last large copper cent was issued in 1857 and sells for 50 cents to $1.50 according to its condition. The attractive copper half-cents were not coined with the same regularity as the cents. Of the first date of issue, 1793, fine ones of that year are worth $30 ; of 1795, $26 ; of 1796, $12.50 ; but 1804, the same date as the cent which sold for the highest price at the Stickney sale, is very common indeed, bright ones being worth only a few cents. Half-cents become scarce as the years advance. The half-cent of 1831 has sold for $40 to $48 ; of 1836 for $50 ; of 1840 for $42.50 ; of 1842 for $125 and 1845 for $115. None of these dates is found in ordinary condition. They practically never were cir- culated. The half-cents of 1857, the last date a half-cent was ever made, sell for from 50 cents to $3. THE COINS OUR FATHERS USED. 141 The same year, 1857, that the ’’copper” ceased to be issued, the so- called nickel cents appeared, preceded in 1856 by a pattern with the same ’’flying eagle,” which had a limited circulation. These were changed to the Indian head design in 1859. In 1864 the bronze In- dian head cent took the place of the nickel to give way in 1909 to the Lincoln head, our present cent. None of the recent cents are rare — excepting the 1856 pattern which in very fine proof condition has sold for $12. From a few cents to a dollar for a rare variety of the 1859, expresses their value. Some varieties of the early Lincoln cents are considered scarcer than others. The bronze two-cent pieces which appeared in 1864 and continued until 1873 are common enough. A proof of 1864 has sold as high as $1.10. Nickel three-cent pieces were coined from 1865 to 1889. A complete set in proof condition sells for 30 cents each. The five-cent nickel now having taken unto itself the metallic name and everywhere known as a “nickel,” although only one quarter of it is made of that metal, was first issued in 1865 and has proved a universally welcome coin. Most dates are common and only a few very early ones, like 1866, bring any price in the coin market. Every collector of coins who remembers the days of the old copper cents will call to mind the ’’brummies” or ’’Brummagems” which were met with in every direction. These coins, of course, got their generic name from the city of Birmingham, England, noted as the place of coinage of most of these tokens and also where many regular issues of coins have been made for different countries as well as many fine private store cards and the like. The various tokens and old British half-pence, more or less worn, even to the utter obliteration of legend and design, formerly passed for a cent among those who were liber- al in their construction of the laws of the land, but gradually these ’’brummagems” came into disfavor and with the change from the copper to the smaller nickel and bronze cents they soon disappeared. But collectors were keen enough to perceive that among these “brum- mies” could occasionally be found a rare State cent or still rarer co- lonial piece and many active numismatists were ready to buy the brummies of local merchants at half face value for the chance of realizing a profit out of some one coin among a hundred and oftener than not the chances were in their favor. Among these “brum- magems” were a vast number of counterfeits of the State cents ; in fact it is quite uncertain in many cases whether some of these coins accepted by collectors are really the State issues of Connecticut and Vermont or are counterfeits made at the same time. Another class of coins which crept into circulation to a limited extent with the 142 THE COINS OUR FATHERS USED. "brummies” were the so-called ’'blacksmith coppers” made in Canada to supply small change which at the time was very scarce. These coppers were thin, poorly made and rude in every way. They were either without date or dated back of the time of issue to avoid any danger of conflict with government laws against them. While ap- pearing to be much older they were really issued from 1820-1840. They had all sorts of inscriptions upon them devised to avoid the counterfeiting acts and yet make the coin appear as much as possible like the half-pennies of England so that they might better pass among the ignorant shopkeepers and the country people. "Hard times tokens,” a term usually applied to the issues of polit- ical and advertising cents in the period of Jackson-Van Buren-Webster campaigns, might with perfect propriety be applied to any coins used as a substitute for the regular issues of any government at any time. Under the name of "obsidional” coins, or "siege pieces” which the word implies, numerous coins in base materials and even leather, have been issued in times long past in many countries. In fact, much of our own colonial money might with propriety be classed under this head. But the most numerous of the coins which belong to the class of the so-called "hard times tokens” in America, are the English copper half-pennies — there were occasional pennies and farthings — which appeared at the close of the 18th century and continued to appear for a short time in the 19th. These were supplemented by a great number of Canadian coins of similar character, many of which were, no doubt, made in England, and which were issued until with- in comparaitvely recent times. Several treatises and even books have been written on the subject of coins of these classes. At the time these coins first made their appearance, the state of our coining was much confused. Paper money, called "Shin plas- ters,” "Wild cat” and "Red dog,” was issued by irresponsible parties in many places, especially in New York city, much of which was never redeemed. One of the first coppers issued had for a legend, — "A substitute for shin-plasters” and "Pure copper preferable to paper” was the legend on a Canadian coin of sympathetic nature. But the political character of our "hard times tokens” of 1834- 1842 is their chief attraction to the general collector. One of these political tokens had for its design a balking mule with "Roman firm- ness” for the legend, typical of the determined attitude of President Jackson in the matter of abolishing the United States Bank, which such legends on other tokens as, — "The Union must be preserved” and "The bank must perish,” corroborated. One token bore the Webster Ship of State progressing finely under full sail, while on the other side was the Van Buren ship, wrecked and dismasted on the THE COINS OUR FATHERS USED. 143 rocks. There were also '"Benton’s Mint Drops,” which shop-keepers could take for a cent or as a pun on the old fashioned candy. These "mint drops” appeared in several designs and got their familiarly known name "Old Bullion” from Thomas H. Benton, who, although he had a quarrel with Gen. Jackson, later became his ardent support- er and an opponent of the Bank. Benton was such a strong demo- crat that in 1856 he supported Buchanan against his own son-in-law, John C. Fremont. Then there were the tokens of the same size and closely resembling in design the United States cents of the period, with the legend, — "Not one cent for tribute, millions for defence”, so arranged that the words "One Cent” appeared in its proper place in the center of the wreath on the back of the coin, with a diminutive "Not” above it. This legend is said to have originated with Charles Pinckney who was sent as United States Minister to France in 1796 when our relations with that country were somewhat strained. Pinckney was not getting on very well at Paris when it was hinted to him that by the payment of large sums of money to certain high officials, matters would move more smoothly and the threatened war with France might be averted. At this suggestion of the establishment of a corruption fund, Pinck- ney’s national pride arose instantly and he indignantly answered in the splendid and lasting epigram which was revived and used effect- ively when we sent our fleet to the Mediterranean to punish the Barbary Corsairs, to whom together with other nations we had been paying tribute as the cheapest way to protect our merchant marine in those waters from their piratical attacks. On some of the ”not one cent” tokens, the last part of the legend is made to read, — "an army for defence.” Many of these tokens have been "muled”, as it is termed in numis- matic circles, that is, the obverse of one coin has been struck with a reverse die intended for another coin and which does not correspond with it, or sometimes dies intended for these political tokens have been used to strike shop cards with the advertisements of business firms on the other side. These shop cards began to appear in this country about 1789 with the establishment of the United States government and they have been issued by private parties from time to time until a deluge of them, of the same size and of the same metal as the regular bronze cents, appeared at the outbreak of the Civil War, in 1861, when small change was scarce, and which re- quired the interference of the national government to check it. These coppers were seldom redeemed and as they cost but a fraction of a cent to manufacture, they were a source of illegitimate profit to those who put them out. This private coinage is no longer permitted. JUSTIN ALLEN, A. M., M. D. AN APPRECIATION. FROM THE "BOSTON MEDICAL AND SURGICAL JOURNAL,” DECEMBER 31, 1908. Justin Allen, A. M., M. D., died at Topsfield, Mass., and was buried there Nov. 8, 1908, from the Congregational Church. He was eighty- one years old. He graduated A. M. from Brown University and M. D. in 1856 from Harvard. Modest, quiet, studious, well-read, gentle, retiring, even-tempered, friendly and non-contentious, he enjoyed the esteem and respect of his classmates and clientage. He was one of those medical characters whose solid worth and equanimity shone in his profession. He was one of the most devoted attendants on med- ical meetings, his eyes shining with delight as he listened attentively. I can remember him as attending the first meeting of the Harvard Clinical Conference, Nov. 10, 1855 ; and the M. M. S. dinner speeches in June, 1908, received the same rapt attention. Good listener all the time. He rarely read a paper himself — too anthropophobic. I think he carried his modesty too far. For instance, at the late Har- vard Medical School Building dedication he allowed himself to stand, listening through the whole exercises — a shame to the younger men who sat. He did not resent the shoving, pushing and scrambling of the young M. D.’s at the 1907 M. M. S. dinner in which we were riotously pushed about, separated and distressed. In 1908, words were spoken to the police beforehand and order prevailed. I think he was a good doctor. The conventional idea is that a doc- tor is a fool who doctors himself, and yet from the age of seventy to eighty he had glycosuria and albuminuria and kept secret all the time. If he may not have been a good doctor, he was the best diabetic patient I ever met, and he deserves the credit for it. Such as he honor their profession, themselves and their classmates. He did not smoke, nor chew, nor swear, nor drink. God honored him with a long and useful life. We are thankful he lived as long as he did. He will be missed at the medical convocations he so long helped to make a success, for a good listener is as necessary to suc- cess as a good speaker. He was a virgin and consistent church member. Very truly yours, Ephraim Cutter, M. D., H. M. S. 1856. West Falmouth, Mass., Dec. 19, 1908. (144) VITAL STATISTICS OF TOPSFIELD, MASS. FOR THE YEAR 1919. BIRTHS. 1919 Jan.^ 12. Jan. 14. April 11. April 11. April 16. May 10. June 8. Aug. 19. Aug. 20. Sept. 12. Dec. 31. Martha Elizabeth Ingalls, dau. of Leslie L. and Isabel P. (Smerage) Ingalls. John Stewart Duckworth, son of Charles Stewart and Josephine Mary (Carey) Duckworth. Antonio Marione, son of Anthonie and Marietta (Di Meo) Marione. Virginia De Luiso, dau. of John and Came (Di Giovanni) De Luiso. John Cotterell, son of William C. and Mary (Patrick) Cotterell. Virginia Hope Spaulding, dau. of Arthur Arvin and Ethel Hazen (Buck) Spaulding. , son of Bertram M. and Annetta L. (Linduth) Roberts. Virginia Ann MacGregor, dau. of Percy Clement and Edna (Nutter) MacGregor. Roy Clifton Ford, son of Roy Ferguson and Edna Jackson (Peabody) Ford. Elizabeth Lenora Maynard, dau. of Charles A. and Helen G. (Flanders) Maynard. Claire Culliton, dau. of Frank M. and Mary E. (Sullivan) Culliton. MARRIAGES. 1919 April 20. Isaac J. McFarland (Topsfield), son of Felix and Catherine (Buck) McFarland. Ellen Hagan (Boston), dau. of Owen and Sarah (Doherty) Hagan. (Married in Boston.) (145) 146 VITAL STATISTICS FOR 1919. April 30. May 18. June 8. June 24. June 29. July 5. July 19. Aug. 20. Nov. 27. Dec 27. John Arthur MacLaughlin (Topsfield), son of John C. and Florence M. (Long) MacLaughlin. Eva Belle Mortimer (Boxford), dau. of Edward C. and Annie (Farley) Mortimer. (Married in Topsfield.) Roy Ferguson Ford (Topsfield), son of Howard and Isabel (Andrews) Ford. Edna Jackson Peabody (Topsfield), dau. of Porter B. and Harriet L. (Fish) Peabody. (Married in Boxford.) Roy Francis Frame (Topsfield), son of Francis C. and Elizabeth (Boardman) Frame. Lena Elvira Merrifield, dau. of John C. and Ida E. (Kimball) Merrifield. (Married in Lawrence.) Carl Everett Eaton (Danvers), son of Irving and Lois (Staramberg) Eaton. Caroline A. Lefavour (Topsfield), dau. of Harry A. and Caroline (Hull) Lefavour. (Married in Danvers.) Samuel Allen (Topsfield), son of Hugh and Mary (Graham) Allen. Mary Quinn (Brookline), dau. of John and Mary (Cochran) Quinn. (Married in Danvers.) Harold F, Jordan (Topsfield), son of C. Fred and Anna (Balch) Jordan. Marion Josephine Killam (Boxford), dau. of Frank W. and Elizabeth (Graves) Killam. (Married in Boxford.) Earl H. Tinkham (Mattapoisett), son of Thomas C. and Deborah (Howard) Tinkham. Minnie D. Gamans (Topsfield), dau. of Walter and Lucella (Dunn) Gamans. (Married in Fairhaven.) Amedeo Giovannacci (Topsfield), son of Pietro and Marie C. (Russi) Giovannacci. Georgie F. Rich (Danvers), dau. of Edgar B. and Cora (Perkins) Rich. (Married in Georgetown.) William Labonte (Topsfield), son of Henry and Delia Labonte. Alma J. Jepsen (Boston), dau. of JorgenP. and Anna H. (Litz) Jepsen. (Married in Boston) . James V. McDonald (Topsfield), son of James V. and Petromella (Mc- Donald) McDonald. Stella M. McKay (Salem), dau. of George and Sarah (Porter) McKay. (Married in Danvers.) VITAL STATISTICS FOR 1919. 147 1919 Jan. 15. Jan. 21. Jan. 26. Feb. 15. Feb. 23. Mar. 19. April 10. April 13. April 30. May 7. June 27. July 22. Sept. 7. Oct. 11. Nov. 10. Nov. 12. Dec. 24. DEATHS. Rose Page, wife of M. James Ward, and dau. of Luther and Lydia (Page) Ordway. Aged 71 yrs., 8 mos., 26 dys. Baxter P. Pike, son of Benjamin and Huldah (Dorman) Pike. Aged 73 yrs. 10 mos., 20 dys. James Albert Blaisdell, son of John and Rebecca E. (Hoyt) Blaisdell. Aged 57 yrs. Pietro Giovannacci, son of Louis Giovannacci (Mother unknown.) Aged 54 yrs., 10 mos., 16 days. Alfred B. Hills, son of John and Elizabeth (Knapp) Hills. Aged 84 yrs., 12 dys. Horace Emerson Bradstreet, son of Horace D. and Mabel W. (Warner) Bradstreet. Aged 21 yrs., 5 dys. Willard A. Dwinell, son of John and Louisa (Richards) Dwinell. Aged 87 yrs., 10 mos., 9 dys. William P. Walsh, son of Owen and Mary (Doherty) Walsh. Aged 81 yrs. 9 mos. Thomas Harrison, son of Thomas and Jane (Pew) Harrison. Aged 46 yrs. Ruth Porter Perley, dau. of Nathaniel and Elizabeth (Waitt) Perley. Aged 78 yrs., 7 mos., 9 dys. Robert Gean Welch, son of Harry G. and Maude S. (Brackett) Welch. Aged 9 yrs., 2 mos. Emily D. Tilton, widow of Albert Tilton, dau. of Geo. W. and Elizabeth (Brookings) Manning. Aged 79 yrs, Beatrice M. Kirk, widow of George Kirk and dau. of Edw. H. and Julia (MacBeth) Manning. Aged 78 yrs. Ellen McParland, wife of Isaac J. McParland and dau. of Owen and Sarah (Doherty) Hagan. Aged 29 yrs., 7 dys. Sarah H. Garrett, widow of Wm. H. Garrett, and dau. of David and Harriet (Wilkins) Lake. Aged 77 yrs., 3 mos., 25 dys. Harriet A. Lamson, widow of Josiah A. Lamson, dau. of Hiram C. and Almira L. (Small) Wells. Aged 78 yrs., 9 mos., 29 dys. Margaret MacDougall, dau. of Murdock and Ann (MacKenzie) Mac- Dougall. Aged 48 yrs., 18 dys. 148 CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS IN 1919. Deaths in other places—interment in Topsfield, 1918 Nov. 18. Zola Finch, infant, died in New York. 1919 Feb. 6. Frank Welch, died in Haverhill, Mass. Aged 75 yrs. Feb. 25. George A. Gerry, died in Boston, Mass. Aged 29 yrs., 5 mos., 22 dys. April 22. Pierce, died in Wenham. Aged Aug. 28. Nathan P. Oakes, died in Danvers. Aged 64 yrs., 6 mos., 1 dy. Dec. 6. Alice M. Lowell, died in Somerville, Mass. Aged 69 yrs., 10 mos., 3 dys. CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS IN 1919. 1919 January. Feb. 26. May 31. Sept. 26-27. October. November. Widespread epidemic of influenza closing the schools, etc. Death of John J. Farrell at Beau Desert, France, of pneumonia ; the only soldier from Topsfield to die while in the service. Distinguished Service Cross awarded to Corporal Clarence Walker Lake of Topsfield for "extraordinary heroism” near Gesnes, France. Annual Cattle Show and Fair. Work began on the construction of a single -arch cement bridge over the Ipswich river, replacing Towne’s bridge first built of wood before 1809. Rev. Harry E. Gardner of Tacoma, Washington, appointed pastor of the Methodist Episcopal Church. BUILDINGS CONSTRUCTED DURING THE YEAR 1919. Thomas Emerson Proctor, the French- Andrews house, Hewlett Street, restored. Thomas Emerson Proctor, the Averill-Wildes-Perley house. Ridge Street, restored. Grange Hall, Main Street, shop windows placed on first floor front. John S. Lawrence, Ipswich Street, large cement addition to main barn ; cement silo. Leroy Gleason, Perkins Street, the Perkins-Welch-Gleason house taken down. Thomas Emerson Proctor, Perkins Street, shoe shop at the Josiah P. Perkins farm removed to the Averill-Wildes-Perley house and connected as an ell. J n V ; ■* '•j 'V