Inturrattg nf IFlnrtfta Kihrartra

This Volume is presented by the

Lords Commissioners of His Majesty's Treasury

to

and will , in the event of the Library being broken up, be returned to the Controller of His Majesty's Stationery Office, Westminster .

(s)

SERIES OF CHRONICLES AND MEMORIALS PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY OF THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS OF H.M. TREASURY UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE DEPUTY CLERK-REGISTER OF SCOTLAND.

VOL. XIV.

Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2015

https://archive.org/details/exchequerrollsof14scot

THE EXCHEQUER ROLLS OF SCOTLAND.

To be purchased, either directly or through any bookseller, from JOHN MENZIES & CO., 12 Hanover Street, Edinburgh ;

EYRE & SPOTTISWOODE, East Harping. Street, Fleet Street, London; HODGES, FIGGIS, & Co., Limited, 104 Grafton Street, Dublin.

ROTULI

SCACCARII REGUM SCOTORUM

THE EXCHEQUER ROLLS OF

SCOTLAND

EDITED BY

M. J. G. MACKAY, M.A. Oxon., LL.D. Edin.

HONORARY FELLOW OF KING’S COLLEGE, LONDON SHERIFF OF FIFE AND KINROSS

VOL. XIV. a.d. 1513-1522

PUBLISHED BY THE AUTHORITY OF THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS OF HER MAJESTY’S TREASURY UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE DEPUTY CLERK-REGISTER OF SCOTLAND

H. M. GENERAL REGISTER HOUSE EDINBURGH 1 8 9.3

CJ. ~S <d-

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PRINTED FOR HER MAJESTY’S STATIONERY OFFICE BY JSEILL AND COMPANY, EDINBURGH,

C ©iSCAROi 1^7;

CONTENTS.

PAGE

PEEFACE.

I. Contents of the Eolls in this Volume — Comptrollers — Auditors — Crown Lands — Feuing and Leasing— -Lands held by Tenure of Office- — Lands retained by Same Families — Eeflection of Flodden in the Accounts, ..... xxix

II. The Nine Years after Flodden, . . xxxix

III. Principal Persons of this Period in the Ac-

counts : The Infant King James v. — The Queen Mother Margaret Tudor — The Governor, John, Duke of Albany —

James, Earl of Arran — Archibald, Earl of Angus — Leading Churchmen: Gavin Douglas, Bishop of Dunkeld — Andrew Forman, Archbishop of St Andrews —

James Beaton, Archbishop of Glasgow — Alexander, Lord Hume, Chamberlain —

Eobert Barton, Comptroller, . . lii

IV. Some Minor Historical Persons : Colin

Campbell, Third Earl of Argyle — Alex- ander Gordon, Third Earl of Huntly —

John, First Lord Drummond — Gavin Dunbar, Archdeacon of St Andrews, afterwards Bishop of Aberdeen — Gavin Dunbar, Preceptor of the King, after- wards Archbishop of Glasgow — Sir Patrick Hamilton of Kincavil- — Sir James Hamilton of Finnart — Eobert Borthwick,

CONTENTS.

Pkeface — continued.

Captain of the Artillery — Sir David Lindsay, the Poet — John Bellenden, the Translator — Hector Boece, the Historian, Walter Chepman, the Printer — Surgeons and the Bise of the Medical Profession — Advocates an4 the Beginning of the Legal Profession — William Cumyng of Inveralochy, and the Diplomatic Pro- fession-Position of Women— Mariot Boncle, Landowner and Trader— Mar- garet Crichton, widow of George Halker- ston, Burgess of Edinburgh, afterwards Countess of Eothes, ....

Y. Foreign Belations : Scotland and Den- mark— Magnus the Dane, nephew of Ove Bilde, Chancellor of Denmark — Mis- sions from Scotland to Christiern II. for aid against England — Aid sent to Christiern II. by Scotland, against the Swedes and Hanseatic League — Scot- land and France : The Fate of the Scottish Fleet sent to France — French Ambassadors : Mace or Matthieu Ville- bresme — John De Planis — La Fayette — Scottish Embassies to France: Sir Patrick Hamilton — Walter Maluny, Abbot of Glenluce — Lord Fleming — French Offi- cers in Scotland: Sir Anthony D’Arcy De La Bastie — Ferest, the Portuguese Baron — Captains Jakkis : Maurice Denogeant; Grosellis ; Alan Stewart, Captain of Milan ; Bukkat ; Jannet — Monsieur Crochet, Albany’s Steward; Saturnino, his Italian Banker; Jacques Merchel, Albany’s Secretary ; John Hill, called Duke of Milan — No reference in the Accounts to the Pope or other Con- tinental States,

PAGE

xcv

cxxviii

CONTENTS.

IX

Preface — continued. PAGE

VI. Boyal Castles and Palaces — their Occupa- tion and Repair : Stirling — Linlithgow— Falkland— Edinburgh Castle — Holyrood — Other Castles in the Accounts — The Turning Point between the Mediaeval Feudal Period and the Period called Modern — Artillery overthrew the Castles and the Printing Press more gradually the power of the Feudal Lords, . . cxlvi

Appendices.

I. List of Auditors of the Exchequer

1513-22, clx

II. The Death Poll of Flodden so far as shown

in the Accounts, .... clxii

III. Notice of a Picture of Margaret Tudor

and Albany, now in the Collection of

the Marquis of Bute at Cardiff, . . clxv

IV. List of Prices and Wages from the

Accounts, .... clxxxviii

Appendix to Preface.

Old and New Numbers of Polls, . . cxciv

EXCHEQUER POLLS.

CCCXXXVI. [CCCXLIX.]— Accounts of Ballivi ad Extra, rendered at Edinburgh, from 4th July to 2nd August 1514.

Account of —

Andrew Crichton, Chamberlain of Linlithgowshire, 6th

July 1513 to 4th July 1514, .... 1

James, Archbishop of Glasgow, Chamberlain of Fife, 27th

June 1513 to 2nd August 1514, ... 4

Alexander Hume, receiver of the Forest of Ettrick, 30th

July 1513 to 14th July 1514, . . . .16

Ninian Stewart, Chamberlain of Bute, 12th July 1513 to

14th July 1514, ..... 19

Peter Scott, Chamberlain of Strathern, 13th July 1513 to 15th July 1514,

22

X

CONTENTS.

Account of — PAGE

Bobert Muncreif, tutor of John Wood, Chamberlain of

Fetherkern, 12th July 1513 to 12th July 1514, . 25

Alexander Irwin of Drum, intromitter with the lands of Kintore, Coul, and O’Neil, 28th July 1512 to 15th July 1514, ...... 26

Alexander, Earl of Huntly, Chamberlain of Murray, 29th

July 1513 to 17th July 1514, . . . .27

Margaret, relict of Henry, Lord Sinclair, lessee of Orkney

and Shetland, 26th July 1513 to 20th July 1514, . 32

Thomas Forester, Chamberlain of Galloway, 20th July 1513

to 20th July 1514, ..... 33

Letter in favour of Mariot Bonkle, . . . .34

Account of —

Bobert Calendar, Chamberlain of Stirling, 30th July 1513

to 6th July 1514, . . . . .36

Andrew, Archbishop of Moray, lessee of the Granges of

Dunbar, 6th July 1513 to 20th July 1514, . . 43

Isabella, relict of Master John Murray of Blackbarony, bailie of the lordship of Pittencreiff, 3rd*August 1513 to 26th July 1514, ..... 44

CCCXXXVII. [CCCL.] — Accounts of Custumars and Bailies of Bukghs, rendered at Edin- burgh, from 1st July to 2nd August 1514.

Account of—

Custumar of Ayr, 1st July 1513 to 1st July 1514, . . 47

Custumars of Irvine, 1st July 1513 to 1st July 1514, . 48

Custumars of Linlithgow, 6th July 1513 to 4th July 1514, 48

Custumar of Haddington, 7th July 1513 to 4th July 1514, 48

Custumar of Pittenweem, 2nd August 1513 to 7th July 1514, 49

Custumar of Montrose, 13th July 1513 to 12th July 1514, . 49

Custumar of Arbroath, entry on office on 13th July 1513 to

12th July 1514, . . . . .49

Custumars of Dundee, 30th July 1513 to 18th July 1514, . 50

Custumar of the burgh of Stirling, 6th July 1513 to 19th

July 1514, . . . . . .51

Custumar of the burgh of Dysart, 28th July 1513 to 20th

July 1514, . . . . .52

Custumars of the burgh of Edinburgh, 3rd August 1513 to

28th July 1514, . . . . .52

Custumar of Dumbarton and Lewis, 5th July 1513 to 29th

July 1514, 57

CONTENTS.

xi

Account of — PAGE

Bailies of Renfrew, ...... 57

Bailies of Rutherglen, 27th July 1513 to 3rd July 1514, . 58

Bailies of Inverkeithing, 13th July 1513 to 5th July 1514, 58

Bailies of Carale, 6th August 1513, . . .58

Bailies of Perth, 8th July 1513, . . . 59

Bailies of Cupar, 11th July 1513 to 8th July 1514, . 60

Bailies of Montrose, 13th July 1513 to 12th July 1514, . 60

Bailies of Irvine, 1st July 1513, . . . .61

Bailies of Ayr, 1st July 1513 to 1st July 1514, . . 61

Bailies of Jedburgh, 19th July 1512 to 1st July 1514, . 61

Bailies of Linlithgow, 6th July 1513 to 4th July 1514, . 61

Bailies of Forfar, 15th July 1513 to 12th July 1514, . 62

Bailies of Rothesay, 12th July 1513 to 12th July 1514, . 62

Bailies of Haddington, 6th July 1513 to 13th July 1514, . 62

Bailies of Kinghorn, 7th July 1512 to 14th July 1514, . 63

Bailies of North Berwick, 6th July 1513 to 15th July 1514, 63

Bailies of Inverness, 26th July 1513 to 20th July 1514, . 63

Bailies of Edinburgh, 27th July 1514, . . .64

Bailies of Stirling, 9th July 1513 to 28th July 1514, . 64

Bailies of Aberdeen, 26th July 1513 to 2nd August 1514, . 64

CCCXXXVIII. [CCCLI.]— Accounts of Ballivi ad Extra, rendered at Edinburgh, from 30th July to 31st October 1515.

Account of —

J ohn Grant of Fruchy, Chamberlain and receiver of Glen- charny, Urquhard, Glenmoriston, and Abernethy,

2nd August 1513 to 30th July 1515, . . . 66

Alexander, Earl Huntly, Chamberlain of Murray, 27th

July 1514 to 3rd August 1515, . . .67

Margaret, relict of Lord Henry Sinclair, lessee of Orkney

and Shetland, 20th July 1514 to 4th August 1515, . 72

Thomas Forester, Chamberlain of Galloway, 20th July 1514

to 9th August 1515, . . . . .73

John Leslie, feuar of the lordship of Garviauch, 26th July

1513 to 2nd August 1515, . . . .75

Alexander Irwyn of Drum, intromitter with the lands of Kintore, Coul, and O’Neil, 15th July 1514 to 17th August 1515, . ..... 77

Alexander, Earl of Huntly, receiver of the lands of Strathde

and Cromar, 20th August 1511 to 23rd August 1515, . 78

Robert Moncreif, tutor of John Wod, Chamberlain of

Fettercairn, 12th July 1514 to 2nd August 1515, . 80

xii CONTENTS.

Account of— PAGE

Alexander, Earl of Huntly, lessee of the lordship of Brechyn

and Navair, 30th April 1514 to 2nd August 1515, . 81

Gilbert, Lord Kennedy, Earl of Cassillis, Chamberlain of Carrick, Leswalt, and Menybrig, 26th July 1513 to 5th September 1515, . . . . 82

Andrew, Bishop of Caithness, Chamberlain of Ross, 28th

July 1513 to 12th September 1515, . . . 83

Andrew, Bishop of Caithness, lessee of Ardmanach, 29th

July 1513 to 31st October 1515, . . .88

CCCXXXIX. [CCLIL] — Accounts of Custumars and Bailies of Burghs, rendered at Edin- burgh, from 4th July to 25th September 1515.

Custumar of Montrose, 12th July 1514 to 30th July 1515, . 91

Custumar of Stirling, 19th July 1514 to 30th July 1515, . 92

Custumars of Irvine, 1st July 1514 to 4th July 1515, . 92

Custumar of Wigtoun and Whithern, 26th July 1513 to

10th April 1515, ..... 93

Custumars of Linlithgow, 4th July 1514 to 3rd August

1515, ....... 94

Custumar of Disart, 20th July 1514 to 4th August 1515, . 94

Custumar of Dundee, 18th July 1514 to 7th August 1515, 94

Custumars of Ayr, 1st July 1514 to 5th July 1515, . 95

Custumars of Kirkcudbright, 26th July 1513 to 2nd August

1515, .96

Custumar of Arbroath, 12th July 1514 to 2nd August 1515, 97

Custumar of Dundee, 15th June 1509 to 19th April 1510, 97

Custumar of Aberdeen, 26th July 1513 to 3rd September

1515, ....... 98

Custumar of Banff, 2nd February 1510 to 2nd February

next to come, ...... 98

Custumars of Perth, 24th October 1514 to 6th September

1515, 99

Custumars of Perth, 1st May 1512 to 24th October 1514, . 100

Custumars of Edinburgh, 28th July 1514 to 20th Septem- ber 1515, . . . . . .102

Bailies. of Rutherglen, 3rd July 1514 to 27th June 1515, . 108

Bailies of Peebles, 27th June 1513 to 27th June 1515, . 108

Bailies of Dumfries, 8th July 1512 to 4th July 1515, . 109

Bailies of Irvine, 1st July 1514 to 4th July 1515, . . 109

Bailies of Montrose, 12th July 1514 to 30th July 1515, . 109

Bailies of Inverness, 20th July 1514 to 2nd August 1515, . 110

Bailies of Edinburgh, 3rd August 1513 to 11th August

1515, ....... 110

CONTENTS.

Xlll

Account of — page

Bailies of Craile, 5th July 1514 to 2nd August 1515, . Ill

Bailies of Kirkcudbright, 29th July 1513 to 2nd August

1515, Ill

Bailies of Wigtoun, 12th July 1513 to 2nd August 1515, . Ill Bailies of North Berwick, 15th July 1514 to 16th August

1515, . . . . . .112

Bailies of Renfrew, 3rd July 1514 to 5th July 1515, . 112

Bailies of Ayr, 1st July 1514 to 5th July 1515, . . 112

Bailies of Haddington, 13th July 1514 to 6th July 1515, . 112

Bailies of Linlithgow, 4th July 1514 to 30th July 1515, . 113

Bailies of Culane, 2nd August 1513 to 2nd August 1515, . 113

Bailies of Forfar, 12th July 1514 to 3rd August 1515, . 114

Bailies of Perth, 8th July 1514 to 6th August 1515, . 114

Bailies of Aberdeen, 2nd August 1514 to 17th August 1515, 114

Bailies of Inverkething, 5th July 1514 to 5th September

1515, . 115

CCCXL. [CCCLIII.]— Account of Sir Patrick Hamilton of Kincavile, and Sir James Kin- cragy, Dean of Aberdeen, Receivers General, rendered at Edinburgh, 2nd November 1515,

1st July to date, ..... 116

CCCXLI. [CCCLIY.]— Accounts of Ballivi ad Extra, rendered at Edinburgh, from 15th July to 13th September 1516.

Account of —

Robert MoncreifF, tutor of John Wod of the lands of Fethir-

kerne, 2nd August 1515 to 15th July 1516, . . 124

Master Peter Scot, Chamberlain of Stratherne, 30th April

1515 to 15th July 1516, . . . .125

Margaret, relict of Henry, Lord Sinclare, lessee of Orkney

and Shetland, 4th August 1515 to 5th August 1516, . 129

Gilbert, Lord Kennedy, Earl of Cassillis, Chamberlain of Carrik, Leswault, and Menybrig, 5th September 1515 to 6th August 1516, ..... 131

Alexander, Earl of Huntly, Chamberlain of Moray, 3rd

August 1515 to 7th August 1516, . . . 132

Thome Forestare, Chamberlain of Galway, 9th August

1515 to 5th August 1516, . . . .134

Alexander Irwyn of Drum, intromitter with the lands of Kintor, Coule, and O’Neile, 17th August 1515 to 13th August 1516, ...... 138

XIV

CONTENTS.

Account of —

Andrew, Bishop of Caithness, Chamberlain of Boss, 12th August 1515 to 19th August 1516,

Andrew, Bishop of Caithness, lessee of Ardmanach, 31st October 1515 to 20th August 1516,

Charter to Henry Stewart of the lands of Culcowy, dated 15th August 1511, .....

Account of —

John Grant of Fruchy, Chamberlain and receiver of the lands of Glencharny, Urquhart, and Glenmorischen, 30th July 1515 to 21st August 1516, .

John Lesly of Wardiris, feuar of the lordship of Garviauch, 20th August 1515 to 21st August 1516,

Alexander, Earl of Huntly, receiver of the lordship of Strathde and Cromar, 23rd August 1515 to 22nd August 1516, ......

Alexander, Earl of Huntly, lessee of Brechin and Nevaire, 2nd August 1515 to 22nd August 1516,

Andrew Wardropare, Chamberlain of Kinclevin, 13th July 1513 to 22nd August 1516, ....

James, Archbishop of Glasgow, Chamberlain of Fiffe, 2nd August 1514 to 7th August 1516,

Andrew Murray, son and heir of Master John Murray of Blacbarony, bailie of Ballincreife, 26th July 1514 to 13th September 1516, .

CCCXLII. [CCCLV.]— Accounts of Custumars and Bailies of Burghs, rendered at Edin- burgh, from 13th July to 18th September 1516.

Account of —

Custumars of Ayr, 5th July 1515 to 16th July 1516, Custumar of Irvine, 4th July 1515 to 16th July 1516, Custumar of Stirling, 30th July 1515 to 18th July 1516, . Custumar of Pettenweme, 4th July 1515 to 19th July 1516, Custumars of Montrose, 30th July 1515 to 21st July 1516, Custumar of Arbroath, 2nd August 1515 to 23rd July 1516, Custumar of Haddington, 4th July 1515 to 13th July 1516, Custumars of Dundee, 4th and 7th August 1515 to 14th July 1516, ......

Custumar of Dumbarton and Lowis, 25th December 1514 to 25th July 1516, • . . . .

Lessee of the assise herrings, 9th September 1513 to 7th August 1516, ......

Letter of pension to William Stirling of Glorat, dated 19th March 1515, ......

PAGE

140

144

145

150

151

152

153

154 158

183

187

188 189 189

189

190

191

192

193

192

CONTENTS.

XV

Account of —

Custumar of Dysart, 4th August 1515 to 6th August

1516,

Custumar of Linlithgow, 3rd August 1515 to 6th August

1516,

Custumar of Inverkeithing, 28th July 1512 to 9th August

1516,

Custumar of Wigtoun and Quhithirn, 4th July 1515 to 9th August 1516, ......

Custumars of burgh of Perth, 8th August 1516,

Custumar of Perth, 25th September 1515 to 8th August 1516, .......

Custumars of Aberdeen, 3rd September 1515 to 16th August 1516, ......

Custumars of Kirkcudbricht, 2nd August 1515 to 18th August 1516, ......

Custumar of Couper, 6th December 1514 to 10th Sep- tember 1516, ......

Custumars of Edinburgh, 25th September 1515 to 15th September 1516,

Bailies of Renfrew, 5th July 1515 to 15th July 1516,

Bailies of Irwin, 4th July 1515 to 15th July 1516, .

Bailies of Haddington, 6th July 1515 to 15th July 1516, . Bailies of Wigtoun, 2nd August 1515 to 15th July 1516, . Bailies of Are, from 5th July 1515 to 15th July 1516, Bailies of Dunbritane, 5th July 1513 to 15th July 1516, . Bailies of Perth, 6th August 1515 to 16th July 1516,

Bailies of Carale, 2nd August 1515 to 18th July 1516, Bailies of Inverkethin, 5th September 1515 to 18th July

1516,

Bailies of Forfare, 3rd August 1515 to 19th July 1516, Bailies of Monthrose, 30th July 1515 to 13th July 1516, . Bailies of Northberwik, 16th August 1515 to 23rd July 1516, .......

Bailies of Ruthirglen, 27th June 1515 to 23rd July 1516, .......

Bailies of Laudir, 26th June 1515 to 12th August 1516, Bailies of Culane, 2nd August 1515 to 26th July 1516, Bailies of Kinghorn, 14th July 1514 to 6th August

1516,

Bailies of Linlithgow, 30th July 1515 to 6th August

1516,

Bailies of Banff, 26th July 1513 to 8th August 1516,

Bailies of Inverness, 2nd August 1515 to 8th August

1516,

Bailies of Abirdene, 6th August 1515 to 12th August 1516, .......

PAGE

194

195 195

195

196

197

198

199

205

206 206 206 206 207

207

208

208-

208

209

210

211

XVI

CONTENTS.

Account of —

Bailies of Jedburgh, 26th. June 1515 to 18th August 1516, . Bailies of Kirkcudbrycht, 2nd August 1515 to 18th August 1516, ....

Bailies of Couper, 8th July 1514 to 4th September 1516, Bailies of Edinburgh, 11th August 1515 to 18th Sep- tember 1516, ......

CCCXLIII. [CCCLVI.]— Account of Sir Alex- ander Jardin of Apilgirth, Comptroller, rendered at Edinburgh, 26th September 1516, 1st March 1515 to 31st August 1516,

CCCXLIV. [CCCLVII.]— Accounts of Balliyi ad Extra, rendered at Edinburgh, from 13th July to 31st August 1517.

Account of —

Robert Muncrieff, tutor of John VYode, feuar of the lands of the thanage of Fettercairn and Abirluthnot, 5th July 1516 to 13th July 1517, . . . .

Andrew Wardropare, Chamberlain of Kinclevin, 2nd August 1516 to 2nd February 1517,

Bailies of Jedburgh, 26th June 1515 to 18th August 1516, .......

Alexander Irwyn of Drum, intromitter with the lands of Kintore, Coule, and O’Neil, 13th August 1516 to 5th August 1517, ......

Ninian Stewart, Sheriff and Chamberlain of Bute, 1st Sep- tember 1516 to 17th August 1517,

Thomas Forestar, Chamberlain of Galloway, 5th August 1516 to 23rd July 1517, .

Gilbert, Earl of Cassillis, Lord Kennedy, Chamberlain of Carrik, Leswalt, and Menybrig, 6th August 1516 to 28th July 1517, .

John Leslie of Wardaris, feuar of the lordship of Garviauch, 21st August 1516 to 12th August 1517,

John, Lord Drummond, Chamberlain of Stratherne, 1st May 1514 to 28th July 1517, ....

James, Archbishop of Glasgow, Chamberlain of Fife, 7th August 1516 to 4th August 1517,

Peter Scott, Chamberlain of Stratherne, 15th July 1516 to 24th July 1517, ......

PAGE

212

213

214

225

212

228

230

233

238

239 243

253

CONTENTS. xvii

Account of— PAGE

Margaret, relict of Lord Sinclair, lessee of the lordships of Orkney and Scheitland, 5th August 1516 to 27th August 1517, ....... 256

Hugh, Earl of Eglinton, Chamberlain of Stewartoun, 14th

October 1516 to 31st August 1517, . . .257

CCCXLV. [CCCLVIII]. — Accounts of Custumars and Bailies of Burghs, rendered at Edin- burgh, from 3rd July to 28 th August 1517.

Account of —

Custumar of Aire, 16th July 1516 to 7th July 1517, . 260

Custumar of Linlithgow, 6th August 1516 to 9th July

1517, . . . . . . 261

Custumars of Irwyn, 16th July 1516 to 10th July 1517, . 261

Custumar of Striveling, 18th July to 24th February 1516

inclusive, 16th July 1517, .... 261

Custumar of Striveling, 24th February 1516 to 16th July

1517, ....... 261

Custumars of Perth, 8th August 1516 to 17th July 1517, . 262

Custumars of Montrose, 21st July 1516 to 18th July 1517, 263

Custumar of Hadingtoun, 23rd July 1516 to 18th July

1517, ....... 263

Custumar of Arbroath, 23rd July 1516 to 18th July 1517, . 264

Custumars of itirkcudbrycht, 18th August 1516 to 18th

July 1517, . . . . . .264

Custumars of Dundee, 24th July 1516 to 23rd July 1517, . 264

Custumar of Wigtoun, 9th August 1516 to 23rd July

1517, ....... 265

Custumar of Inverkeithing, 9th August 1516 to 24th July

1517, ....... 266

Custumar of Dunbertane, 24th July 1516 to 29th July

1517, ....... 266

Custumar of Abirdene, 16th August 1516 to 5th August

1517, ....... 266

Custumar of Pettinweme, 19th July 1516 to 11th August

1517, . 267

Custumar of Couper, 10th September 1516 to 11th August

1517, 267

Custumar of Edinburgh, 15th September to 21st October

1516 exclusive, 21st August 1517, . . . 267

Custumar of Edinburgh, 21st October 1516 to 22nd

August 1517, ...... 268

Custumar of Disarte, 6th August 1516 to 28th August

1517, ....... 270

YOU. XIV, b

xvm

CONTENTS.

PAGE

Account of —

Bailies of Ruthirglen, 23rd July 1516 to 3rd July 1517, . 270

Bailies of Lanark, 1st July 1513 to 3rd July 1517, . . 270

Bailies of Peblis, 27th June 1515 to 4th July 1517, . 271

Bailies of Laudir, 12th August 1516 to 3rd July 1517, . 271

Bailies of Aire, 15th July 1516 to 7th July 1517, . . 271

Bailies of Renfrew, 15th July 1516 to 8th July 1517, . 272

Bailies of Jedburgh, 18th August 1516 to 3rd July 1517, . 272

Bailies of Dumfreis, 4th July 1515 to 3rd July 1517, . 272

Bailies of Dunbertane, 15th July 1516 to 7th July 1517, . 272

Bailies of Linlithgow, 6th August 1516 to 9th July 1517, . 272

Bailies of Striveling, 9th July 1513 to 10th July 1517, . 273

Bailies of Irwyne, 15th July 1516 to 10th July 1517, . 273

Bailies of Wigtoun, 15th July 1516 to 10th July 1517, . 273

Bailies of Hadingtoun, 15th July 1516 to 11th July 1517, . 273

Bailies of Perth, 16th July 1516 to 13th July 1517, . 274

Bailies of Carale, 18th July 1516 to 16th July 1517, . 274

Bailies of Inverkeithing, 18th July 1516 to 16th July 1517, 274

Bailies of Montrose, 23rd July 1516 to 17th July 1517, . 275

Bailies of Forfar, 19th July 1516 to 17th July 1517, . 275

Bailies of Kirkcudbrycht, 18th August 1516 to 18th July

1517, 275

Bailies of Couper, 4th September 1516 to 18th July 1517, 275

Bailies of Dundee, 26th July 1512 to 21st July 1517, . 275

Bailies of Northberwyk, 23rd July 1516 to 23rd July 1517, 276

Bailies of Kingorne, 6th August 1516 to 23rd July 1517, . 276

Bailies of Abirdene, 12th August 1516 to 8th August

1517, . . . . . . . 276

Bailies of Culane, 26th July 1516 to 8th August 1517, . 277

Bailies of Edinburgh, 18th September 1516 to 12th August

1517, 277

Bailies of ;Jn vernes, 12 th August 1516 to 14th August

1517, ~ 277

CCCXLYI. [CCCLIX.]— Account of Robert Bertoun, Comptroller, rendered at Edinburgh, 3rd September 1517, 12 th October 1516 to

date.

With Sheriffs, ...... 279

With Bailies of Burghs, ..... 280

With Custumars, . . . . . . 280

With Bailies ad Extra, . . . . 281

Extra Rotulos, . . . . . .281

Discharge, ....... 284

CONTENTS.

XIX

CCCXLVIL [CCCLX.]— Accounts of Ballivi ad Extra, rendered at Edinburgh, from 28 th June to 13th August 1518.

Account of —

Robert Muncreif, tutor of John Wood, feuar of tlie thanage of Fethirkerne and Aberluthnott,

Alexander Irwin of Drum, intromitter with the lands of Kintor, Coule, and Oneile, 5th August 1517 to 26th July 1518,

Andrew Wardropar, Chamberlain of Kinclevin, 26th July 1518, ....

Gilbert, Earl of Cassillis, Chamberlain of Galloway, 1st September 1517 to 27th July 1518,

Gilbert, Earl of Cassillis, Lord Kennedy, Chamberlain of Carrik, Leswalt, and Menybrig, 28th July 1517 to 27th July 1518, .

John Leslie of Wardaris, feuar of the lordship of Garviauch, 12th August 1517 to 28th July 1518, .

Margaret, relict of Henry, Lord Sincler, lessee of Orkney and Shetland, 27th August 1517 to 28th July 1518,

John, Earl of Athol, Chamberlain of Ross, 19th August 1516 to 2nd August 1518, ....

John, Earl of Athol, Chamberlain of Ardmanach, 20th August 1516 to 2nd August 1518,

Peter Scott, Chamberlain of Stratherne, 24th July 1517 to 4th August 1518, .....

Ninian Stewart, Chamberlain of the lordship of Bute, 17th August 1517 to 7th August 1518,

James, Archbishop of Glasgow, Chamberlain of Fife, 4th August 1517 to 9th August 1518,

Charter of the lands of Innerallochy and others to William Cumyng, younger, dated 14th July 1513,

Alexander, Earl of Huntly, receiver of lordships of Strathde and Cromar, 22nd August 1516 to 12th August 1518, . Alexander, Earl of Huntly, lessee of Brechin and Nevaire, 22nd August 1516 to 13th August 1518,

Thome Forestar, Chamberlain of Galloway, 23rd July 1517 to 18th August 1518, .....

CCCXLVIII. [CCCLXI.]— Accounts of Custu- mars and Bailies of Burghs, rendered at Edinburgh, from 1st July to 28th August 1518. Account of —

Custumar of Pittenweme, 1 1th August 1517 to 1st J uly 1518,

PAGE

293

294

295

296

299

300

301

302 306 309

312

313 315

324

325

326

328

XX

CONTENTS.

Account of —

Custumar of Aire, lVtli July 1517 to 6th July 1518, Custumar of Irwyne, 10th July 1517 to 6th July 1518, Custumar of Hadingtoune, 18th July 1517 to 12th July 1518, .... . .

Custumar of Dundee, 23rd July 1517 to 19th July 1518, . Custumar of Abirbrodoch, 8th July 1517 to 19th July 1518, .......

Custumar of Disart, 28th August 1517 to 28th July

1518,

Custumar of Linlithgow, 9th July 1517 to 3rd August 1518, .......

Custumar of Montrose, 18th July 1517 to 16th July 1518, Custumar of Striveling, 16th July 1517 to 16tli July 1518, . . . . . . .

Custumar of Inverkethin, 4th July 1517 to 3rd August 1518, .......

Custumar of Perth, 17th July 1517 to 18tli August 1518, . Custumar of Couper, 11th August 1517 to 18th August 1518, .

Custumar of Kirkcudbrycht, Wigtoune, and Quhitherne, 18th July 1517 to 17th August 1518, .

Custumar of Abirdene, 5th August 1517 to 20th August 1518, .......

Custumar of Edinburgh, 22nd August 1517 to 21st August 1518, . .

Custumar of Banff, 27th March 1517 to 26th August 1518, .......

Custumar of Innerness, Ross, Sutherland, and Caithness, 1st August 1517 to 28th August 1518,

Bailies of Inverness, 14th August 1517 to 7th July 1518 . Bailies of Linlithgow, 9th July 1517 to 8th July 1518, Bailies of Renfrew, 8th July 1517 to 8th July 1518,

Bailies of Dumfreis, 3rd July 1517 to 1st July 1518, Bailies of Peblis, 4th July 1517 to 1st July 1518, .

Bailies of Ruthirglen, 3rd July 1517 to 1st July 1518, Bailies of Aire, 7th July 1517 to 6th July 1518,

Bailies of Craile, 16th July 1517 to 15th July 1518,

Bailies of Striveling, 10th July 1517 to 15th July 1518, .

Bailies of Kirkcudbrycht, 18th July 1517 to 15th July 1518, .......

Bailies of Montros, 17th July 1517 to 16th July 1518, Bailies of Irwyne, 10th July 1517 to 16th July 1518, Bailies of Hadingtoun, 11th July 1517 to 9th July 1518, . Bailies of Northberwik, 23rd July 1517 to 9th July 1518, . Bailies of Dunbertane, 7th July 1517 to 12th July 1518, . Bailies of Inverkeithine, 16th July 1517 to 15th July 1518,

PAGE

329

330

331

332

333 333

333

334

335

336

337 337 337 337

337

338 338 338

338

339 339

339

340 340

CONTENTS.

Account of —

Bailies of Dunde, 21st July 1517 to 17th July 1518,

Bailies of Wigtoun, 10th July 1517 to 17th July 1518, Bailies of Perth, 13th July 1517 to 20 July 1518, .

Bailies of Banff, 8th August 1516 to 20th July 1518, Bailies of Cowper, 18th July 1517 to 28th July 1518, Bailies of Kinghorne, 23rd July 1517 to 23rd July 1818, . Bailies of Forfar, 17th July 1517 to 24th July 1518,

Bailies of Jedburgh, 3rd July 1517 to 9th August 1518, Bailies of Edinburgh, 12th August 1517 to 17th August 1518, .......

Bailies of Aberdene, 8th August 1517 to 20th August 1518, Bailies of Culane, 8th August 1517 to 25th August 1518, . Bailies of Name, 5th September 1510 to 28th August 1518,

CCCXLIX. [CCCLXII.]— Account of Eobert Ber- toun, Comptroller, rendered at Edinburgh, 27th August 1518, 3rd September 1517 to 25th August 1518.

With Sheriffs, . .

With Bailies of Burghs, .....

With Custumars, ......

With Bailies ad Extra, .....

Extra Rotulos, ......

Discharge, . . ....

CCCL. [CCCLXIII.] —Accounts oe Balliyi ad Extra, rendered at Edinburgh from 24th October to 12th November 1520.

Account of —

William Gordon, curator of John Wod, Fethirearne and Abirluthnot, 17th July 1518 to 24th October 1520, Ninian Stewart, Chamberlain of lordship of Bute, 7th August 1518 to 6th November 1520,

John Grant of Fruchy, feuar of the lands of Glencharny, Urquhart, and Glenmorischen, 21st August 1516 to 15th November 1520, .....

John Creichton of Innernyte, Chamberlain of Kinclevin, 2nd January 1516 to 31st October 1520,

Alexander, Earl of Huntly, receiver of the lordships of Strathde and Cromare, 12th August 1518 to 12 th December 1520, .....

xxi

PAGE

340

341 341

341

342 342 342

342

343 343

344 354

345

346 346 348

360

361

364

365

366

XXII

CONTENTS.

CCCLI. [CCCLXIV.] — Accounts of Custumars And Bailies of Burghs, rendered at Edin- burgh from 6th November to 15th December 1520.

Account of —

Custumar of Hadingtoune, 12th July 1518 to 1st August 1520 — 6th November 1520, ....

Custumar of Cupar, 18th August 1518 to 7th November 1520, .......

Custumar of Pittenweem, 1st July 1518 to 15th November

1520,

Custumar of Montrose, 16th July 1518 to 8th November 1520, . . . .

Custumar of Wigtoun and Whithorn, 17th August 1518 to 6th November 1520, ....

Custumar of Dundee, 19th July 1518 to 22nd November

1520,

Custumar of Banff, 26th August 1518 to 26th November 1520, .......

Custumar of Innerkeithing, 3rd August 1518 to 27th November 1520, .....

Custumar of Inverness, Ross, Sutherland, and Caithness, 28th August 1518 to 28th November 1520,

Custumar of Kirkcudbright, 17th August 1518 to 18th August 1520 — 15th December 1520,

Bailies of Haddington, 9th July 1518 to 6th November 1520, . . . . . .

Bailies of Couper, 23rd July 1518 to 7th November 1520, . Bailies of Crail, 15th July 1518 to 14th November 1520, . Bailies of Rutherglen, 1st July 1518 to 22nd November 1520, ......

Bailies of Perth, 20th July 1518 to 26th November 1520, Bailies of Innerkeithing, 15th July 1518 to 26th November 1520, .......

Bailies of Kinghorn, 23rd July 1518 to 10th November 1520, Bailies of Culane, 25th August 1518 to 7th November 1520, Bailies of Irvine, 6th July 1518 to 7th November 1520, Bailies of Dumbarton, 12th July 1518 to 9th November 1520,

CCCLII. [CCCLXV.]— Accounts of Ballivi ad Extra, rendered at Edinburgh from 7th October 1521 to 20th May 1522.

Account of—

Ninian Stewart, Chamberlain of lordship of Bute, 6th November 1520 to 6th February 1521,

PAGE

369

370

371

372

373 373

373

374

375

376 376 376

376

377

378

CONTENTS.

XXlll

Account of —

Janet, Countess of Atliole, executrix of John, Earl of Athole, Chamberlain of Ross, 2nd August 1518 to 7th October 1521, ......

Janet,- Countess of Athole, executrix of John of Athole, Chamberlain and lessee of Ardmanach, 2nd August 1518 to 10th October 1521, ....

Peter Scott, Chamberlain of Stratherne, 4th August 1518 to 2nd April 1522, .....

James, Archbishop of Glasgow, Chamberlain of Fife, 9th August 1518 to 26th February 1521,

Margaret, relict of Lord Sinclair, lessee of Orkney and Shet- land, 28th July 1518 to 19th February 1521, .

Colin, Earl of Argyll, Chamberlain of Cowell and Rose- neith, 11th August 1511 to 19th February 1521, William Gordoune, curator of John Wod, feuar of the thanage of Fethircarne and Abirluthnott, 24th October 1520 to 18th March 1521, ....

John Crichton of Innernyte, Chamberlain of Kinclevin, 31st October 1520 to 10th March 1521,

John Leslie of Wardaris, feuar of the lordship of Gar- viauch, 28th July 1518 to 29th March 1522, .

Alexander, Earl of Huntly, receiver of fermes of Stratlide and Cromare, 12th December 1520 to 9th April 1522, Alexander, Earl of Huntly, lessee of Brechin and Nevare, 13th December 1520 to 9th April 1522,

Gilbert, Earl of Cassillis, Chamberlain of Galloway, 27th July 1518 to 9th April 1522, ....

Gilbert, Earl of Cassillis, Lord Kennedy, Chamberlain of Carrik, Leswalt, and Menybrig, 27th July 1518 to 20th May 1522, ......

Alexander Irvin of Drum, intromitter with the lands of Kintor, Coule, and O’Neile, 26th July 1518 to 2nd March 1521, ......

CCCLIII. [CCCLXYI]. — Accounts of Custumars and Bailies of Burghs, rendered at Edin- burgh from 10th February 1521 to 22nd May 1522,

Account of —

Custumars of Irvine, 6th July 1518 to 10th February 1521, Custumar of Ayr, 6th July 1518 to 15th February 1521, . Custumar of Haddington, 6th November 1520 to 15th February 1521, ......

Custumar of Montrose, 8th November 1520 to 17th Feb- ruary 1521, ......

PAGE

380

385

390

393

416

417

419

420

423

424

425

426

429 .

430

432

433

xxiv CONTENTS.

Account of —

Custuinar of Dysart, 28th July 1518 to 28th August 1522 — 19th February 1521, .

Custumar pf Inverkeithing, 27th November 1520 to 19th February 1521, .....

Custumar of Cupar, 7th November 1520 to 26th Feb- ruary 1521, ......

Custumar of Dumbarton, 29th July 1517 to 6th March 1521, Custumar of Pittenweem, 15th November 1520 to 7th March 1521, ......

Custumars of Aberdeen, 20th August 1518 to 1st January 1521— 9th March 1521, ....

Custumar of Arbroath, 19th July 1518 to 4th April 1522, Custumar of Perth, 18th August 1518 to 9th April 1522, . Custumar of Inverness, Ross, Sutherland, and Caithness, 28th November 1520 to 7th March 1521,

Custumar of Wigton and Whithorn, 6th November 1520 to 10th March 1521,

Custumar of Stirling, 16th July 1518 to 13th March 1521, Custumars of Dundee, 22nd November 1520 to 2nd April 1522, .......

Custumar of Edinburgh, 21st August 1518 to 22nd May 1522, . . . . . .

Letter of pension to Cristina Gray, dated 7th October 1522, .......

Bailies of Dumfries, 1st July 1518 to 5th February 1521, . Bailies of Lauder, 3rd July 1517 to 6th February 1521, Bailies of Forfar, 24th July . 15 18 to 6th February 1521, Bailies of Irvine, 7th November 1520 to 7th February 1521, .......

Bailies of Ayr, 6th July 1518 to 7th February 1521,

Bailies of Peebles, 1st July 1518 to 8th February 1521, Bailies of Dumbarton, 9th November 1520 to 8th Feb- ruary 1521,

Bailies of Kinghorn, 10th November 1520 to 11th Feb- ruary 1521, ......

Bailies of Renfrew, 8th July 1518 to 13th February 1521, . Bailies of Haddington, 6th November 1520 to 13th Feb- ruary 1521,

Bailies of Culane, 7th November 1520 to 18th February 1521, .......

Bailies of Montrose, 16th June 1518 to 18th February 1521, . . . . . . .

Bailies of Inverkeithing, 6th November 1520 to 29th Feb- ruary 1521, ......

Bailies of Crail, 14th November 1520 to 26th February 1521, .......

PAGE

434

435

436

437

438

439

441

442

443

444

445 445

445

446

447 447 447 447

448

CONTENTS.

XXV

Accounts of —

Bailies of Nairn, 28th August 1518 to 14th March 1521, .

Bailies of Couper, 7th November 1520 to 19th February 1521, .... .

Bailies of Dundee, 17th July 1518 to 28th March 1522, Bailies of Aberdeen, 20th August 1518 to 28th March 1522, Bailies of Inverness, 7th July 1518 (Martinmas exclusive 1521) to 12th April 1522, .

Bailies of Edinburgh, to 12th April 1522, .

CCCLIV. [CCCLXVII].— Account of Robert Ber- toun, Comptroller, rendered at Edinburgh, 30th May 1522, 27th August 1518 to date.

With Sheriffs, 1520, .		451
With Bailies of Burghs, ....		451
With Custumars, .....		452
With Bailies ad Extra, ....		452
With Sheriffs, 1521, . With Bailies of Burgh, ....		452
	453
With Custumars, .....		453
With Bailies ad Extra, ....		453
APPENDIX. — Rentals of Crown Lands.
Entries of —
Stirlingshire, .....		477
Methven, ......		478
Galloway, below Cree, ....		478
Galloway, above Cree, ....		478
Rental of —
Galloway and Ayr, let 28th November 1519,		480
Galloway, below Cree, let 27 th February 1518,		481
Barony of Bootle, .....		481
Culven, *		483
Glenken, ......		483
Sannak, ......		484
Twyname, ......		484
Galloway, above Cree, ....		485
Entries; of Galloway, 8 th August 1517, 4th October 1518,	and
6th April 1519 — 28th March 1520,	#	487
Rental of —
Dundonald, let 16th July 1518, 31st January 1520,	1st
March 1521, .		487
King’s Meadow, near Edinburgh, 11th March 1521,	.	488

PAGE

448

449

450

xxvi CONTENTS.

PAGE

Entries ; of Menteith, let in fen-farm, 5th March 1517, . 488

Rental of —

Strathern, let 8th January 1515, 23rd February 1516, . 489

Kinclaven, Discher, and Toyer, 9th January 1516, . . 489

Stewarton, let 4th May 1517, . . . . 490

Fife, lands not yet let in feu-farm let 2nd January 1516, . 494

Fife, let 3rd January 1521, . . . . .501

Decree of the Commissioners for letting the Crown lands, in an action by Robert Muncrefe of Tibbermells against John Betoun of Crefe, touching the right to the tack of Urquhard in Fife, .... 505

Rental of —

Galloway, below Cree, let 1st March 1521, . . . 506

Galloway, above Cree, . . . . .510

Strathern, let 6th February 1521, . . . . 511

Stewarton, let 3rd March 1521, . . . . 512

Entries of —

Stewarton, 16th March 1522, .... 513

Teling and Polgavy, 3rd March 1521, . . . 513

Responde Book, 1513, ..... 515

Do. 1514, . . . . .542

Do. 1515, . . . . .574

Do. 1516, . . . . .582

Do. 1517, . . . . .592

Do. 1518, . . . . .604

Do. 1519, . . . . .616

Do. 1520, . . . • .626

Index, ....... 639

PREFACE.

i.

Contents of the Rolls.

The present volume contains the Exchequer Rolls extant from 6th July 1513 to 31st May 1522, which were audited at Edinburgh at various dates from 4th July 1514 to 31st May 1522. It embraces the accounts of the first nine years of the reign of James v. from shortly before his father s death at Flodden on 9th September 1513, down to shortly before the appointment of the Council of Regency in October 1522. John, Duke of Albany, the King’s Tutor or Guardian, and Governor or Regent, governed Scotland from 16th May 1515 to 7th June 1517 as Regent, and again from 19th November 1521 to the spring of 1523, when he visited France for the last time before his final departure from Scotland. He came back on 8th October 1523, and finally retired to France on 20tli May 1524. The period under review may be deemed the Regency of Albany, although he did not begin to govern till a year after these accounts com- mence, and continued Regent for two years after

XXX

PEEFACE.

they close. It almost exactly synchronises with the Papacy of Leo x.

There are no detailed Sheriffs’ accounts, but the sums received from these officers appear in the accounts of the Comptrollers. The accounts of the Baillies and Custumars of the Koyal Burghs are preserved for the whole period, and so are those of the Baillivi ad extra, though with some omissions, and at irregular intervals.

There are no Comptrollers’ accounts prior to 1516. On 26th September of that year Sir Alexander Jardine of Applegarth rendered his account as Comptroller from 1st March to 31st August 151 6.1 2 Andrew Stewart, Bishop of Caith- ness, who had been Comptroller in the latter part of the preceding reign, continued in office until, or at least rendered his last account on 1 6th January 15 14. 2 He appears to have been super- seded by James Kedheuch, who accompanied the King to Flodden, and probably fell there, for his heirs and executors are called on to account for the receipts by him from the Custumars of Perth in their account, which includes the year 1513. 3

In 1515 Sir Patrick Hamilton of Kincavil, and James Kincragy, Dean of Aberdeen, render

1 Page 214.

2 Page 29. The expression, ‘In

supervisione sua reddita apud Edinburgh, 16th January 1513 (or 1514),’ is unusual, and perhaps

implies that before he rendered that account he had been super- seded.

3Pp. 10, 11, 96, 101, 112.

PREFACE.

XXXI

an account for the four months preceding 2nd November, as Receivers-General of the property of the King. The contents of this Roll (cccxl.) are the same as those of the Comptroller in other years, and in the margin as well as the text1 of the accounts, Sir Patrick Hamilton is frequently designed Comptroller, so that it is pro- bable the name and not the substance of the office had been temporarily changed until a definite appointment to the office of Comptroller was made. From 12th October 1516 2 to 3rd September 1517, from 3rd September 1517 3 to 25th September 1518, and from 27th August 1518 to 31st May 1522, 4 there are accounts rendered by Robert Barton (Bertoun) of Over Berntoun, a brother of Andrew Barton the sea captain, which prove that Robert Barton held the office of Comptroller during the period from 12th October 1516 to 31st May 1522, when the present volume ends. The cause of the supersession of Jardine by Barton may probably be found in an entry in the Rolls for 1518, which states that the Auditors of Exchequer had ascer- tained that the King had been defrauded by a long tack of the English customs which Jardine had held, and which he was compelled to renounce on receiving payment of <£40.5

The Auditors throughout are generally the same

1 Page 155.

2 Page 279.

Page 344.

4 Page 451.

5 Page 353.

XXX11

PREFACE.

persons. James Beaton, Archbishop of Glasgow and Chancellor, Gavin Dunbar, Archdeacon of St Andrews and Clerk Register, afterwards Bishop of Aberdeen, Robert Forman, Dean of Glasgow, brother of Andrew Forman Archbishop of St Andrews, James Kincragy, Dean of Aberdeen, John Campbell of Thorntoun, Treasurer, John White, Rector of Petcokkis, Director of Chancery, and Nicholas Crawford of Oxgang, constantly appear, but a few variations occur in the later audits. At the audits of 18th September 1517 and of 1522, Thomas Halkerston, Provost of Crichton, disappears, and so does James Kincragy, while Thomas Hay, Rector of Ruthven, Secretary of Albany, and John Dingwall, Archdeacon of Caith- ness, first appear.1 The absence of a complete audit between 27th August 1518 and 31st May 1522, when more than three years’ accounts of the Comptroller were audited, was probably due to the absence of Albany from 7th June 1517 to 19th November 1521, and the disturbed state of the kingdom owing to the contest between the Douglasses and the Hamiltons, the party of Angus and the party of Arran.

Various causes diminished the lands held by the Crown during this period, and consequently dimin- ished its revenues, already lessened by the extra- vagant liberality of James iv. The ward of

1 In Appendix I. will be found a more exact List of the Auditors of Exchequer, an important branch

of the Scottish Government, for which I am indebted to Mr Archibald Anderson.

PREFACE. xxxiii

Sutherland had lapsed by the infeftment of the new Countess, the wife of Adam Gordon, second son of the Earl of Huntly. Ross and Ardmanach, still in the charge of a Crown Receiver, were dis^ turbed by the raids of the Western Highlanders, and their rents were only partially levied. Stirlingr shire and Linlithgowshire, as well as the portions which still remained to the Crown of the Earldom of March and the Forest of Ettrick, had been allocated for the dowry, or conjunct infeftment as it was technically termed, of the Queen Dowager. Orkney and Shetland were held under the tack granted to Lord Sinclair, to which his wife succeeded.1 No accounts were rendered by the Earl of Argyle for the Lordship of Kintyre from 13th August 1511 to 19th February 1522, because of the war and the waste of these lands since Flodden,2 and it was not till the audit of 1 522 that he gave in an account for the lands of Cowel and Rosneath for the ten years preceding.

The lands still held by the Crown were the Earldom of Fife, which was administered by James Beaton, Archbishop of Glasgow ; Bute, for which Ninian Stewart was Chamberlain ; the Earldom of Strathearn, of which Patrick Scott was Chamberlain in 1514, but which was in that year transferred to Lord Drummond, who was allowed in 1517 to account for the balance 3 of its revenues by taking more than half to himself for his fee as Keeper of Stirling, and of the person of the King, and for other

1 Page 416. 2 Page 417. 3 Page 25.

VOL. XIV.

C

xxxiv

PREFACE.

causes moving the Auditors ; 1 the Thanages of Fettercairn and Kintore, and the lands of Coul and O’Neil ; the Earldom of Moray, which was alienated from the Crown by the admission of the King’s illegitimate brother the Earl of Moray2 to the Earldom by Parliament in July 1515 ; the Lordships of Ross and Ardmanach, of which, after the death of the Bishop of Caithness, the Earl of Huntly, and afterwards the Earl of Athole and his widow were Chamberlains ; the lands of the Lord- ship of Galloway ; the Granges of Dunbar, part of the old Earldom of March, of which Andrew For- man was Lessee in 1514, but which disappear from the subsequent accounts, probably because part of the Queen Dowager’s conjunct infeftment, although she only succeeded in getting a single payment3 of £91, 13s. 4d. from the domain lands ; the Lordship of Balincreif ; the lands of Glen- cairn ey, Urquhart, Glenmoriston, and Abernethy ; the Lordships of Garioch, which John Leslie of Wardens held in feu,4 and of Brechin and Nevar, Strathdee and Cromar, for all of which the Earl of Huntly was Receiver ; the Lordship of Kintyre and the lands of Carrick, Leswalt, and Menybrig.

The Rentals of the King’s Lands, which are printed in this volume, from 1st March 1513 to April 1522, continue to afford evidence of the process of converting customary tacks for years or annual

1 Page 243.

2 Page 150.

4 Pages 75, 151, 238, 423.

PREFACE.

XXXV

holdings into feus, which was pointed out in the Preface to the last volume. It is needless to enter

into the same detail a second time. But it may be observed that tacks still went on side by side with feus, and were set for various periods, as for three years, which was the custom in Galloway, or for five, as in Fife,1 and in exceptional cases for six or nine years,2 which is the longest term. Dundonald and other lands in Ayrshire, which fell to the Crown in 1518 by the forfeiture of David Hume of Wedder- burn, were let to Campbell of Thornton, the Trea- surer, and his wife, for five years, who transferred their lease to William Wallace and Elizabeth Campbell, perhaps a daughter of the Treasurer.3 There are also instances of liferent leases.4 5 It was in Fife

that the practice of feuing went on most steadily,6 and its compulsory character is proved by an entry that the tenants should take up their infeftments before Whitsunday on pain of forfeiture ;6 while

another inducement to become feuars is shown by the statement that they were now relieved from the services they had formerly rendered as tenants.7

1 Page 495.

2 Forest of Buchan let to Mar- garet Boyd, Countess of Cassilis, for 9 years — p. 480. Kings Meadow, let to Walter Chepman, and Agnes Cockburn his spouse, and David their son, for 9 years — p. 488.

3 Page 487.

4 Pages 489-495-499.

5 Pages 494-505. There is a

curious instance of a feu being held to supersede a tack, and of the

decision by the Commissioners of

Exchequer in an action between Beton the feuar and Moncreiff the tacksman, as to the lands of Urqu- hard in Fife — pages 505-6, and see also 500.

6 Page 495.

7 Pages 7, 161, 171, 246, 318, 402. The gain to the Exchequer by feu- farming is shown by the Charter of Feu-farm to Henry Stewart, in which the money feu-duty was half as much again as the old rent — page 145.

xxxvi

PREFACE.

The Responde Books from 1513 to 1520 will be found to contain many interesting entries as to lands held in various parts of Scotland as the fees or emoluments for certain offices, as those of Justi- ciar, Chamberlain, Admiral, Warden or Custodier of Castles and Forests, Sheriff, Coroner, Deemster, Mair or Sergeant, Porter or Janitor, Cellarer, and Executioner.1

The tenacity with which land has been held for centuries by the same families is illustrated by many baronies or estates being then the property of the families who hold them in the present day, as Borthwick of Crookston, Gardyne of Gardyne, Irvine of Drum, Mure of Rowallan, Dunbar of Mochrum, Boswell of Auchenleck, Guthrie of Guthrie, Rose of Kilravock, Maxton of Cultoquhey, Hume of Wedderburn, Herries of Terregles, and Edmondston of Duntreath. The smaller barons often escaped the forfeitures which so fre- quently changed the descent of the greater titles and the lands attached to them. The settled policy of the first four Jameses had succeeded in breaking down the older Earldoms, but a new nobility was gradually rising to the same exorbitant power and accumulating the great estates which in some cases, as in the earldoms of A thole, Argyle, and Huntly, have been transmitted to their descendants. In this, as in other Volumes of the series, the student of the origin of place-names and of sur-

xLe Buriourship, p. 581.

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names will find much aid as to the forms of spelling at a time when the ecclesiastical registers are more scanty or less well preserved.

As might be anticipated in the Accounts, Rentals, and Responde Books, there are many incidental notices which bear on the fatal field of Flodden. The number of widows who render accounts instead of their deceased husbands is remarkable. The most notable are Janet Paterson, widow of Sir Alexander Lauder of Blyth, Provost of Edinburgh, and Margaret Crichton, widow of George Halker- ston, a Burgess of Edinburgh, afterwards Countess of Rothes, who continue to discharge the office of Custumars held by their husbands, the former till 20th September 1515, and the latter till 21st August 1517. But there are other examples, as Margaret Lady Sinclair, who continued to hold the tack of Orkney and Shetland, granted to her husband, Henry Lord Sinclair, the Master of Artillery, who died under the King's banner in the camp of Nor- thumberland. The same lady acted as Custumar of Dysart. The accounts, especially the Rentals and Responde Book, are full of references to persons slain at Flodden, or in the course of the campaign in Northumberland, which show how the Act passed at Twizelhauch in favour of their heirs was carried out in practice.1 The death-roll of Flodden, so far as implicitly shown in these accounts, which represent only of course a small portion of the loss, is given in

1 Appendix II,

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the Appendix, from which it appears that the remis- sion of entry dues was made to the King’s tenants as well as his vassals. With the notices of deaths may be contrasted the payments towards the ransoms of Sir William Scot of Balwearie 1 and James Logan,2 but two instances of prisoners on that bloody day scarcely derogate from the statement of historians that no prisoners were taken. A single entry records a partial success in the unfortunate campaign. John Ainslie (Hainslie), Captain of Norham, and Edward Gray, Captain of Chillingham, who had been taken prisoners when these castles were destroyed by James on his march to Flodden, were sent to Falkland, and the Chamberlain of Fife is allowed forty merks a week for their expenses during thirteen weeks.3

The war against England, by withdrawing the military power at the disposal of the Scottish King, had the natural effect of risings in the High- lands, and several entries refer to these.4 Strath- earn was invaded by the Highlanders of Argyle ; Colin, Earl of Argyle, though absent, receives a remission of the rents of Kintyre from 13 th August 1511 to 25th February 1521, of which those of 1511-12 were specially remitted by Albany and the remainder by the Auditors with consent of the Chancellor, on consideration of the war which had prevented the Earl from levying the rents down to the day of audit, upon condition that he should faithfully account for

1 Page 80. 2 Page 56. 3 Page 9. 4 Page 419,

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them in future. The Highlanders and Islanders of the North-West made raids on Ross-shire, as is shown by the fortification of the Castles of Ding- wall and Redcastle by the Bishop of Caithness, as Chamberlain of Ross and Ardmanach, to whom allowances are made on this account. The disturb- ance in this part of the country continued during Albany's regency, and we learn from several entries that he projected an expedition to Ross along with the young King, though he never carried it out. The Border Counties were perhaps even more disturbed than the Highlands by the raids from England, and the rising of the Humes and other partisans of Angus, but few references to these appear in the accounts.

II.

Sketch of History of Nine Years after Flodden.

The period of these accounts does not contain any event of the first magnitude in the history of Scotland ; but it does not deserve the epithet of dull which has been applied to it. It was a time of transition and turmoil, during which the country, favoured by unexpected causes, recovered to a considerable extent from the shock of Flodden. Distracted within itself, Scotland was yet able to maintain external independence. Though too weak to cope with the forces of Henry viil, the fact

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that its infant monarch was his nephew modified for a time his hostility, and made him and his ministers hope to gain Scotland by other methods than conquest. The French and English parties now began to assume a definite character, and held an equilibrium or balance of power with a singular alternation of pre-dominance. Neither had sufficient strength to extinguish the other, and perhaps a qualified patriotism restrained them from attempting extreme measures. But the nobles and landed men were constantly engaged in secret intrigues or in open feuds. Their intrigues and conflicts produced several romantic and some tragic incidents : the secret marriage of Margaret Tudor to Angus ; her vain but natural endeavour to keep the custody of her infants ; the execution of the Humes ; the murder of De La Bastie ; the fight of Cleanse the Causeway ; the reconciliation of the Queen with Albany, and her quarrel with Angus. The lines of demarcation between the two parties, most conveniently called at this period French and English, which for more than a century and a half troubled and divided Scotland, were now first traced. They were to some extent altered in the next generation by the Reformation into those between Romanists and Reformers, whose conflict continued until the Union with England under James vi. as a Protestant but Episcopal monarch, again narrowed the issue into that between the Episcopalian and the Presbyterian forms of Church

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government. The attempt to precipitate the Union by the marriage of James iv. with Margaret Tudor miscarried, though the Union was the ulti- mate consequence of that alliance. During the period from the accession of Henry vm. to the death of Elizabeth, the English succession in a direct line remained in suspense, and the possibility of the Scottish monarch becoming the nearest heir was never absent from the calculations of English or Scottish Statesmen. That of Scotland itself de- pended for three generations on the single lives of James v. , Mary Stuart, and James vl, each of whom had a long minority. During the brief portion of the period with which we are here concerned — the years from 1513 to 1522, — the death of the Earl of Ross, the posthumous child of James iv., in 1514, left John, Duke of Albany, son of Alexander, Duke of Albany, brother of James hi., the next heir to the Crown. After him stood the Earl of Arran, son of Mary, the sister of James hi. The exile of the elder Albany had led to the birth, education, and marriage of his son in France, where his wife, Anne de la Tour D’ Auvergne, a niece of his mother, inherited part of the great fiefs of Boulogne and of Auvergne, which he administered in her right. He held also the high office of Admiral under the French monarch, and continued throughout his life more than half a Frenchman, ignorant,’ or at least imperfectly acquainted with the language of the people he was

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summoned to govern.1 A French author translated the Chronicles of Fordoun and Boece for his use. He called France his country and Francis I. his master. He always signed his Christian name Jehan, not John. After his return to France in 1524 he never saw Scotland again. No one pressed him, and he did not desire to visit that unruly country a third time. Arran, by nature an unstable character, wavered between France and England, until his rivalry with Angus forced him to prefer the French interest. Angus, with the hereditary ambition, the bravery and the ability of his race, was a more serious aspirant to the throne than either Albany or Arran.

By the will of James iv., the guardianship of James v., an infant under two years, was conferred on his mother the Queen Dowager, and this gave her a preferential claim to the Regency, which was confirmed by Parliament in July 1514. Her im- prudent and rash second marriage in August of that year to Angus, the grandson and successor of Angus Bell-the-Cat, forfeited her title both to the Regency and the custody of the young King. The advent of Albany from France, always desired by the French party in Scotland, but delayed partly by his own reluctance and partly through the influence of Henry viil, was at last effected. He landed at Ayr on 16th and at Dumbarton on 18th May 1515, and was appointed Governor

1 Margaret Tudor spoke French when they met, that Albany might understand her. — Letter of Thomas

Benoit, Clarenceau Herald, to Wol- sey, 15th February 1522. — State Papers, Henry vm., No. 2054,

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or Regent by Parliament on 12th July. His Regency was to endure till James attained his 18th year, which he would not do till April 1530, so there was a prospect of a long interregnum under a viceroy who might in certain contingencies become a sovereign. Albany remained in Scotland rather more than two years, returning to France on 7th June 1517. During this short stay he showed great activity. He obtained by force the transfer of the custody of the young Kiug from his mother to certain Peers in his interest. He compelled Margaret to take refuge in England, where her daughter by Angus, Lady Margaret Douglas, afterwards Countess of Lennox, and mother of Darnley, was bom at Harbottle on 18th October 1515. He defeated the intrigues of Angus, Arran, and Hume, which were fomented by Thomas, Lord Dacre, the English Warden, an unscrupulous but able politician, and a ruthless Border commander. The castles of Arran and his adherents in the West were seized, though terms were soon made with him ; and a second rebellion was with equal facility repressed. Gavin Douglas was tried before the Privy Council for purchasing from the Pope the See of Dunkeld without the Kings license, condemned and put in ward in July 1515, but was released a year after at the instance of the Pope and the Queen Dowager.

Angus had followed Margaret across the Border, but quarrelling with her, returned to Scotland, and also made terms with the Regent. When

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Henry heard that Angus had deserted his sister, he is said to have exclaimed “ Done like a Scot ! ” and the natural leader of the English interest in Scotland was alienated from the English King by his marriage, of which Henry disapproved, and by his ambition, which led him to aim at supreme and independent power. Alexander Lord Hume, the Chamberlain, and his brother, having imprudently placed themselves in Albany’s hands by visiting him at Edinburgh, were seized and executed in the beginning of October 1516. Their castles in the Merse were taken and their estates forfeited. Lord Fleming was appointed Chamberlain; Antony D’Arcy De La Bastie, a French knight and intimate of the Regent, was made Captain of Dunbar and Warden of the Eastern March. On Albany’s return from the Merse, a Parliament held at Edinburgh, on 13th November, declared the elder brother of the Regent, Alex- ander Stewart, illegitimate, and Albany the second person in the realm, and nearest heir to the Crown.

Having thus reduced Scotland and secured his own title, Albany procured a reluctant assent from Parliament to his return to France for four months only, and sailed from Dumbarton on 7th June 1517. The young King was left in charge of Keith the Earl Marshall, and Lords Erskine, Borthwick, and Ruthven. A Regency consisting of the leaders of the two opposed, but for a time reconciled parties,

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Forman, Archbishop of St Andrews, Beaton, Archbishop of Glasgow, Angus and Arran, with Alexander Earl of Huntly, and Colin Earl of Argyle, the two most powerful nobles in the North and West Highlands, was named to govern in his absence. Albany took with him to France the eldest sons of several of the Scotch nobles as hostages. Dunbar, Inchgarvie, and Dumbarton were placed as pledges in the hands of French captains, and De La Bastie, as Albany’s repre- sentative, had an important share in the Govern- ment. Albany remained in France upwards of four years instead of four months, and did not return till 19th November 1521, when he landed at the Gareloch, a bay of the Firth of Clyde.

During his absence the disputes between the rival parties broke out afresh, and Scotland became the scene of a partisan civil war. De La Bastie, hated by the Humes on account of the death of their chief and his succession to the Wardenship of the Eastern March, and the custody of the castle of Dunbar, was slain by David Hume of Wedderburn, his brothers, and retainers, on 17th September 1517. The Council appointed Arran Warden of the Marches in his place, which roused the jealousy of Angus, who desired that office. The imprison- ment and exile of his brother Sir George Douglas and Mark Ker of Ferniehirst, on suspicion of their par- ticipation in the murder of De La Bastie, increased his resentment. David Hume, Prior of Coldingham,

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was assassinated by James Hepburn of Hailes. His death was avenged by the murder of Blackadder, his successor in the Priory, by Hume of Wed- derburn, a habitual shedder of blood ; and William Douglas, another brother of Angus, was put into possession of the vacant Priory.

A Parliament at Edinburgh, on 19th February 1518, forfeited Hume of Wedderburn, his brothers, and other accomplices in the murder of De La Bastie, and Arran proceeded to the Merse to execute the sentence. The castles of Hume, Langton, and Wedderburn surrendered, but the murderers, who had fled to England, were not brought to justice, and continued to hover on the Borders until Angus became dominant, when they recovered their castles and estates. The contest for the supreme power between Arran and Angus cul- minated in a conflict for the office of Provost and the possession of the Capital. In December 1519 Archibald Douglas, uncle of Angus, was chosen Provost of Edinburgh, where another of his uncles, Gavin Douglas, famous as a man of letters, but impotent as a man of action, held from 1502-3 to 1521 the office of Provost of St Giles’, and after being long baffled in his desire for further prefer- ment, at last obtained possession by force for a short space of the See of Dunkeld. In the same month Arran made an unsuccessful assault upon Edinburgh. The young King was brought to the Castle by Angus and the Lords and Prelates of his

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party, Errol, Crawford, Glamis, Forman, Archbishop of St Andrews, and the Bishops of Dunblane, Dunkeld, Aberdeen, and Orkney. Arran made Glasgow his head-quarters, where he was supported by James Beaton, Archbishop of that See, and Chan- cellor, the Bishop of Galloway, and the Lords of the West, Lennox, Eglinton, Cassilis, Sempill, and Boss. Bobert Logan was elected Provost of Edinburgh, in obedience to an order issued in the name of Albany, against the choice of either a Douglas or a Hamil- ton. A Parliament was summoned to meet in Edin- burgh on 29th April 1520. The rivals and their partisans came to the Capital, but instead of a Par- liament there was a street fight. On both sides a vain attempt was made at reconciliation. On 30th April Gavin Douglas tried to influence Arch- bishop Beaton by an appeal to the duty of ministers of peace, now beginning to be recognised, to stay or mitigate rather than provoke or abet war. Beaton protested that he could not prevent bloodshed, and struck his hand on his breast to confirm his words. The armour hidden by his cassock rattled, when Douglas exclaimed, “ My lord, your conscience clat- ters,”— one of the pithy Scottish speeches which has become historical. Sir Patrick Hamilton, the brother of Arran, showing some disposition to a pacification, or at least unwillingness to fight, was reproached by the bastard of Arran, Sir James Hamilton of Finnart, who said “he had no will to fight in his friend’s cause, however just; ” to

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which Sir Patrick replied, “ Bastard smaik, thou liest. I shall fight this day where thou dares t not be seen,” and rushed down the Blackfriars’ Wynd, where this altercation had taken place, into the High Street. He was followed by Lord Mont- gomerie, eldest son of Eglinton, and others of his party. When Arran saw them coming, and that they were about to meet a stronger party of the followers of Angus, who had barricaded the closes on the south side of the High Street, and held the space opposite the entry of the Blackfriars’ Wynd, he shouted “ Save Sir Patrick ! ” William Douglas, Prior of Coldingham, brother of Angus, and David Hume of Wedderburn, his brother-in-law, on the same day, doubtless by concert, broke into the town at the Nether Bow, but before they had come up the High Street the fray was over. Sir Patrick and Montgomerie, who were in advance of their party, were first slain, and after them some three score and ten of the adherents of Arran, so that the High Street was cleared, and the fight got the name of “ Cleanse the Causeway,” perhaps another of the shouts heard in the heat of the medley, or it may have been the order given when the street was cleansed from blood. Arran, with those that were left, fled down a lane on the north of High Street, crossed the North Loch and escaped. Beaton, who had taken refuge at the altar of the Black Friars, is said by Pitscottie to have been saved by Gavin Douglas, who observed it would

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be a shame to kill a bishop; but Leslie's account is more probable, tha/t he too fled with Arran, or, ac- cording to Hume of Godscroft, on foot by himself to Linlithgow. Angus remained master of the Capital. In the Border counties David Hume of Wed- derburn recovered possession of his own castle and of the Merse, although opposed for a time it seems by young Lord Hume, who, deserting the traditions of his house, desired the return of Albany.

The strained personal relations between the Queen and Angus had an important influence on the political position. He had not accompanied her to the Court of Henry vm., preferring the society of a lady of Douglasdale, of the house of Traquair. Margaret, with the spirit of a Tudor, had not concealed her anger. She was determined at all costs on a divorce, for which an alleged pre-contract of marriage, if proved, was a valid ground by ecclesiastical law, which his adultery would not have been. Henry vm., not yet deter- mined on his own divorce, disliked the scandal, or perhaps thought that remedy should be confined to his own sex, and remonstrated with his sister. Angus met his injured wife on the Border in May 1517 when she returned to Scotland, but their reconciliation was formal, and they did not resume cohabitation. Margaret, finding she would receive no support in her suit from Henry vm. or Wolsey, now turned to her old adversary Albany, and became

as anxious for his return as she had been for his de- vol. xiv. d

1

PREFACE.

parture. The French party, headed by Arran and Beaton, was naturally desirous he should return. Those who were neutral in the struggle between the Hamiltons and the Douglases, which was distract- ing and ruining the country, were of the same mind, as is strikingly shown by a poem1 of Dunbar written about this time, as well as by the works of Sir David Lindsay,2 composed at a later date.

At last, after much pressure, Albany left France. He eluded the English spies and ships by sailing round Ireland and landing at the Gareloch, on the west coast, on 19th November 1521, came to Edinburgh, accompanied by the Queen, who joined him at Linlithgow on 3rd December, received the custody of the young King then in the Castle, and called a Parliament for the 26th of that month. Angus and his brother George, who had fled from Edinburgh on the approach of Albany, now went or were sent to France, — a curious destination, probably explained by the enmity of Henry vm. making England an impossible asylum. Gavin Douglas, however, took refuge in London, where, after pouring embittered and in part fictitious charges against Albany and the Queen into the ears of Henry vm. and Wolsey, he died an exile in 1522.

The party of the Douglases was for a time dis-

1 “ Ane Orisoun quhen the gouvernour past in France.” — Dunbar’s Poems, Scottish Text Society Ed., p. 295.

2 “The Complaynt of Schir David Lyndesay to the Kingis Grace. * Laing’s Edition, i., p. 44.

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Ii

persed. Albany was again sole Regent, and prudently tried to strengthen his position by attempting to gain the goodwill of Lord Dacre, the English Warden, while the Queen wrote to Henry viil. in his favour. But he remained French at heart, and his restoration meant the revival of French influence in Scotland. Henry vm. was not a man to be cajoled by words. He remonstrated bitterly, both in letters and through the mission of Chadworth a Friar Observant, with Margaret for her relations with Albany and her desire for a divorce ; and he addressed a letter to the Scottish Estates, warning them that if Albany was not removed from the Regency he would declare war. They indignantly repelled his dictation, and in April 1522 a small English fleet of seven vessels com- menced hostilities by ravaging the coasts of the Forth and seizing some Scottish ships near Inch- keith.

It is at this point that the period embraced in the present volume of the Exchequer Rolls ends. How soon and why Albany lost or threw away the advantages of his position are matters which lie beyond the present, and must be elucidated in the following volume.

Here it is only proper to remark that the scanty parliamentary records during the troubled period from 1513 to 1522, and the discrepancies and in- accuracies of Scottish contemporary historians, especially though not solely in dates, which, in the

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case of Lindsay of Pitscottie, make an inexplicable confusion as to the order of the events he so graphically describes, render the accounts now published of much importance and interest. The light they afford is not so great as might be desired, and is thrown upon the minute details of the period more than on leading events. It may appear the dry light of the antiquarian rather than the bright colours of the historian, but it is derived from authentic contemporary records, and cannot be neglected by any future writer on this period of Scottish history. By such details we become familiar with the character of a nation and an epoch.

III.

The Principal Personages of this Period.

James v. was an infant under two years of age when these accounts commence, and was not yet twelve when they conclude. It is only traces of his infancy that we can expect, yet such traces have the interest which the little things of childhood possess, especially when the child is royal and his destiny tragic. We find him in the first notices of the present accounts, along with his younger brother Alexander, the short-lived Duke of Ross, under the care of his mother, until she was forced to surrender them to Albany at Stirling in August 1515. After- wards he resided in the Castle of Edinburgh, which appears to have been thought the safest place

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of custody. He was removed to Craigmillar or Dalkeith only when there was risk from the plague in Edinburgh. The Queen Dowager resided chiefly at Linlithgow or Stirling, and the Linlithgowshire account rendered by Andrew Crichton its Chamber- lain on 4th July 1514, contains several entries relating to the royal household. Amongst these is the fee of £10, 8s. paid to Thomas Shaw, the principal cook of the King,1 who is called the Queen’s cook in another account,2 and who, like the gardener of Stirling had served in the campaign of Flodden, where he had been taken prisoner and had lost £20, though, more fortunate than the gardener, he escaped with his life. There is also a delivery of wheat to Martin Hunter, the baker of the King and Queen.3 In the Fife account of the same year, rendered by James Beaton, appear the fees of John Pantre the King’s butler,4 of David Lindsay the poet, the King’s usher, 5 and of Thomas Forrester and John Inglis, his marshals.6

The Fife accounts show that Margaret and her sons occasionally visited Falkland, although only for short periods in summer or autumn.7

In the Edinburgh accounts for 1515, Janet Pater- son, widow of Sir Alexander Lauder the Provost, who was slain at Flodden, is allowed credit for the price of two tunics, one of silk, and the other of

1 Page 2.

2 Page 53.

3 Page 4.

4 Page 8.

5 Page 8.

6 Page 10.

7 Page 10.

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crammosy velvet, bought for the King by his mother’s orders,1 and also for the price of the velvet used for the same, or possibly for two other tunics.2 In the same year the Receivers-General, Sir Patrick Hamilton and the Dean of Aberdeen, are allowed credit for the fees of other officers of the Kings household, viz., William Duly, James Craig, and Henry Mair, grooms of his Chamber, George Dempster an usher, Henry Dempster the steward, John Bisset a cook, who had a groom of the kitchen and a turnspit under him, Robert Muncur the caterer, William Balfour the janitor, and John Graham the trumpeter.3 The two Princes had each a nurse. Christian Wylie4 and Mariot Douglas5 were the nurses of the King, probably in succession, and the former was pen- sioned in her old age. Catherine Fyn,6 formerly nurse of Prince Arthur, was the nurse of the Duke of Ross, and under these were four “rokkaris of the cradle.”7 The King had also two other women servants8 and a laundress, Mawes Atkinson.9 The livery of Duly, Craig, Dempster and David Crichton, a servant in the King’s pantry, is paid for out of the Edinburgh Customs in 15 16, 10 and was made of 20 ells of French tunny, 10 ells of camelot, a cloth originally made of camel’s hair, and 5 ells of cairsay

1 Page 104.

2 Page 107.

3 Page 120, 122, 124.

4 Pages 250, 322, 410.

6 Pages 350, 459.

6 Pages 175, 319, 413.

7 Pages 120, 124.

8 Page 202.

9 Pages 287, 356, 465.

10 Page 202.

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or kersey, so called from the place of that name in Suffolk. William Duly is no doubt the “ Willy Dillie” of Lindsay’s verses in the Complaint : — *

“ I tak the Quenis Grace, thy mother,

My Lord Chancelare, and mony uther Thy Nowreis, and thy auld Maistres,

I tak thame all to heir wytnes ;

Anld Willie Dillie, wer he on ly ve,

My lyfe full weill he could discryve.”

Duly and Craig were expelled from the Household in 1517 along with two other servants, but were allowed 5 merks till they could get other masters.1 They were restored next year, for in the accounts of 1 5 1 8 2 and again in 15 22 3 they appear as valets of the King’s Chamber at a wage of 4 merks a year. They had probably grown grey in the service, and it was found as cheap to retain them as to pension them. Duly must have died before 1529, when the Complaint was written. David Lindsay himself received a fee of £20 in 1 5 1 4, 4 raised to £30 in 1516, 5 and to £40 in 15 22, 6 as the King’s usher, payments which mark his gradual rise in the service, and support the conjecture that he was the same person who served, with only £8, 16s. 8d. wages,7 as groom of the stable of the King’s elder brother Arthur, as was suggested in the last volume. In 1518 we begin to notice items which denote the King’s advance in age, though he was

1 Page 290. I 5 Page 127.

2 Page 355.

6 Page 462.

7 xiii., p. 127.

3 Page 464.

4 Page 8.

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not yet seven years old. His nurse still receives 100 merks a year, but there are no “ rokkaris of the cradle,” and the education which must necessarily begin early in the case of a Prince who might be called on to govern young had commenced. The cost of repairing the chamber in the Castle of Edinburgh where he was instructed is entered at £2, 12s.,1 and his preceptor, Gavin Dunbar, had a salary of <£100, 2 though he had to discharge it for £50. He had also a surgeon, Robert Kynnard, with a fee of £20, a barber, John Murray, with a fee of £10, and a tailor, who got £3.3

In the account of the Comptroller rendered on 3rd September 15 17, 4 the expenses of the King and his household for thirteen calendar months and one day were £1169, Is. 5d., besides £126, 19s. 2d. for spices and chandlery, and £69, 10s. 9d. for sundries.5 In that rendered on 27th August 1518, the expenses of the King and his household for twelve calendar months, less seven days,6 are entered at £1538, 10s. 2d., £131, 5s. 7d. for spices and chandlery, and £62, 5s. 5d. for sundries. No similar account was audited in 1519, 1520, and 1521, but in 1522 the same officer renders an account for three years and nine months, from which it appears that these expenses were for the year ending 1st September 1519, £1415, 4s.

1 Page 350.

2 Page 462.

3 Pages 466-469.

4 Page 106.

5 Page 284.

6 Page 348.

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6d., for that ending 1st September 1520, £1880, 11s. Id., for that ending 1st September 1521, £1574, 7s. 7d., and for the following nine months £1265, 5s. 10d., but to this has to be added for spices and chandlery £625, 10s. 10|-d., and for sundries £217, 4s. 8d., during the same period of three years and nine months.1 If these sums are added, the average expenditure on the royal house- hold is in round figures about £127 per calendar month. This is exclusive of the salaries of Lord Drummond, who had the custody of the royal person before the arrival of Albany, and the three Lords, Borthwick, Buthven, and Erskine, to wThom it was entrusted by Albany, each of whom received £200 a year. William Keith, the Earl Marshall, is not mentioned in the accounts, and perhaps it may be an error of the historians to suppose he ever held the office of Custodier of the King. Sir Patrick Crichton, Captain of the Castle of Edinburgh, had two raised to four hundred merks a year during the King’s residence2 and there were various other royal servants, both military and civil.

We are struck by the moderation of these ex- penses and the precision with which the accounts are kept. This was probably due to the good stewardship of Robert Barton as Comptroller, and the necessity of keeping down charges on an ex- chequer which James iv. had exhausted, and which was during this period with difficulty replenished.

1 Pages 456-7 ; 2 Page 349.

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PEEFACE.

But it must be kept in view, of course, that the royal expenses were those of an infant, and that the Queen Dowager and Albany as Governor had for considerable portions of this period also to be main- tained out of the Crown revenues. The accounts lend no support to the view which Margaret Tudor, always reckless in her accusations, threw out that Albany was careless or indifferent to the health or education of the King. The weakness in constitu- tion and character which came to the surface at the close of the short life of James v. was due to the imprudent indulgence of his mother and not to any neglect or design of Albany.

Margaret Tudor leaves, as might be expected, marks of her wayward and self-willed course in the accounts, but does not appear so frequently as other leading personages. She was indeed hardly a leading personage. She was only a disturbing element in politics. Womanlike, she aspired to lead, but required to be led, and with headlong impetu- osity threw herself and her grievances upon Angus, Henry viil, Albany, Lord Dacre, and Wolsey, or quarrelled with them, as suited her caprice for the time. With the passions and the policy of a Tudor, her passions spoilt her policy and wrecked her life. She lived in a country and time in which a woman was seldom allowed to rule.

A few dates will explain the references to her in this volume. On 30th April 1514 she bore her posthumous son, Alexander, Duke of Boss, who, like

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all her offspring except James v. and Margaret Douglas, died young, on 18th December of the next year. On 4th August 1514 she was privately married to Angus at the Chapel of Kinnoul in Strathearn. The appointment of Lord Drummond, the grandfather of Angus, who favoured the match, to the Chamberlainship of Strathearn,1 as well as to the custody of Stirling Castle and the King, is a mark of the beginning of the connection which led to her marriage, though the appointment took place on 1st May 15 14, 2 some months before the marriage.

Albany’s Parliament, which met in Edinburgh on 12th July 1515, declared that the Queen had for- feited the Regency and guardianship by her second marriage, and on 4th August its decree was put into execution. She was deprived of her children, and forced to surrender Stirling Castle to Albany. She was herself closely watched, first in Stirling, then in Edinburgh, and afterwards in Linlithgow, to which she went under the pretence that she re- quired to keep her chamber in anticipation of her approaching confinement. From Linlithgow she escaped to Tantallon in the end of August, where she remained till 23rd September. From Tantallon she fled across the Borders, and gave birth to Lady Margaret Douglas, the mother of Darnley, at Har- bottle on 30th October. There she had a danger- ous illness, but in the spring she recovered suf- ficiently to travel to London, where she came on

1 Pages 239, 243. 2 Page 239.

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PREFACE.

3rd May 1516, and remained in or near her brother’s court till 18th May 1517. The news that Albany was about to leave led her to return to Scotland, and as soon as she heard he had sailed, she crossed the Border and was received at Berwick in the middle of J une by several of the Scottish nobles, La Bastie the Warden of the East March, and her husband Angus. But the coolness between her and Angus continued. It was observed that little attention was paid to him, which must have galled his proud spirit. They did not ever again live together as husband and wife.

The Queen’s residence during 1513 and 1514 having been principally at Linlithgow or Stirling, the wages of her servants appear chiefly in the accounts of the Chamberlains of Linlithgow and Stirling, but also in those of Fife, from which we learn that she paid flying visits to Falkland from 13th to 25 th Octo- ber 1513, from 22nd to 24th July, and again from 17th to 20th October 1514, when she is expressly noted to have been at Perth.1 The first of these entries is minutely elated “from dinner-time”2 (a prandio) on 13th October, and it is a permissible con- jecture that all these visits were on her road from Stirling to Perth to meet Angus or Lord Drummond, for which Falkland would be a convenient half-way house. A marked distinction occurs in the accounts

1 Page 13. There appears to be some error or confusion in the

statement, page 11, that she was

at Falkland from “ 19th October to 13th October at dinner.”

2 Page 13.

PREFACE.

Ixi

of 15 15. When payments were made on her mandate it is always specially noted that the mandate was “ during her widowhood,”1 or “ before her contract of marriage,”2 doubtless because the Auditors of Exchequer refused to honour her drafts, to use modern language, after she became the wife of Angus. In one instance, however, of a payment to Sir Patrick Crichton as Captain of the Castle of Edinburgh, the precept is said to have been signed by the Queen, the Governor, and the Lords of Council. This must have been after the arrival of Albany during the brief time they were on good terms, or possibly she signed it under compulsion.

The account of Fife, rendered by Beaton for two years on 7th August 1516, contains some curious entries relative to the Queen, and discloses a fact hitherto unknown in history. Beaton receives pay- ment of £140 “ for the expenses of two hundred per- sons in Falkland who remained along with the Chan- cellor,” Beaton himself, “ to resist the Queen in her violent and unjust actions.” 3 He also fortified the palace, and the price is allowed him of “ two cannons called ‘ pas volantis ’ 4 and of two others of smaller size, eight hackbuts, five barrels of the powder called gun powder, three culverins, five pounds of culverin powder, four crossbows and eight

1 Pages 14, 102, 103, 104, 129, 155, 165, 242, 252, 407, 409.

2 Page 70.

3 Page 163.

4 Pas Volantis were a kind of

artillery possibly used for light carriage by horses. Liettre sub voce “ Volant ” 5 mentions “Artillerie volante nom donne autrefois a Partillerie a cheval.”

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PREFACE.

dozen bolts and six strings for these, six Leith axes, eight halberts, sixteen halbrekis, and the same num- ber of steel bonnets.”1 In another entry2 the garrison of 200 men is said to have been kept in Falkland for three weeks to prevent the Queen from besieging the Castle, and the expenses of a reduced force of 16 men is allowed for forty-six weeks. The 16 were probably those for whom the armour was provided. The period during which they formed the garrison was from 9th August 1514 to 28th June 1515, and the larger force of 200, the entry with regard to which is undated, probably occupied the castle at the time when Beaton was deprived of the Great Seal by force,3 and was apprehensive of an attack on Falkland by the Queen or Angus, who about this time tried unsuccessfully to raise the siege of St Andrews Castle by Prior Hepburn.4

It has been asserted by Pinkerton, Tytler, and Burton that when the Parliament of 1515 decreed that Margaret should surrender her children, she had come from Stirling to Edinburgh and held the Castle, and a dramatic scene drawn by Pinkerton,5 and coloured by Miss Strickland,6 re-

1 Page 164. 2 Page 165.

3 Leslie’s History, Scottish Text Society edition, p. 151.

4 Lord Dacres’ Letter, 27th Nov- ember 1514. — British Museum MSS. Caligula B.i. 154,

5 Pinkerton, ii. p. 140.

6 Life of Margaret Tudor, in Miss Strickland’s Lives of Queens of

Scotland, i. p. 117. “The four peers went in solemn procession from the Tolbooth up to Edin- burgh Castlegate. All the good town followed them on foot in im- mense concourse, to behold the exciting drama, in which the Queen and her little ones played the * principal parts.

PEEFACE.

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presents her as dropping the portcullis of Edin- burgh Castle when first summoned to deliver up the royal infants. The date assigned for this scene by Pinkerton is “ about 22nd July,” but it is very improbable that Margaret was in Edinburgh Castle at that date, and the present Accounts do not lend any support to it. The story rests entirely on a letter from Lord Dacre on 1st August 1515 to the English Council, where an account of such an inter- view is no doubt given, but the letter does not state that she was in Edinburgh Cast] e. The speech ascribed to her in the same letter in which she claims the Castle as part of her conjunct infeftment proves that if the scene took place it must have been at Stirling, for Edinburgh was not included in her “ conjunct infeftment.”1 It is not unlikely that she received a summons to surrender the children before Albany himself marched to Stirling, on 4th August, and her conduct in this scene is quite consistent with her character. During the year from May 1516 to May 1517, which she spent at her brother’s Court in England, her name naturally disappears from the ac- counts. Nor does it again appear until the Fife accounts from 9th August 1518 to 26th February 1521, in which her old adversary James Beaton is allowed credit for £200 paid to her on the mandate of Robert Barton the Comptroller.2 The last re-

1 Great Seal Register, 1424-1513, No. 2721 (charter dated Edinburgh, 24th May 1503). 2 Page 403.

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PREFACE.

ference to her is significant. In the Comptroller’s own account rendered on 31st May 1522 he is allowed credit for the large sum of £6408, Is. 4d. paid to her by the precept of the Governor and Lords of Council because of the failure to pay the rents of her lands held in conjunct infeftment, for which she pledged her right to these rents.1 She had now joined the party of Albany, but could not get possession of her estates, which were in the possession of Angus. On 4th December 1521 she wrote to Dacre : — “ My Lord Dacre,— I commend me to you, and wit ye that my Lord Duke of Albany, Governor of Scotland, is come for to do ser- vice to the King, my son, and to the realm, and to help me to be assured and obeyed of my living, which I have great need of ; for there was never gentlewoman of my estate so evil- entreated and my living holden from me, as I have written to you many times of before.” 2 She had quarrelled with Henry and Wolsey because of her desire to be divorced from Angus. Dacre treated her ex- postulations with the cool contempt so irritating to an impatient woman, and she transferred such influence as she had to the side of Albany. Whether there was any truth in the scandal which Henry and his ministers believed and cir- culated, that she contemplated nearer relations with Albany, and would have married him had

1 Page 459. I 2 Brewer, Preface to State Papers

I of Henry yiil, i. p. 519.

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she procured a divorce, is a point on which we cannot expect revelations from the accounts. His wife being still alive, it is improbable ; but it is evident that both in the matter of the divorce and her jointure Albany did all he could to help her. It is to this period that the curious and enigmatical picture in the possession of the Marquis of Bute at Cardiff1 probably belongs. In it Margaret is represented vis-a-vis to Albany. Her face, similar to that in other portraits, shows the small mouth, sensuous chin, the singular upper lip turned up at both ends, and the large eyes which appear in the fat faces of the Tudors. Her portly frame reminds us of her brother. The jewels on her neck and finely chased waist-belt may be some of the presents she received from Henry or her father’s legacy. Albany is also depicted as a man of goodly proportion, dressed in a rich robe, trimmed with fur. A handkerchief, covering a purse or possibly a document, is passing from the right hand of Margaret to the left hand of Albany, who holds a purse in his right hand. Some coins are scattered on the table, in the fore- ground of the picture, where there are also a round box with the lid open, an ink-horn, sealing wax, and feather pens. Behind Margaret, and. half-con- cealed, but with three-quarter face, stands a third

1 It is reproduced in Small’s edition of the Works of Gavin Douglas, p. xvii, and in Pinker- ton’s Scottish Gallery, 1799. Through the courtesy of the Mar- VOL. XIV.

quis of Bute and the kind aid of Mr Godwin, his librarian, I am enabled to give a fuller notice of this very interesting specimen of art history in Appendix III.

e

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PREFACE.

figure of a man, apparently a royal servant, with his finger pointing to Albany, or to a butterfly which flutters in the air between her and Albany. It is evident that the picture represents no love- affair, but some money transaction, possibly the handing over of the sum mentioned in these accounts in return for a mortgage on her estates. But for whom and why such a picture, with its satiric touch, was painted remains a mystery.

Albany, the Lord Governor, as he is styled throughout the accounts, is the central figure of this period in Scotland, though he only remained in it from 16th May 1515 to 8th June 1517, and from 19th November 1521 to October 1522, a little beyond the close of the present Accounts. He returned again to Scotland and landed at Kirk- cudbright in September or early in October 1523, but left in July following, and “til us,” says. Leslie, “never again he turned.”1 We are enabled by the accounts to present a more minute description of his household and its cost, his pursuits and manner of life, than from any source hitherto available. The expenses of Lyon King of Arms are paid out of the Customs of Edinburgh in the account of 1515, “for the last time he went to the Governor in France and suffered shipwreck,” from which it would appear that Cumming the Lyon King had crossed the sea more than once to urge Albany to come to Scot-

1 Leslie, p. 198.

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land. The exact date of Albany’s arrival, 16th May 1515, is fixed by another entry,1 and the discre- pancy of dating his arrival on the 18th, as is done by some writers, is explained by the earlier date referring to his landing at Ayr, the latter at Dum- barton. Parliament met almost immediately on 12th July 1515, 2 and the Exchequer sat from 5th July to 2nd November.3 At this Parliament the Earl of Moray, an illegitimate brother of the King, was admitted, as an important entry 4 shows, to the Earldom by the Governor and the Three Estates assembled in Parliament (parliamentaliter con- gregati). Most of the payments allowed at this audit naturally related to the expenses incurred before Albany came, upon the mandate of the Queen or the Lords of Council. The interest Albany took in sport is shown by the early occur- rence of payments for falcons from Orkney and Shetland for his use, and the fee of a falconer in Galloway paid by his special precept.5 The pro- visioning of his household was at once attended to, and salt pork and marts 6 were sent from Orkney for its use. From a later account it appears that claret and wine of Gascony had been furnished to him and his family (an expression which means his suite for his wife never came to Scotland) while in Brittany and on the sea before he landed in Scot-

of Ayr ; and p. 116, Account of Receivers.

4 Page 150.

5 Pages 72 and 75, 6 Page 72.

1 Page 163.

2 Act Pari., ii. p. 282.

3 Pages 112, Account of Baillies

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PREFACE.

land. The frequent recurrence of payments for his wine bills, generally claret, but also wine of Beaune and Gascony, show he had a Frenchman's taste for his native wine. When he went to sup with Margaret Crichton in Edinburgh he had his claret sent, and the Exchequer paid for it. The whole of his household expenses, amounting to £3403, 17s. 10d., for four calendar months from 1st July to 1st November 1515, are allowed in the audit of 2nd November. He paid a visit in this year to De La Bastie at Dunbar,1 and ale was provided for his use. He had projected a tour, accompanied by the young King, to Ross, where the Bishop of Caithness had difficulty in holding the Castle of Dingwall and Red Castle2 against the men of the Isles and other Highlanders, for fuel 3 was sent there in expectation of his coming, but more urgent business prevented him. The same entries recurring in subsequent years show that he still desired to visit that distant province, though he never in fact accomplished the journey. He was indeed too busily occupied in checkmating the Queen in the matter of the custody of her son, in protecting himself against the rival ambition of Angus and of Arran, in the invidious task of settling the ecclesiastical vacancies, and in defeating the plots of Hume, who, though instrumental in bringing him to Scotland, was prejudiced against him, as was reported by an imprudent speech

3Page 141, 3 Page 144.

1 Page 191.

PREFACE.

ixix

Albany made when they met “ Minuit praesentia famam,” referring to the low stature of the Chamber- lain. The Palace of Holyrood had been put in repair for his reception,1 and he no doubt lived there while in Edinburgh for the Parliament and Exchequer of 1515. After the surrender of Stirling and the person of the King, Albany returned to Holyrood on 14th August, bringing the King with him. In the end of that month he assembled a large army on the Borough Muir and marched to the Bor- ders to put down the rising of the Humes. By 1 2th September he had taken Hume Castle, and the Chamberlain having met him at Dunglas under a safe-conduct, was first thrown into a dungeon and then sent to Edinburgh under the custody of Arran. That unstable noble not only let his prisoner escape, but fled with him, and joined in a bond, executed by himself and Hume, of mutual offence and defence against Albany. Albany then went to besiege Hamil- ton Castle, the seat of Arran, but on the petition of his mother, pardoned him. Margaret and Angus had meantime taken refuge in England. But of these stormy events no direct traces appear in the accounts.

On 18th February 1516 Albany was at Linlith- gow,2 but in April he had taken up his residence in Falkland, and the accounts of his household there from 19th April to 31st August 1516 3 are allowed to Beaton, who had paid them out of the revenue

1 Pages 130 and 162. j 3 Page 174.

8 Treasurer’s Accounts.

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PREFACE.

of Fife, as well as the keep of his horses 1 but Albany himself appears to have left on 20th June.2 Another entry 3 shows that he remained at Falkland from 1st to 12th September 1516. From the specialty and short time of this allowance it appears probable that he left Falkland on the latter date, and we know in fact that the Parliament or Council which condemned Hume and his brother, and at which Albany was undoubtedly present,4 met in the latter part of that month, and their executions fol- lowed on 8th and 9th October. After this, Albany went to the Borders to carry out the forfeiture of the Humes by the seizure of their estates. He re- turned to Edinburgh, probably early in November, when the Parliament again met, distributed various lands belonging to the Humes amongst his adherents, and on 13th passed the important and singular Act by which his brother Alexander, a son of his father by a daughter of the Earl of Orkney, was declared illegitimate, and Albany next heir to the Crown.5 At the same time he got the reluctant consent of the Estates for his return to France. As preparatory to this De La Bastie was named Warden of the Eastern Marches, and Alan Stewart, Captain of Milan, received the custody of Dumbarton Castle.

The payment of his wine from 1st March to

1 Page 181.

2 Page 178.

3 Page 246.

4 Buchanan says it met 24th Sep* tember. — History, xiv. 7.

5 Great Seal Register, 1513-1546, i. No. 111.

PREFACE.

Ixxl

31st August 1516 1 does not state when the wine was consumed, though it was entered in his household books, unfortunately not preserved, nor is any date given of the supper 2 at the house of Margaret Crichton, then one of the Custumars of Edinburgh. Crochet, the French Master of his Household, was present on 26th September, at the Exchequer audit at Edinburgh, for the period from 1st March to 31st August, and from the account then rendered by Jardine of Applegarth, the Comp- troller, we learn that Albany had paid a visit to Perth 3 and also to Dunbar 4 in the autumn of this year. He did not sail for France till 6th June 15 17, 5 and the expenses of his household from 1st to 12th September 1516 at Falkland were allowed to Beaton in his account of 1517.6 Between 8th January and 18th February of that year he was at Falkland, and returned there on 24th March. A visit by him to Dundee finds its record in the accounts of the Custumars of that town between 24th July 1516 and 23rd July 1517, but as the whole cost for provisions and fuel was £17, 14s., and for lodgings and “ belcheir” £5, it cannot have been of long duration.7

1 Page 200. 2 Page 205.

a Page 216.

4 Page 219.

5 Page 292.

6 Page 246.

7 Page 265. Belcheir or “good cheer ” is used by Chaucer in the

“ Shipmannis Tale ” : —

“For cosinage and eke for bel cheire

That he hath had ful often times here ; ”

and frequently in the Scottish Treasurer’s Accounts about this period.

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PREFACE.

The freight of his horses to France was paid by the Custumar of Edinburgh,1 and from the Trea- surer’s Accounts we learn that his falconer with hawks and merlyons followed or accompanied him.2

Four of his servants were put on board wages until his return by his express orders,3 “ usque ad adventum ipsius Dei gratia ad regnum.” The use of the expression “ Dei gratia,” as well as the title 41 ‘ Majestas,” occasionally applied to Albany, al- though not in the present Accounts, his calling De La Bastie “ Our Warden,” and above all, the solemn declaration of his being next heir to the Crown, were no doubt among the cir- cumstances which gave rise to the rumour that Albany aimed at the Crown. The date of his return to Scotland towards the close of 1521 has been variously stated by historians. The precise date is probably supplied by an entry in the Comp- troller’s accounts audited in 1522, which shows that his expenses were paid from 3rd December 1521 to 31st May 1522.4

The accounts bring before us a considerable number of Frenchmen in his service, and show how expensive a governor he was for a country like Scotland, especially when the payments on his account are compared with those on account of the King and the Queen. Besides De La Bastie and

1 Page 269.

2 Pitcairn, Criminal

p. 266.

Trials, i.

3 Page 289.

4 Page 473.

PREFACE.

Ixxiii

his subordinates at Dunbar, there are notices of payments to Crochet,1 Master of the Household in 1516, and Captain Janet,2 a second Master of the household in the same year. Saturnino, his banker,3 probably an Italian, Jacques Merchel, his secretary, and Captain Grosellis,4 who received the custody of St Andrews in 1522, are also styled Master of the Household of the Governor.

A troop of six Italian actors (histriones) who are expressly called the Lord Governor’s,5 appear throughout these accounts, although there seems to have been a similar troop before his coming to Scotland. They receive £35 in 1516, and four of them who left in 1517 got a gratuity of £15 a-piece. The other two remained, whose fee is entered at £2, 14s. each a month, and they appear to have been after Albany’s departure 6 added to the trumpeters, of whom there were five Italians and Scots. Vincent Paris and Julian Rockett 7 seem, from their names, to have been Italians. After his return the number was increased to six, and the pay of each was £38, 10s. a year.8 In two of the accounts they are called Italian trumpeters,9 but as the name of one of these is George Forrest, they were probably of mixed nationality, but had acquired the name of Italians from Albany having introduced men of that nation.

1 Pages 175 214,

2 Pages 262-265.

3 Page 217.

4 Page 473.

5 Page 220.

6 Page 285.

7 Page 300. 9 Page 353.

Page 424.

PREFACE.

Ixxiv

There is difficulty in ascertaining the exact salary received by Albany as Governor, for the accounts do not contain all the payments made to him. But if the average is taken of four of these for which the periods are given from 1st July to 1st Novem- ber 1515, from 1st March to 31st August 1516, from 12th October 1516 to 7th June 1517, and after his return, from 3rd December 1521 to 31st May 1822, the cost of his household per month was little short of £700, while the King’s household expenses, we have seen, were at the rate of £127 per month. This did not include the wages of his servants or the fodder of his horses, or numerous payments for wine and sundries.1 From the Treas- urer’s Accounts we learn also that on 28th August 1517, £617 was paid for furnishing the ships with which he went to France, and that a personal pay-

ment of £2250 was made to him. The whole sums drawn by him from the revenues of Scotland must therefore have been large, and can scarcely have in- creased his popularity. Yet up to the time when these accounts close, so great were the troubles caused by the dissensions amongst the nobles that the most impartial witness we have, the poet Dunbar, in a poem written in 1520 or 1521, ex-

1 These Accounts prove that cor- rect Household Books were kept by Albany, the King, and the Queen. There is, indeed, an entry of such Household Books being bought for the King and Albany, pp. 104- 203 ; and the statement of the

editor of the Household Books of James V., published by the Bannatyne Club in 1836, which begins in 1525, that “ we have no evidence of the existence of such a record of an earlier date ” is evidently erroneous.

JPEEFACE.

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presses what no doubt was a general feeling, that his return was desired : —

“We Lordis lies cliosin a chiftane mervellus That left lies ws in grit perplexite,

And him absentis, with wylis cautelus Y eiris and dayis mo than two or thre.”

From another allusion in the same poem —

“ Thy prudent wit we think thou hes abusit,

Absentand the for ony warldly geir ;

We yarn thy presens, hot oft thou hes refusit Till cum ws till, or yit till merk ws neir.”

— it would seem that pecuniary considerations were at least amongst the motives which detained him in France.

If we attempt from the entries in the accounts to form an estimate of the character and conduct of Albany, we should conjecture that he was a man fond of pleasure and of sport, with expensive and luxurious habits, yet capable of active exertion ; that he came to Scotland, as Mary Stuart did fifty years kter, accustomed to French fashions and modes of life ; tempted by the position of Governor and the chance of succession to the Crown ; but when the position became more perilous, as De La Bastie’s murder showed, and the chance lessened as James grew older and stronger, he began to think the game was not worth the candle, and that life in France was more agreeable. He only returned for two short visits, and in the second, which lies beyond this period, his military failure in the siege of Werk, due partly

Ixxvi

PREFACE.

to himself and partly to the unwillingness of the nobles to support him, led him to abandon the attempt to govern Scotland. It must be reckoned in his favour that he promoted the interests of Scotland abroad, and that when James came to manhood and assumed the reins of power, Albany gave him steady support.

James Hamilton, first Earl of Arran, the rival of Albany from his royal descent, and of Angus from his position as a noble, is one of the most perplexing characters of the period, and any light is welcome which can be thrown upon his erratic life. In the preceding reign he was one of the ambassadors who concluded the marriage between James iv. and Margaret Tudor, and distinguished himself in the tournaments on the occasion of the marriage, as well as by his single combat with De La Bastie in 1507. To his prowess, royal blood, and services in this embassy he owed the title of Arran, and the appointment of Justiciar within its bounds. As was natural in an island Earl fond of adventure, he had taken part in more than one expedition of the navy which James iv. fostered with such loving care. He sailed with Wood and Barton to reduce the Hebrides, and commanded the expedition which James sent to the aid of his uncle Hans of Denmark against the Swedes. On his return from an embassy to France through England, he had been seized and detained by Henry vn. When released at the begin-

PBEFACE.

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ning of the reign of Henry vm., he continued to hold a high place in the esteem of James, who unfortunately entrusted him, instead of one of the more practical seamen in his service, with the com- mand of the maritime forces sent of the fleet he had built to co-operate in the Campaign of Flodden. The ships had separate Captains, and Gordon of Letter- furry, a son of Lord Huntly, is sometimes called the Admiral, but Arran from his rank apparently had the chief command. Instead of fulfilling his in- structions he crossed first to Carrick-Fergus, which he stormed to no purpose, then to Ayr, where his men played themselves for forty days,1 and finally to France, in defiance of an attempt made by Sir Andrew Wood to supersede him before he set sail. When the Duke of Albany was summoned to Scotland after the death of James iv., he sent as his representatives, De La Bastie, Arran, Lord Fleming, and the Lyon King, who landed on the west coast on 3rd November 1513. At the Exchequer in Edinburgh on 14th July there is an entry in the Bute Accounts of a receipt by Arran for 46 pounds delivered to him in respect of his expenses “ when he lay in the ships before Bute on his way to the King of France,”2 which must refer to his voyage in the previous year. The largest of his ships the St Michael, the pride of Scotland, was sold by Albany in the Chatelet of Paris on 2nd April 1514 to the French King for 40,000

1 Pitscottie.

Page 21.

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PBEFACE.

crowns of Tours,1 but the “ James and the Margaret ” returned, as we learn from the present accounts.2 Although he connived at the escape of Hume the Chamberlain, who was his brother- in-law, Arran afterwards took part with Albany against that powerful clan, and next appears in the accounts in connection with his expedition to the Borders in the Autumn of 1517, to avenge the murder of his old rival in the Hsts, De La Bastie. He received from Barton, the Comptroller, certain corn and malt during the time of his government and residence at Edinburgh (tempore sui regiminis et residentie),3 on the mandate of the Lords of Council, and £8, 9s. was paid for the freight and expenses of two cannons at the time when the Earl of Arran, Eegent, was in the Castle of Eddrington. The cannons only went to North Berwick,4 and were sent back from there to Edin- burgh. Three scaling-ladders were also despatched to him for the siege of Wedderburn. The surrender of the Castles of the Humes and their adherents, and their flight to England, accounts for the return of the cannon. The title of Eegent given to Arran, confirms the fact that for a short time he became virtually Governor of Scotland after the death of De La Bastie, though his position was

1 .Epistolae Reg. Scot., i. p. 214. James Douglas, in his Memorial to

Henry viil, charges Albany with

selling three ships and the jewels

of the Scottish King to the French

for 300,000 francs. — State Papers Henry vm., iii. 1598.

2 Page 144.

3 Page 352.

4 Page 352,

PREFACE.

lxxix

always contested and his power of short duration. He was also at this period nominated Warden of the Marches1 in room of De La Bastie, and chosen Provost of Edinburgh. From a later account we learn that his natural son, Sir James Hamilton of Finnart, was Custodier of the Castle of Hume, and received the large fee of <£692 for its custody from 1st October 1518 to the end of May 1520.2 The Castle of Wedderburn was provisioned by order of Arran, and was also held by Sir James Hamilton. The appointments to these offices naturally raised the jealousy of Angus, and the contest for the possession of Edinburgh and its chief magistracy led to the street fight of Cleanse the Causeway on 30th April 1520, in which the party of Arran was driven out of the town. Arran and his son James fled down a close, and seizing a collier’s horse forded the North Loch at an obscure place. From an entry of a pay- ment of £30 to prepare a ship for Arran to go on an embassy to the French King,3 it appears possible that he went at this time to France to hasten the return of Albany, a fact hitherto un- known. If so, he came back with Albany. He was again one of the Council of Regency when Albany went to France in 1522. It had been more easy to gain him than Angus, for the Hamiltons, like the Stuarts, and unlike the

1 Payment is made to him of on the day of truce (day trew) in £5, 6s. for riding the Marches 1522, p. 463.

2 Page 460, 3 Page 462,

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PREFACE.

Douglases, supported the French connection. He lived till 1529, but his intrigues with the Queen Dowager and Henry vm., his apparent reconcilia- tion with Angus, his conflict with the Earl of Lennox, whose slaughter, by his son Sir James, he lamented, and the part he took in the forfeiture of the Douglases when James emancipated himself from their control, lie beyond the period of this volume. Wolsey, a shrewd judge of men, seems to have grasped his character when he said “ Angus was worth five Earls of Arran.”

The name of Angus naturally appears less fre- quently in the Rolls. As husband of the Queen Mother he stood very near the Crown, which his ancestors had more than once attempted, but always failed to wrest from the Stuarts. His destiny was to make the last throw for the Douglases in the game in which the Crown was the stake. After his quarrel with the Queen, he still continued to represent his ancient and powerful family, and for a time was leader of the English party amongst the nobles. But throughout this period he was in opposition to the party in possession of the govern- ment, and it was not till after the final withdrawal of Albany that he secured his object and obtained the custody of the King, and through it the chief place in the government.

In the Accounts of Bute in 1514 for the previous year we find, however, an entry of a payment of £30 to Angus and a similar value in marts to his

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grandfather old Bell-the-Cat.1 The first of these payments is said to have been made under the Queen's precept, and possibly represents the commencement of their intimacy. The only other reference to Angus is the indirect one of the non-payment2 in 1522 of the Queen’s jointure from her estates, already noticed, which is described as due to the disturbance of the country, by which is really meant the conduct of Angus, who did all he could to prevent its payment.

The leading Churchmen of this period were Andrew Forman, Bishop of Moray and Archbishop of Bourges, who became during it Archbishop of St Andrews, James Beaton, Archbishop of Glasgow, and Gavin Douglas, who after many struggles for prefer- ment, through the influence of the Queen, after her marriage to his nephew Angus, at last obtained in 1516 the Bishopric of Dunkeld, of which he had to take possession by force. In 1522 he was compelled to take refuge in England, and in the same year he died an exile at London, continuing till his last hours to incite Henry vm. against his native country. The name of Gavin Douglas does not appear in the Accounts, but the explanation of this omission is the same as the rarity of references to Angus. They were in opposition, and un- successful opposition, to the recognised government. Almost all the other Prelates of Scotland were devoted partisans of the French interest.

1 Pages 21, 22. 2 Page 459.

VOL, XIV,

/

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PREFACE.

The earlier portion of the life of Andrew For- man has been already traced by Mr Dickson in the Preface to the Treasurer’s Accounts, and by the present writer in the Preface to the last volume of the Exchequer Rolls. He died in 1522, and we catch some glimpses of his closing years in the present volume. From the account of the Granges of Dunbar, of which he was lessee in 1514, we learn that he still continued Bishop of Moray on 20th July of that year, for the account recites his plural- ities, and styles him “ Andrew, Archbishop of Bourges, Bishop of Moray, Commendator of the Monasteries of Dryburgh and Pittenweem in Scot- land, and of Cottingham in England, and Tacks- man of the Granges of Dunbar.1 In the course of this year he became Archbishop of St Andrews as the result of a compromise of the rival claims, and through the powerful support he received from Leo x., Albany, and Hume the Chamberlain. On his appointment to St Andrews he resigned the Sees of Moray and Bourges and the Commendator- ship of Dryburgh, but in 1517 he received from Albany the richer and more convenient Commen- datorship of Dunfermline. James Hepburn, a brother of Prior Hepburn, was promoted to the See of Moray, the Prior himself received a pension of of 1000 merks out of the rents of Dunfermline, and his nephew became Prior of Coldingham. James Beaton got the Abbey of Arbroath of which James

1 Page 43.

V

PBEFACE. lxxxiii

Douglas was deprived ; James Ogilvy, whose name frequently occurs in the present Accounts, that of Dry burgh ; a Hamilton, that of Kilwinning ; and a Gordon, kinsman of Lord Huntly, was made Bishop of Aberdeen. In this all-round distribution of the vacant benefices Gavin Douglas was alone left out in the cold, and we can understand the indigna- tion of the Douglas, though unworthy of the Poet. As no further account for the Granges of Dunbar appears, it is probable Forman’s tack came to an end by these farms falling within the Queen’s Conjunct Infeftment, a view which is supported by another entry1 in 1518, proving that Margaret Tudor received £81, 13s. 4d. from the Domain lands of Dunbar in part-payment of the rents due to her. Forman’s possession of the lands had been com- bined with the holding of the Castle of Dunbar, and his brother Robert, the Dean of Glasgow, who acted as one of the Auditors of Exchequer and Commis- sioners to let Crown lands, handed over that fortress to De La Bastie on his arrival in Scotland. Robert also acted as Andrew Forman’s agent in receiving various sums due to the Abbey of Dunfermline.2 His eldest brother Sir John Forman continued to be the King’s First Porter, as in the former reign, and his fee was paid by the Bishop out of the rents of Dunbar.3 An entry in the same account of the payment of £20 for Ferquhard Macintosh is worthy

1 Page 352. I 3 Page 43.

2 Pages 206 and 274. I

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PREFACE.

of notice, as showing that the head of the Clan Chattan,1 who had rebelled against James iv. in 1491, and had been a prisoner at least since 1495, still languished in the dungeons of Dunbar. This captivity for so many years was a severer punish- ment than death to a Highland Chief. Archbishop Forman, who, as was noticed in the last volume,2 had acquired the favour of Leo x. on a visit to Rome, had been kept in expectation of the Car- dinalate which had been promised him by Julius n. as far back as 1 5 1 1. He never attained that dignity, but was appointed Legatus a Latere 3 by Leo x. The carefully graduated hierarchy of the Roman Church was an admirable instrument, skilfully used, to preserve the loyalty and keep alive the ambition of the high ecclesiastics. Forman died just after the close of the present Accounts, and was buried at Dunfermline. He does not rank among the great prelates of Scotland, though it deserves to be noticed that he issued a series of reforming statutes relative to the Church,4 which would have been more effective had they been enforced by his own example. A Scotchman by birth, he had become a foreigner in feeling and interest. The Letters of General Naturalisation of all Scotchmen in France, granted by Louis xn. in November 1513, were procured at his instance. They freed his country-

1 Gregory’s West Highlands, p. 21.

2 xiii. p. lv.

3 Great Seal Register, 1424-1513, No. 389.

4 Robertson, Concilia, p. cclxxvi.

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men from the odious “ droit d’aubaine,” and enabled them to hold offices and lands and to succeed to movable estate in France as if they were natives. But his chief aim in life was his personal and family aggrandisement.

James Beaton, who succeeded him in the Primacy, was during the period of these Accounts Arch- bishop of Glasgow. His early progress from step to step of the ecclesiastical ladder has been already traced in the Preface to the last volume, and the present notice is confined to the new matter sup- plied by the present one.

As ambitious, though not so avaricious as Forman, and a younger and more active man, Beaton naturally figures more largely in the pre- sent Accounts. He had been made Chancellor in or before the Parliament of 26th November 1513, as appears from the Kolls of Parliament,1 and not in 1515, after the arrival of Albany, as has been stated by several writers, who have omitted to observe that he was then merely restored to the office. Immediately after the Queen’s marriage to Angus, that nobleman and the Queen finding him at Perth forcibly deprived him of the Great Seal, which was given to Gavin Douglas. The Archbishop “in a fury,” according to Leslie, occupied Edinburgh, and “of this spunk kindlet sik a low that Angus and the Quene tuke thaim to

1 Act Pari., ii. p. 281, with which I the Great Seal Register, 1513-1546, the Charter of 2nd October 1513, in | No. 2, agrees.

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PREFACE.

thair fute and fled to the bordowris 1 of England,” but they must soon after have returned to Stirling. On Albany’s arrival, Beaton became again Chancel- lor, and was, as we have seen, gratified by the pre- sentation to the rich Abbacy of Arbroath. During Albany’s stay he took a large part in the govern- ment, and his conduct in the tumult which ended in the fight of Cleanse the Causeway has been already described. As Archbishop, he distinguished himself by the magnificence of his additions to the ecclesiastical buildings and his patronage of learning. Major dedicates one of his prefaces to him in the luxuriant eloquence of mediaeval Latin. Soon after Albany’s return in 1522 he was translated to St Andrews as successor to Archbishop Forman.

The Bolls in the present Volume enable us to fill in another aspect of his activity, and show the important part he played in the administration of the royal revenues. He appears throughout the Accounts as Chamberlain of Fife, though being a busy man, these were rendered and no doubt kept by his deputies, Andrew Matheson and Sir Lawrence Alexanderson. In the first, rendered on 2nd August 1514, he accounts for the large sum of £1186, 8s. lid., besides corn and cain. He dis- charges himself by payments of certain customary ecclesiastical charges, the upkeep and repairs of the Castle of Falkland, the fees of certain officers, and the expenses of the Queen and young King when

1 History of Scotland, Scottish Text Society’s edition, p. 151.

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at Falkland, leaving a balance of £283, 3s. 8d. He himself received £20 1 for the trouble of collecting the rents in “that disturbed time” and other £20 as his fee. The balance of the corn and other rents in kind expended for similar purposes was 6 chalders 5 bolls 3 firlots and pecks wheat, 8 chalders 2 firlots | of a peck barley, 5 chalders 8 bolls malt,2 7 chalders 2 bolls and 3 firlots oats, 6 bolls oatmeal, one wild boar, four barrels of lard, 58 geese, 500 capons, and 769 poultry.3 In his next account, of 7th August 1516, which is for two years, the debit side of his account is £1249, 10s. 9d., and the credit £1425, 13s. 2d., leaving a deficiency of £176, 2s. 5d.4 The deficiency was caused by the heavy expenditure for the fortification and garrisoning of Falkland against the Queen already referred to. But the year 1515 must have been a good harvest in Fife, for Beaton is able, by sales of corn to realise £284, 13s. 4d., out of which he was allowed £66, 16s. lOd. in payment of the deficiency in money rents, leaving a balance remaining in his hands of £207, 16s. 5d.5 There was also a considerable sum in suspense from the augmenta- tion of the feu-farms, amounting to £243, 2s., for three years preceding the account for which the farmers were to be summoned. From this account6 we learn that there had been an audit appointed at Perth, to which the Bolls were sent, but which

1 Page 7. 2 Pages 13, 14, 15. I 4 Page 164. 5 Page 182.

3 Page 16. I e page 174>

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PREFACE.

had not been held, doubtless owing to the dis- turbances consequent on Beaton being deprived of the Great Seal. In the next account, in 1517, the balance had much improved, and was in money £569, 3s.,1 besides a small amount of victual, although the rents of Fife had to bear some of the expenses of Albany’s visits to Falkland. This improvement was due to the levy of the grassums and entries of the tenants in feu- farms. In 1518 the balance in money had risen to £686, 12s. lid.2 besides corn, and in the last account, rendered on 26th February 1522, for three years, it was substantially the same.3 It has been thought worth while to follow these accounts, with some minuteness, at the risk of tediousness, in order to show their accuracy, and also that Fife was one of the most productive parts of the royal estates, in part because of its agricultural fertility, but largely owing to the system of feu-farming adopted there.

Beaton and the leading ecclesiastics of this time have been severely judged. Their character indeed was very different from that of the apostles, of whom they claimed to be successors, and whose virtues they are still believed by some to have transmitted. But they were often the most capable men of business of their age, and if they amassed wealth it was because they had the peculiar talents neces- sary for making and keeping money. In Beaton’s

3 Page 414 : the exact balance was £548, 13s. 2d.

1 Page 249.

2 Page 320.

PREFACE.

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case there is no sign, as we have seen in Andrew Stewart, Bishop of Caithness, and some other officials, of unfaithfulness in discharge of his duty as a Royal officer.

The amount of business Beaton discharged must, even when aided by deputies, have been enormous. He had to administer his own See and the estates of the Abbey of Arbroath. Besides the offices of Chancellor and Chamber] ain of Fife, he served con- stantly as an Auditor of Exchequer and a Com- missioner for letting the Crown lands. Not content with ecclesiastical and civil duties, we have found him prepared to head the garrison of Falkland, and marching with his followers to Edinburgh, ready to fight, .though forced to fly at the fray of Cleanse the Causeway. But Flodden had given a severe lesson. The times were changing, and even the Church changed with the times. Although his nephew David the Cardinal fortified his castle at St Andrews, he died without striking a blow. James Beaton was the last of the martial prelates of Scotland.

Alexander, Lord Hume, whose long life was traced in the last volume, appears in this volume of the Rolls only as witness to Charters in 1511 and 151 2,1 and in the Account he rendered as receiver of the Forest of Ettrick on 14th July 1514 from 30th July 15 13. 2 Before the next audit on 30th July 1515, the intrigues of Lord Dacre and the Queen-Mother had led Hume, who had been instrumental in the

1 Pages 147 and 317. 2 Page 16.

xc

PREFACE.

recall of Albany to Scotland, to go over to the English interest, and plot with the Queen and Angus against the Regent. By an agreement on 11th May 1515 between him and the Queen, he was to receive 3000 merks on condition of supporting her and Angus. He had refused, when ordered by Albany at the close of the Parliament in the end of July, to arrest Sir George Douglas, the brother of Angus, and fled from Edinburgh to Newark, attended by a single servant. On 24th August he wrote to Dacre with an urgent postscript, “ Gyff ever your master would take his tym of Scotland, now or never.”1 No help came from England, and Hume, after razing his own castle to the ground 2 to save it from Albany, fled across the Border, where he was well received by Dacre. Albany offered terms, and induced Hume to meet him at Dunglas, where he was thrown into a dungeon, and released only on condition of going into exile for three years. Albany entrusted him to the custody of his brother- in-law Arran, and that nobleman not only connived at his escape, but went with him 3 from Edinburgh to Wooler.

On 15th October 1515, Angus, Arran, and Hume entered into a mutual bond against Albany, and to deliver the King and the Duke of Ross from his custody. In April of the next year, the English

3 State Papers, Henry vir., p. 113.

1 Pinkerton, ii. 466.

2 State Papers, Henry viil, ii.

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King still offering no substantial aid, Angus and Hume became reconciled to Albany1 through the mediation of Forman, whose claim to the Archbishopric of St Andrews he had favoured, and returned to their estates, but Hume having, along with his brother William and Ker of Ferniehirst, with singular rashness a second time put himself in Albany's power by attending the Parliament which met in Edinburgh on 15th September, they were seized, tried for treason, and found guilty. The Humes were executed on 8th and 9th October, and their heads placed on the walls of the Tolbooth. 2 Ker escaped. The charge of treason at Flodden, though made by popular rumour and adopted by some historians, was un- founded, for the Humes left as many dead on the field as any other family. But the intrigue with Dacre was beyond dispute, and might well be deemed treason by Albany and his friends. The real cause of the fall of the Humes is given by Major : “ I often say to my own countrymen that there is naught more perilous than unduly to trust great houses, and most of all if their territory be in the extremities of the kingdom, or the men themselves are high-spirited, for the Borderers are constantly practised in active exercise, and the life of a soldier is natural to them, and so they come to

1 State Papers, Henry vni., ii» 1759.

2 State Papers, Henry vni., ii. 2487. David Hume’s History

of the Family of Hume of Wedder- burn states that Hume had a safe-conduct from Albany.

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PREFACE.

place their life in arms, and judge they shall be able to find an escape from their enemies in time of need. . . . More than four year&Trom the present writing we saw the Lord Hume, for a like cause, lose both his property and his life.” 1 Major gives as other instances the fall of the Earls of March, Douglas, and Ross. Nor wTere these to be the last examples. The Douglases of the Angus line and the Hepburns, who from Lords of Hailes became Earls of Bothwell, and from friends had become rivals of the Humes, were to climb to a still giddier height before the fall of Angus, the spouse of a Queen-Dowager, and of Bothwell the consort of a Queen-Regent. The account now presented, as well as those in the former volume, shows how powerful Hume had become. Besides being Great Chamberlain he had accumulated the Wardenships of the Middle, East, and West Marches. He had a fee of £300 for the latter offices, £40 for his fee as Chamberlain, and £16 as Keeper of Newark, while as Receiver of the Forest of Ettrick he got £80 for collecting the rents.2 That Forest was part of the Queen’s Jointure, or Conjunct Infeft- ment, which accounts for almost all the entries in the discharge side of the single account rendered for it having been made by authority of the Queen. Several of the payments were made to the Queen’s servants : amongst them, two of

1 Major, History of Greater I 2 Page 16.

Britain, vi., ch. 18. |

PREFACE. xciii

£40 to Alexander Crawford, Preceptor of St Anthony at Leith, as her Almoner. The whole receipts of the Forest amounted to £2781, 12s. 9d.,x of which £108, 16s. Id. was arrears, but only £18 of this seem to have reached the Queen's purse. The rest was spent in fees of officials, or remitted to the tenants, or allowed to the accountant himself on account of failure in rents.

In the Preface to the last volume the history of the family of the Bartons or Bertons, of their founder John, a merchant-trader of Leith, and his son Andrew, the famous sea-captain, was traced.1 2 Another, probably the youngest son Robert, is a conspicuous figure in the present Volume. He had taken part in the last reign in some of the seafaring enterprises of bis brother Andrew, and had provided the crew for “ The Cuckoo," which conveyed Perkin Warbeck to Ireland. He had also served the Danish Monarch.3 Returning to the Scottish Royal service, probably as a merchant- trader, he acquired the lands of Over Berntoun or Barnton, which in- cluded the village of Cramond in Midlothian, by gift from James iv. in 1507, and those of Balhengie, Ardester, and other lands in Dumbartonshire, and also the barony of Kirkbuddo in Forfarshire,4 by purchase from the Earl of Crawford in 1508. 5 His

1 Pages 17-19. “My forest of

Ettrick,” Margaret wrote to Henry

vin., “ought to bring me in

4000 merks yearly, and I shall

never get a penny.

2xiii., Preface, p. clxxvi.

3 Wegener Danish State Archives.

4 Great Seal Reg., 1424-1513, No. 3198.

5 lb., Nos. 3647-8.

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PREFACE.

skill in accounts probably recommended him for the office of Comptroller, which we find him hold- ing from 1516 to the close of these Accounts, and as such he renders his accounts on 3rd September 1517, 27th August 1518, and 21st May 1522, 1 from which we can correct the statement of Craw- ford in his Officers of State that he only became Comptroller in 1524. During the same period he also acted as Custumar of Edinburgh, and was constantly a Commissioner for leasing the Crown lands. The wages of the Comptroller and five servants, including horse money for a year, as ap- pears from one of these accounts, were £170, 10s. One of the risks to which a Comptroller was ex- posed is shown by an allowance made to him of £23 for “fals plakkis negligently received by him.” That he still took part in naval affairs is perhaps indicated by an entry, in the Account of his prede- cessor Jardine of Applegarth, of salt marts and pork delivered to him to provision the King’s ships at Dumbarton and Dunbar, and by a reference to 500 merks allowed him in 1522, that sum having been taken by the Spaniards when the Black Bark of Abbeville,2 belonging to him, was captured. Barton stated that this money had been sent by him to the Governor in this vessel, which shows both that remittances were made to Albany when out of Scotland, and that Barton was in his confi- dence, as might be inferred from his holding the

1 Pages 279, 344, 451. 2 Page 464.

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office of Comptroller during Albany’s government. On 6th March 1529 he became Lord High Trea- surer and Master of the Mint. He died in 1538, leaving a son, John, who took the name of Mowbray, from his marriage to the heiress of Barnbougle. Barton was on friendly terms with Margaret Tudor, who calls him “my faithful Comptroller John Barton,” and acknowledges she was in- debted to him “ for very sustenance.” 1 James Douglas describes him as “ ane very pyrett and sey-revare Comptroller.” There seems little doubt he was a good public official, but an official of Albany could not be good in the eyes of Douglas.

IY.

Some Minor Historical Persons who appear in the Accounts.

Some minor historical characters or persons occasionally mentioned in the Accounts, and known in history, deserve to be brought on the stage to enable us to realise the social and political condition of Scotland between 1513 and 1522. I shall notice the references to a few members of the nobility, or of noble families, who played a secondary, though not unimportant, part at this period ; to some of the men of letters of

1 Brit. Mus. MS. Caligula, B. i.

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a time when Scotland was passing through the Renaissance to the Reformation ; and lastly, to the rise of the new professions of Law and Medicine, which were both to become so learned, and the former so powerful in its future annals. A brief reference to the position of women engaging in business and holding offices, illustrated by ex- amples from the Rolls or other record sources in the beginning of the 16th century, may perhaps not be deemed out of place in a Preface written towards the close of the 19th century, of which it is one of the new characteristics that women are beginning to take the further step of entering the professions.

The Highlands of the North and West were kept, we have seen, in subjection to the Royal authority greatly owing to the influence of the Earls of Argyle and Huntly, who were slowly but surely rising to the position which gave the chief of the former House the name of “ The Macallum More,” and the head of the latter, that of “The Cock of the North.”

Colin Campbell, third Earl of Argyle, continued the hereditary policy of his grandfather Archibald, Chancellor of Scotland under James hi., and his father Archibald, both Chancellor and Master of the Household of James iv., by supporting the Royal authority in the Western Highlands and Isles, and thereby increasing his own estates and influence. He succeeded after his father’s death at Flodden,

PREFACE. xcvii

and undertook to put down the rebels of Argyle.1 For this purpose he was granted the custody of the castles of Dunoon, Cowal, and Cairnbulg in Mull.2 An allowance was also made him for keeping eight prisoners, as pledges no doubt, in these castles.3 This method of holding a chief or his eldest son as a host- age was a favourite and sometimes successful method of taming the wild clans and their fierce heads. Another mode of winning over the clans was by granting protection to the loyal chiefs, as was done in the case of John MTan of Ardnamurchan and others, who are described as “ servants to Colin, Erie of Argyle.” In respect of the disturbances in Kintyre consequent on the defeat at Flodden, he was freed from accounting for the rents of that Lordship for the ten years from 1511 to 1521, upon his statement that he4 could not recover them, and his promise that he would faithfully collect them in future. It is specially noted that this promise was given by proxy, as he could not attend the Exchequer in person,6 being probably engaged in the arduous task he had undertaken. He was able to account for part of Glendaruel, a portion of the lands of Dunoon, for one term’s rents before Flodden, and after it for nine years and one term. Roseneath, now one of the most valuable portions of the Argyle estates, had been set to his father in

1 Page 392.

2 Pages 418, 419.

3 Page 419.

VOL. XIV.

4 Pitcairn Criminal Trials, i. p. 238.

5 Page 419.

y

preface.

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feu-farm, and the feu-duties were paid. But of certain of the rents due, a remission was made for three years and one term, being the period of Albany’s absence in France.1 Argyle was Justiciar of Scotland, and as Master of the King’s Household, an office which must have been chiefly titular, he received eight lasts of herring, probably for the Royal use, in 151 6. 2 He was married in his father’s lifetime to Lady Janet Gordon, daughter of Alexander, third Earl of Huntly, so that the repre- sentatives of the Royal interest in the West and North Highlands were closely connected. Both possessed an authority in their Highland homes which was almost regal.

Alexander, third Earl of Huntly, one of the few nobles who saved their lives at Flodden, became the King’s Lieutenant north of the Forth. In the present volume he renders an account for the Earl- dom of Moray, of which he was Chamberlain in 15 14, 3 15 15, 4 and 1516, 5 through his Deputy, John Calder, a hereditary servant of the Gordon family. After 1516 Moray disappears from the Accounts, owing to the admission of James Stewart, a bastard of James iv., to the Earldom in the Parliament of 1517. Huntly was also Lessee or Tacksman of the Lordships of Brechin and Nevare, and renders his account for their tack-duties during the whole period of the Accounts. A portion of these were employed in payments to the religious houses of

1 Page 418. 3 Page 27. 5 Page 132.

2 Page 194.

4 Page 67.

PREFACE.

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Cupar, Brechin, and Restennott, and the balance was accounted for to the Comptroller. He was besides Receiver for the Lordships of Strathdee or Deeside and Cromar, which are accounted for to the Comp- troller throughout these Accounts.1 Huntly was Hereditary Sheriff both of Inverness and Aberdeen, and as such we find him paying over to the Comp- troller in 1518 the escheat of Hay of Ardendrach, Mowat of Balquille, David Lyon, and their accom- plices, for the murder of Alexander Bannerman of Watterston.2 His brother, Adam Gordon, had married the heiress to the Sutherland estates,3 and Huntly himself seems, from a reference in this volume,4 5 to have held for a time the Chamberlain- ship of Ross and Ardmanach. But that office was afterwards conferred on the Earl of Athole, and passed to Janet, Dowager Countess of Athole.6 The entries in the accounts of the Earl and Countess of Athole as Chamberlains of Ross enable us to correct a statement of Douglas in his Peerage relating to the Athole family. Countess Janet does not appear in his genealogy, but she must have been the widow of John Stewart, first Earl of Athole, who died in 1512, or of John, the second Earl, who perished at Flodden; probably of the latter.7 John, the third Earl, held the Earldom

1 Pages 78, 151, 324, 366, 424.

2 Page 346.

3 xiii. p. lxxxvii.

4 Page 384.

5 Page 302, 19th Aug. 1516 ; 2nd Aug. 1518.

6 Page 380.

7 John, the second Earl, is said, both by Douglas and Crawford in their Peerages, to have married, firstly, Beatrix, daughter of Archi- bald, fifth Earl of Douglas, and secondly, Eleanor, daughter of William, Earl of Orkney.

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PREFACE.

from 1513 to 1547. John, the second Earl, is said by Douglas to have married Lady Mary Campbell, daughter of Archibald, second Earl of Argyle, and perhaps the mistake is as to her Christian name. Huntly himself married, as his first wife, Lady Janet, daughter of John, first Earl of Athole. It will be again observed how closely the ruling families were connected by intermarriage. This connection probably explains a somewhat obscure entry in the Rolls of 1521,1 which refers to a surrender of the Lordships of Ross and Ardmanach by John, formerly Earl of Athole, first to Alex- ander, Earl of Huntly, and “ now to the Countess of Athole, relict and executrix of the said Earl.” Why the Earl of Huntly should have been inter- posed between the late Earl of Athole and his widow it is not, however, easy to understand.

John, first Lord Drummond, already an old man at the commencement of these Accounts, had taken through life a position beyond his rank as one of the smaller barons, owing to the relations of his family with the Royal House through Anabella, the wife of Robert hi., and with several noble families. He appears in the Accounts as Chamberlain of Strathearn,2 to which he was appointed by the Queen in room of Peter Scott in 15 14. 3 To his original lordship of Stobhall on the banks of Tay, near Cargill, he had added the nucleus of what after- wards became the Earldom of Perth, and he had also

1 Page 384. 2 Pages 25, 239, 281. 3 Page 25.

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built the original keep of Drummond Castle about 1487.1 The offices of Seneschal or Steward and Coroner of Strathearn, in the abeyance of the old earldom, gave him the chief power in that dis- trict, and he distinguished himself both in military and diplomatic affairs during the reign of James iv. The family historian, Lord Strathallan, is probably right in describing him as a general favourite. The beauty of his daughters led to the sad and still unexplained fate of Margaret, mistress of James iv., who, with her sisters Euphemia, wife of Lord Fleming, and Sibilla, died on the same day in 1502. Another daughter, Elizabeth, married George, Master of Angus, eldest son of Bell-the- Cat, and was mother of Archibald, sixth Earl of Angus. Beatrice married J ames, first Earl of Arran, who was thus, by his wife, uncle of his rival. Near kinship or affinity sometimes led to jealousies and feuds instead of friendship and alliances. The remaining daughter, Annabella, became the wife of William, first Earl of Montrose. Lord Drummond had abetted the unfortunate match of his grand- son Angus with Margaret Tudor, and he took part in their revolutionary proceedings at Perth in 1514, when Beaton was deprived of the Great Seal, and Cumming, the Lyon King, who had summoned Angus before the Council, was struck by Lord Drummond. For this offence Lord

1 Macgibbon and Ross, Castellated and Domestic Architecture of Scot- land, i. p. 285.

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PREFACE.

Drummond was, after Albany’s return, sent to Blackness Castle, and was tried and condemned to death by Parliament on loth July 1515, but having made peace with Albany, he was pardoned, though a portion at least of bis estates was escheated, and was not restored till 1537.1 He died at Drummond Castle in 1518 or 1519. The references to him in the Rolls illustrate the events of the latter part of his life. At the audit on 15th July 1516, Peter, the son of Patrick Scott, Chamberlain of Strath- earn, who had been appointed to the office by Albany, was discharged in respect of the rents for Whitsunday and Martinmas 1514, for which Lord Drummond, who had superseded Scott before Whit- sunday 1514, was to be summoned.2 In the account audited on 28th July 1517, Lord Drummond, who had now been restored to the office of Chamberlain, accounts for the rents of these terms.3 He com- pounded with the auditors for the balance due by him of £407, 11s. 8d. by a payment of £200 to the Comptroller, and an allowance made to him of £207, 11s. 8d. for his fee as Keeper of the Castle of Stirling and the person of the King, as well as for “ certain other causes moving the auditors,” 4 which doubtless means the terms of his arrangement with Albany. In the Audit of 1522 Peter Scott again appears as Chamberlain of Strathearn,5 and renders the account from 4th August 1518. This probably

1 Great Seal Register, No. 1556.

2 Page 125.

5 Page 390.

4 Page 243.

PREFACE.

ciii

fixes the date of Lord Drummond’s death, which Douglas states in his Peerage as having occurred in 1519, but without voucher for that date.

The two Gavin Dunbars, scions of the great but fallen House of Dunbar, Earl of March, both appear in the Rolls. The elder was at this period Arch- deacon of St Andrews, and Clerk both of the Council and of the Register, offices which he had held in the preceding reign.1 He acted as an Auditor in 1517 2 and 151 8, 3 and as a Commissioner for letting Crown lands both when Archdeacon of St Andrews and after his elevation to the See of Aberdeen.4 As he is still styled Archdeacon in the Crown Rentals of 16th July 1518, 5 we are able to correct the date of his appointment to that See, which has sometimes been placed in June of this year, but which really took place not earlier than the end of July. The heraldic ceilings of the Cathedral of Machar at Old Aberdeen were one of the many works of this Prelate, and the learned editor of the Lacunar Aberdonense assigns 1520 as their date, and conjectures that Cumying of Inver- alochy, the Lyon King, was consulted as to the blazonry.6

His nephew and namesake, the younger Gavin, who became so famous as Archbishop of Glasgow and Chancellor, the far-sighted Prelate through whose

1 Page 117.

2 Pages 260 and 279.

3 Page 344.

4 Page 500. 5 Page 487.

6 Sir W. Geddes, p. 16 of Lacunar

Aberdonense. New Spalding Club.

civ

PREFACE.

influence the Court of Session was at last instituted in 1532, appears only once in the Accounts as receiving £50, one-half of his fee as Preceptor of the King. He is also mentioned in the Treasurer’s Accounts, where he is called the King’s Master, and received on 16th February 1517 nine pounds to buy necessaries for the King’s chamber, and three pounds for 4 expenses made by him in reparaling it’ on 28th August 1517. It was this offlce which led to his subsequent rise. In his as in other cases, the tutor of the youth became the counsellor of the manhood of the Prince.

Two notable members of the Hamilton family, closely related to its head, appear, as might be anticipated, in the Accounts — Sir Patrick Hamilton of Kincavil, the bastard brother of Arran, and father of Patrick Hamilton the martyr, and Sir James Hamilton of Finnart, the bastard son of the same Peer. Both had been legitimated. The passage between them at Cleanse the Cause- way, where Sir Patrick refuted his nephew’s reproach of cowardice by his death, has been already referred to. Sir James lived to be the friend and a trusted counsellor of James v., but died on the block in 1540 on a charge of high treason. The king is said never to have forgiven himself for this death, which was one of the causes of the melancholy of the last years of his life. In the Rolls, Sir Patrick appears chiefly as Custodier of Blackness Castle, and for a short time between

PREFACE.

CY

3rd August 1513 and 1st November 1515 as one of the Receivers- General, along with James Kincragy.1 He was allowed £50 in the accounts of 1518 for the custody of George Douglas, the brother of Angus, in Blackness Castle.2 Sir James was sent in charge of George Douglas when he was exiled to France in 15 17, 3 and after the seizure of the castles of the Humes by his father, Arran, in 1518, was given the custody of Hume and Wedderburn, his fee for wdiich from 1st October 1518 to June 1520 appears in the ac- counts.4 The enmity between the two illegitimate kinsmen is perhaps explained by Sir Patrick having been put in the entail of the estates of Arran after Sir James. Both, in spite of Sir J ames’s charge against his uncle, seem to have had the hot blood and uncertain temper of the Hamiltons.

Robert Borthwick, possibly a relative of Lord Borthwick, one of the King’s custodiers, continues, as in the former reign, to be the practical head of the Artillery, and his position became more im- portant through no successor being appointed to Lord Sinclair as titular Master of Artillery.5 He received wages as founder or maker of cannons,6 and for guarding the King, along with six other artillerymen, in the Castle of Edinburgh from June 1517 to March 1521. 7 The rents of

1 Page 116*.

2 Page 351.

3 Page 351.

4 Page 460,

5 Pages 18 and 32.

6 Pages 8, 105.

7 Pages 283, 349, 458.

cvi PREFACE.

half of the Mains of Balincreif were remitted to him for his services to James iv. and James v.1

There was not the same activity in the making or purchase of artillery as in the reign of James iv. Still, we meet with notices of serpentines and culverins being bought towards the close of James iv.’s reign by the Bishop of Caithness for the defence of Dingwall Castle and Redcastle,2 and of pas volantis , culverins, and bombards, with the necessary powder, being provided by J ames Beaton, Archbishop of Glasgow, for the defence of Falkland,8 and also of five “ serpentines ” bought in Ayr.4 There is a curious reference to the oxen required to draw the guns, in the compensation paid for sixteen oxen, two teams of eight, the usual number for a plough, which had perished at Flodden.5 Two cannons were sent to North Berwick 6 for the use of Arran in his expedition against the Humes, but were returned to the Castle of Edinburgh, and six “ falcons ” were despatched to Albany when he advanced to the Border in 1522.7 It may be presumed that it was partly the terror of these new machines, as they were commonly called, which led to the speedy surrender of the castles of the Humes.

As "William Dunbar was the representative poet of the reign of James iv., so was Sir David Lyndsay in

1 Pages 185-6, and p. 184.

2 Page 141.

3 Page 164.

4 Page 188.

5 Page 320.

6 Page 352.

7 Page 463.

PEEFACE. cvii

of that of James v. The life of Gavin Douglas fell between the two periods. His ornate and learned verse, though some have thought it superior as poetry, is certainly less characteristic than that of either his older or younger contem- porary. The period with which we are concerned, and the reign of James v. generally, was a less poetic age than that of his predecessor. The prophecy of Lindsay, that Bellienden would excel Quintyn and Kennedy, the poets of the preceding generation, was a sign of the decline of poetry. History and the classical authors were now more studied, and such poetry as was produced was the offspring of these studies rather than of natural genius. It was indeed a time of great learning amongst the circle, no doubt limited, of Scottish scholars, who not only translated the classics earlier in some cases than the English, but used Latin almost as if it were their mother- tongue. Of a few of these poets and scholars this volume of the Rolls affords incidental notices.

The notices of the gradual rise of Sir David Lyndsay in the Royal service, which the Accounts furnish, have been already referred to. It is from his poems rather than from such sources as those with which we are here dealing that we get the liveliest picture of the minority of James v. The most painstaking antiquarian research only brings to light the skeleton of a past age. The contemporary poet makes it live again and

cviii

PEEFACE.

illuminates it by a flash, as when Lyndsay tells of his employments at the Court of the infant King

“ Quhow, as ane chapman beris his pak,

I here thy Grace upon my bak,

And sumtymes strydlingis on my nek,

Dansand with mony bend and bek.

The first sillabis that thow did mute Was Pa, Da, Syrr ; upon the lute Than playit I twenty spryngis, perqueir,

Quhilk wTes gret piete for to heir.

Fra play thow leit me never rest,

Bot jynkartoun thow lufit ay best ;

And ay, quhen thow come frome the scule,

Than I behuffit to play the fule.” 1

And in another passage

“ Quhen thow wes young, I bure thee in myne arme Full tenderlie, tyll thow begeuth to gang,

And in thy bed oft happit thee full warme,

With lute in hand, syne, sweetlie to thee sang;

Sumtyme in dansing, feiralie I flang,

And sumtyme, playand farsis on the flure,

And sumtyme, on myne office takkand care ;

“ And sumtyme, like ane feind, transfigurate,

And sumtyme, lyke the greislie gaist of Gye ;

In divers formis oft tymes disfigurate ;

And sumtyme, dissagyist full pleasandlye.

So, sen thy birth, I. have continewalye Bene occupyit, and aye to thy plesoure ;

And sumtyme, Seware, Coppare, and Carvoure.

“ Thy purs maister and secreit Thesaurare Thy Yschare, aye sen thy natyvitie,

And of thy chalmer cheiffe cubiculare.”

The present Accounts design Lyndsay always “ Ostiarius ” (Usher), but in the Treasurer’s account

The Complaynt to the King, lines 87 to 98,

PREFACE. cix

he is called “ Keepare of the Kingis person.”1 These verses show what his actual duties were.

In another poem he describes the revolution which, more than once attempted, at last succeeded, three years after the close of this volume : —

<( The Kyng was hot twelf yeirs of aige Quhen new rewlaris come, in thair raige For Commounweill makand no cair,

Bot for thair proffeit singulair,

Imprudentlie, lyk wytles fuilis,

Thay tuke that young Prince frome the scullis,

Quhare he, under obedience,

Was lernand vertew and science,

And haistelie pat in his hand The governance of all Scotland.”

Here we see at a glance James in his tender years, and recognise how bad must have been the conduct and influence of the Queen Mother and of Angus, when they drove a reformer like Lyndsay, as they had driven a satirist like Dunbar, both naturally inclined to the English interest, into the opposite camp. Gavin Douglas, the poet of their camp, had ceased to write poetry after 1513, and had taken to ecclesiastical and political intrigues, so that we derive no light from his pen. The glowing portrait of Margaret Tudor in “The Palace of Honour” is an example of the poetic prophecies which history has proved false.

There are several references in the Accounts to John Ballintyne, or Ballantyne, or Ballendyne, who is described in the first two entries in 15152

1 llth Sept. 1515 ; but also j January 1517. Pitcairn, Criminal Usher, “ Ostiarius,” on 16th j Trials, i. p. 261. 2 Page 119.

PREFACE.

cx

and 15 181 as Clerk of the expenses of the King, and in the last in 1522 2 as an Officer of the Exchequer. This was the translator of Livy and of the Chronicles of Hector Boece, whose name is fre- quently written Bellenden, but who calls himself Ballantyne in the Prologue to the translation of Livy. He is throughout the Accounts styled Magister, a title given to a clerk who had taken his degree of Master of Arts, and in the poetical Prologue to his translation of Boece he says —

“ How that I was in service with the King,

Put to his Grace in years tenderest,

Clerk of his compts ” —

a description which exactly fits the above entries. We know that he matriculated at St Andrews in 1 508, so that he probably graduated in 1 5 1 0 or 1 5 1 1 . It has been usually said, and though no authority is cited, it is probable enough, that he completed his divinity education at the Sorbonne. His literary labours did not begin till 1530, and both the Boece and Livy appear to have been completed in 15 33, 3 when he had become Archdeacon of Moray and Canon of Ross. Lyndsay, in “ The Testament and Complaynt of the Papingo,” written about the same period, refers to him in the following lines : —

“ Bot, now of lait, is starte up haistelie Ane cunnying Clerk, quhilk wrytith craftelie Ane plant of Poeitis, callit Ballendyne,

Quhase ornat workis my wytt can nocht defyne.

Gett he into the Courte auctoritie,

He wyll precell Quintyn and Kennedie.”

1 Page 321. | 3 Treasurer’s Accounts, 26th July,

2 Page 460. | 25th August 1533.

PREFACE

CXI

He died in Rome, according to Bale and Dempster, in 1550. It does not appear probable that he sur- vived to 1587, an opinion which the writer in the Dictionary of National Biography erroneously attributes to Lord Dundrennan, who wrote the Introduction to the Translation of Boece. He has been sometimes confounded with his namesake Sir John Bellenden of Auchinoul, who became a Judge of the Court of Session in Queen Mary’s reign, and died in 1577. Very probably they were related, and were both members of the same East Lothian family. Bellenden was undoubtedly one of the foremost men of letters of the reign of James v. He has been sometimes described as the King’s Tutor, but there is no proof of this except the fact that he made his translations for the Royal benefit, and was paid for them out of the Exchequer. The date at which he ceased to act as Clerk of the King’s accounts will pro- bably be ascertained by the next volume of the Rolls, which may also explain whether his complaint —

“ Hie envy me from his service kest Be thame that had the Court in governing As bird bot plumes hevyest of his hert ” —

refers to Angus or to Albany. Most probably it refers to Angus, for it is in the main similar in tone to Lyndsay’s Complaint against that noble. The production of two such translations as Douglas’s Virgil and Bellenden’s Livy before any similar

PREFACE.

exii

translation appeared in English is a pregnant proof of the early activity of Scottish scholarship.

Hector Boece, or Bois, the Historian, and Prin- cipal of the King’s College of Aberdeen, also an excellent Latinist, as is shown by his “ Lives of the Bishops of Aberdeen,” appears in the Accounts, but only in connection with payments to the College of Aberdeen, of which he had been made Principal by Bishop Elphinstone at the end of the 15th century. Of that good Bishop himself, to whom, and his successor Gavin Dunbar, Aberdeen owes so much, the notices are unfortunately scanty, but he is mentioned as Keeper of the Privy Seal in charters of 151 11 and 151 3, 2 and was present at the Exchequer in Edinburgh on 26th July 1513, 3 having declined, according to Leslie, the Archbishopric of St Andrews, which the Parlia- ment had unanimously desired him to accept. He had been the patron and friend of Boece in his historical studies, and is even said to have written a History of Scotland, though he more probably only collected materials for one. It is worthy of notice that the men of letters of this period Elphinstone and Boece, Bellenden and Major, and a little later, Leslie and Buchanan, were specially devoted to historical inquiries. James, like his daughter, Queen Mary, was brought up on Livy, and history was deemed a necessary part of the education of those destined to govern.

1 Page 147. 2 Page 317. 8 Page 479.

PREFACE.

cxiii

A few references also occur in the present volume to Walter Chepman, whose printing press gave a stimulus to the literary activity of the age. Few writers even now despise the pleasure of see- ing their works in print, and the pleasure must have been greater when printing was a new- found virgin art, still retaining some of the beauty of the illuminated manuscript. Yet, for some reason, Chepman soon ceased to print, and Scottish writers had to get their works printed at the press of Paris, and, at a later date, at that of London. Perhaps Chepman only took to printing as an amateur, and preferred in his later years the more lucrative pursuits of farming, wine dealing,1 and merchandise. A new lease of the King’s Meadow, near Edinburgh, was granted for nine years at a rent of £13, 6s. 8d. in favour of Chepman and his wife Agnes Cockburn, whom failing his son David, with leave “ to plough the dry ground which was not fit for hay,” and also to transfer the lease. On a former occasion, in the audit of 26th September 1516, he received an allowance for “ the waste caused to his grain and hay through the army for the expedition against Dunglas. ” The King’s Meadow was near the Figgate Burn, so close to Chepman’s estate of Prestonfield.2

1 The Household books of James v. prove that Chepman had acquired a tavern and merchant’s booth in the High Street, and became a wine - merchant. See also (Great

VOL. XIV,

Seal Register, Edinburgh, 1542, No. 2612).

2 Great Seal Register, Anno 1536, No. 1625.

h

CX1V

PREFACE.

This expedition was probably that of Arran against the Castle of Hume, after the murder of De La Bastie, for it occurs before the date of that led by Albany himself after the execution of Lord Hume and his brother.

There is now frequent mention in the Accounts of surgeons, a profession to which the predilection of James iv. for an art which had many oppor- tunities for its exercise in a warlike age had given an impetus. But the surgeon of this period was a physician as well, and the chief representative of the healing art, although leeches, physicians, and potingaries (apothecaries) are mentioned in Henry- son’s and Dunbar’s poems. From the Records of the Burghs we gather that the surgical profession had sprung from the craft of barbers, one of whose duties from a remote time had been the use of the lancet, and, when necessary, of the knife, as well as the razor. The Royal College of Surgeons of Edinburgh possess a charter granted by the Town Council in 1505, and ratified by James iv. in 1506, to their pre- decessors the Surgeon Barbers.1 The surgeons, however, who appear in the present accounts are not burghal but Royal surgeons, who had country districts placed under their care. They were paid

1 This is printed in Colston’s Incorporated Trades of Edinburgh, p. 1, and is dated 1st July 1505, and the ratification 13th Oct. 1506. It is several years earlier than the

similar Charter of Henry vm. to the Surgeon Barbers of London, the gift of which was commemorate^ Holbein’s portrait groups.

PREFACE.

cxv

by lands or fees from the Crown revenues, as parish doctors now receive allowances from the parish, and county sanitary inspectors from the county. The names of those in the present accounts are Henry Railston, who had an annual fee of 6 merks from the rents of Kere Lawmond, and Little and Meikle Lupas in Bute, during his life, for his services to the King and Queen John Watson, who received a fee of £21, Is. 6 d. under a precept from Albany in 1515, 2 and who may possibly have been the same person who took part in the jousting with another surgeon barber, celebrated in one of Sir David Lyndsay’s poems; and Robert Kynnaird,3 a surgeon of the King, who received an annual fee of £20 a year, half from the Treasurer and half from the Comptroller. In the same account John Murray, the King’s barber, has a fee of £10.

A further step in the progress of the profession is marked by the payment of £24, 12s., under a grant of James iv., charged on the burgh of Cullen to a medical graduate as a Professor in the King's College or University of Aberdeen in 151 5.4 Doctor Kinghorn, the ambassador of the King of Denmark, we learn from the Danish archives to have been a Professor of Medicine at the University of Copenhagen, and afterwards Dean of Roskild. In 1542 the first notice of army surgeons occurs,

1 Page 20. | 3 P%e 466.

2 Pages 81, 153, 325, 368. | 4 Page 113.

CXV1

PREFACE.

four being sent to the Borders for “ curing of all persons that happened to be hurt by English- men.”1 For the diseases which required the greatest skill, the medical faculty of Paris had still to be resorted to. Thus Patrick Panther, the King’s Secretary, went to Paris when ill, and died there of fever, which accounts for many of the de- spatches of this period being written by his deputy, Taillefer. Even half a century later the services of the eminent Cardan had to be called in by Archbishop Hamilton ; and Henry Sinclair, Bishop of Ross, the President of the Court of Session, had to resort to Paris for a surgical operation as natives of Ireland now resort to Edinburgh.

A slight trace of the first footprints of another profession, whose incorporation belongs to a later period of this reign, meets us in the present volume, in the entry of the payment of £40 as the annual fee of James Wishart, the King’s Advocate, in the accounts of Fife rendered on 26th February 1522, 2 and again in those of the Comptroller rendered on 31st May 15 22. 3 The earliest mention of this office is in the reign of James hi., when Adam of Otterburn held it. There were for a considerable period prior to that date two branches of the legal pro- fession— Notaries, and Prolocutors or Fore-speakers. But the Notaries received their commission from the Pope or Emperor, and were styled Apostolic

1 Treasurer’s Accounts, 16th l 2 Page 403.

August 1542. I 3 Page 461,

PREFACE.

CXVll

or Imperial. Their protocol books, of which in- teresting examples have been preserved, show that they discharged the miscellaneous duties of agents and conveyancers. The Prolocutors, who attended the Courts of the King or Barons, were apparently sometimes relations or friends of the party, like Patrick Lyndsay of Pyetstoun, whose exploit in casting an indictment against his chief, Lord Lyndsay of the Byres, in the commencement of the reign of James iv., is so humorously described by Pitscottie ; but at other times paid advocates, who are designed “ Fore-speakers for the Cost.” The first advocates who appear under the name were the Advocates of the Poor1 in the reign of James L, but shortly after, in the same reign, the name is used as equivalent to Prolo- cutor and Fore-speaker.2 The introduction of the office of King’s, or as he was afterwards styled, Lord Advocate, after the model of the French Procureur du Roi, was in part due to the growing importance of the feudal and fiscal rights of the Crown. Ten years after the close of the present accounts the profession of Advocate really com- menced by the admission of persons so called to practise before the Court of Session, under the Act which instituted that Court.3 As James iv. may be said to be the founder of the medical profession in Scotland, so James v. may be deemed the creator

1 Act of Parliament, 1424-45. I 3 1532, c. 36. A. P. ii. 335.

2 1429, c. 116, 126. 1487, c. 98. 1

PREFACE.

cxviii

of the legal profession, as a corporation with ascer- tained rights and duties. The King’s Advocate does not yet take rank as one of the Officers of State : he is merely one of the King’s servants. He does not appear to have attended any of the Exchequer Audits, and is paid less than the King’s Tutor.

The wars and embassies of this agitated period gave a large scope and much importance to the office of Herald, and the Rolls and other records afford some interesting information with reference to the Lyon King of James iv. and v. William Cumyng of Inveralochy, second son of William Cumyng of Culter, in Aberdeenshire, had served as Marchmont Herald at least from 1 49 9, 1 probably from a much earlier date, for in a charter by James iv., on 18th January 1504, of the lands of Inveralochy to him and his wife Margaret Hay, mention is made of his services to that King, and his father and mother, during thirty years.2

On 18th September 1507 a charter was granted by the King in favour of William Cumyng the elder of both Inveralochy and Easter Collessie in Fife, which were transferred on 14th July 1513, under reservation of the liferent of his father and mother, to William Cumyng the younger.3 The Marchmont Herald had been knighted in 1507, and before

1 Reg. Secreti Sigilli, lib. anno I 2 Reg. Magni Sigilli, No. 2767. 1497. I 3 Pages 315, 316, note.

PREFACE

CX1X

31st January 1514 1 he became Lyon King in suc- cession to Henry Thomson. In this capacity he carried the challenge and declaration of war by James iv. to Henry viil, then engaged in the siege of Terouanne, when he refused to take a verbal answer from the English king, and received a written one in “very sour” and proud words. He returned by Flanders, but not finding a ship in time, did not arrive till the field was stricken, and our King was slain.2

Another instance of his boldness has been already noticed when he charged Angus to appear before the Council in 1515 to answer for his mar- riage to Margaret Tudor, and admonished Lord Drummond for his resistance to the order, when that irascible noble struck him with his fist, for which he was forfeited by Albany’s Parliament. Throughout these accounts there are various refer- ences to his fee of 20 merks as Lyon, which was paid out of the farms of Collessie down to 1518 ; 3 and in the account of Fife rendered on 26th February 1522 we learn that he was dead, for payment of his salary is said to be that due to the late Lyon Herald, King of Arms.4 No mention is made of his successor in the present accounts, but the next Volume will probably dis-

1 Hamilton’s Manuscripts, Adv. Lib. The Fife account rendered

11th July 1525 gives the date of

his death more exactly as August

1519. Vol. xv. p. 107.

2 Leslie’s History, Scottish Text Society’s Ed., p. 142.

3 Page 315.

4 Pages 401 and 410.

cxx

PREFACE.

close whether Sir David Lyndsay was at once appointed, or not till 1530 as is usually stated.1 An- other reference to Cumying in this volume shows that he had been sent to France to Albany before 1515, and had been shipwrecked on the Danish coast. In recompense for his losses, and for his expenses, he received £72 from the Customs of Edinburgh,2 and £83 from the rents of Fife.3 The terms of the former of these entries implies that he had made at least one other voyage to France. The heralds of all countries at this period were constantly employed on diplomatic missions, and as the chief executive officers of the law, as well as in the more orna- mental functions of royal processions and tourna- ments. The French herald Montjoie, the Danish Norway herald, and the English Clarencieux herald frequently meet us in the State correspondence. It would be an interesting inquiry why the College of Heralds did not become the diplomatic profes- sion of the future. Perhaps the answer would be that they were too closely associated with the feudal system ; that the Ecclesiastics were deemed, and probably proved themselves better adapted for the task of negotiation ; and that a class of laymen who were not heralds began soon after this period to cultivate the diplomatic art after methods which heralds, the practitioners of the heroic science, would have disdained to use.

V

1 Seton, Heraldry of Scotland, I 2 Page 107.

p. 430. I 3 Page 162.

PREFACE.

CXXl

Two of the women who figure prominently in these Accounts, Mariot Boncle and Margaret Crichton, deserve a brief notice as examples of the position of their sex in Scotland in the sixteenth century.

Mariot Boncle, whose name occurs in previous accounts, was the widow of J ohn Lindsay of Wauchopdale, in Dumfriesshire, a considerable land- owner in the reign of James iv. He had received the lands of Beidspittal, part of Balincrief,1 in respect of his surrender of Wauchopdale on 31st April 1507, having forfeited that estate for treason under a decree of the Parliament of 1506. 2 He had also acquired Barcloy, Claysick, and other lands in Galloway,3 which seems to have been his prin- cipal estate. He died in 1508, and Mariot Boncle, his spouse, paid the entry for these lands after the Exchequer audit held in that year.4

In the present volume there is printed a Royal Letter or Grant by James iv. on 24th February 1513, by which, in consideration of “ the gude and thankfull service done to us and oure derest fallow the quene be oure lovit oratrice and wedow Mariot Bonkle, the relict of umquhile Johnne Lindesay,” the King grants to her for all the days of her life the lands of Auchinhay, Clonyearg, Auchinskeauch, Glenstokane, and Auchinlosk, in the Stewartry of Kirkcudbright, and the Auditors of Exchequer are

1 Vol. xiii. p. 83. J 3 lb., p. 36.

2 Act Pari., ii. p. 264-5. | 4 lb., p. 600.

CXX11

PBEFACE.

charged to “ defeis ” 1 the Chamberlain of Galloway of the rents and profits of these lands. This accord- ingly was done in the audits throughout the present Accounts, in which the multure due by the town of Auchinhay was also remitted to her.2 Mariot Boncle had also tacks of other lands in Galloway, in the parish of Col vend. 3

These entries should have some interest for the diligent local students of the Stewartry, who have not been able hitherto to trace these lands at so early a date.4 From the entry already noticed in another place of the delivery to Mariot Boncle by Margaret Crichton of the velvet bought for the young King’s tunics in 151 5, 5 it appears probable that she held some office in the Boyal Household, possibly that of Keeper of the Wardrobe.

Long after, the Parliament of James vi. in 1593, at the instance of James Lindsay of Barcloy, the great-grandson of John Lindsay and Mariot Boncle reduced the sentence of forfeiture which had been pronounced against his great-grandfather, upon the ground that he had not been lawfully summoned to the Parliament of James iv. in 1506, at which his estate of Wauchopdale had been forfeited.6

It is not certainly known to what family Mariot Boncle belonged, but she may not improbably have

1 Pages 34, 235, 297, and 427.

2 Page 137.

3 Pages 483, 508-9.

4 M'Kerlie, Lands of Galloway, .

and their Owners.

5 Page 107.

6 For further notices of the Lind- says of Wauchopdale and Barcloy, see Lives of the Lindsays, ii. p. 288.

I

PKEFACE.

cxxiii

been a daughter or relative of Alexander Boncle, a Scottish merchant, whose house at Middleburgh is mentioned in Halyburton’s Ledger, and a relative of Edward Boncle, the Provost of Trinity College Church in the reign of James in. Whatever her family, she was evidently active in business affairs. The slaughter at Flodden brought forward many women into prominent positions and offices which , their deceased husbands had held ; but this, after all, was only a conspicuous example of what frequently occurred during the Middle Ages. Such lives as those of Margaret Tudor and Margaret Drummond and her sister show how birth and beauty asserted their influence. It has been less frequently noticed that there were also women of business, who were actively engaged in the acquisition and management of land and the conduct of commerce in 16th-century Scotland.

There is another woman frequently referred to in this Volume, whose birth and curious history give her a greater interest than Mariot Boncle.

Margaret Crichton first appears in the present Accounts as the widow of George Halkerston,1 Burgess and Custumar of Edinburgh, who fell at Flodden, and she continued to hold this office and to render accounts as Custumar of Edinburgh down to 21st October 1516.2

1 She had been married before to another burgess, William Todrick. The names both of Todrick and

Halkerston have been preserved in

well-known wynds and closes of the Old Town of Edinburgh.

2 Pages 52, 102, 199, and

267.

cxxiv

PREFACE.

The last of these accounts was audited on 21st August 1517, and in it she still retains the name of Margaret Crichton. We know, however, from a Charter in the Great Seal Register, dated 1st April 151 7,1 that before that date she had contracted an irregular marriage with George, Earl of Rothes. This charter singularly enough recites the fact that the marriage had been con- tracted per verba de futuro cum carnali copuld inde secutd. It conveys the lands of Hilltaces and various other lands in Fife, which had been adjudged for a debt of £1065, 6s. 8d. to Andrew Barton in liferent, and his son Alexander in fee, but had been redeemed by the payment of that sum, with 200 merks in addition, by Margaret Crichton to Robert Barton as curator of his nephew Alexander. The lands are settled on the Earl and Margaret, and the longest liver, in conjunct infeftment, and the male heirs lawfully procreated between them, provided their marriage was solemnised and held legitimate, or, if necessary, legitimated by a dis~ pensation, whom failing, on the heirs of Margaret Crichton until her debt was repaid, with a clause of return to the Earl after repayment. The early history of this lady, from 1496 onwards, has been traced by Mr Dickson in an Appendix to the Preface to the Treasurer’s Accounts.2 She was the illegitimate daughter of Lord Crichton, born

1 Great Seal Register, i. p. 148. I 2 Treasurer’s Accounts. Preface,

I page cxxi.

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probably before 1483, and Lady Margaret, second daughter of James n. She had married, pro- bably in 1506, William Todrick, a merchant in Edinburgh, and an exemption from customs, pro- bably the foundation of her future fortunes, had been granted to her and her spouse by James iv. in 1506.1 2 This exemption was continued to her and her second husband, Halkerston, in 1510, 3 though limited to 100 merks a year.

In the present Volume of the Rolls we have seen that she entertained Albany to supper prior to 15th September 1516, and an allowance was made in her account as Custumar for the claret provided on that occasion.4

The next reference to her is in the account of the Customs of Edinburgh which she rendered on 21st August 1517, 5 still under the name of Margaret Crichton. But in the account at the same audit of Robert Barton the Comptroller, who had been associated with, and ultimately superseded her in the office of Custumar of Edinburgh, there is notice of a remission of custom due by her, in regard to which she is styled Margaret Crichton, Countess of Rothes, and she is again referred to as Countess6 in Barton’s account of 21st August 1518, in which it is stated that she renounced the immunity from customs to the extent of 100 merks,

1 An account for her dress appears in the Treasurer’s Accounts of 1496.

2 Exchequer Rolls, xii. p. 465.

3 Ibid., xiii. p. 367; see also p. 385. 4 Page 205.

5 Page 267. 6 Page 270.

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PREFACE.

which, she had received under the letter of James iv. in favour of her and her former husband, Halker- ston.1 In a later audit, however, on 31st May 1 5 22, 2 this sum of 100 merks was again allowed to her by the auditors. From these references it is impossible not to surmise that the supper at which she entertained Albany may have had something to do with her marriage to the young Earl of Rothes, and that his marriage to this well-tochered widow of two merchant burgesses was perhaps an affair, on his side, of money as much as of love.

The later history of this lady was very singular, and gave rise to scandal at the time, and curiosity afterwards. She was the mother of Norman Lesley.3 sometimes called Master of Rothes, who became so famous as a chief actor in the murder of Cardinal Beaton ; but on the death of George, Earl of Rothes, at Dieppe, on 9th November 1558, that noble was succeeded by another son, Andrew Lesley, who was the child of Agnes Somerville, designated as his wife in a series of charters between 29th January 1530 and 22nd February 1541. 4 In the Charters of 1539 and 1540 both ladies appear.

1 Page 335.

2 Page 466.

3 Charter, 21st Oct. 1542, Nos.

2809 and 2810. In these charters Margaret Crichton is styled only mother of Norman Lesley, and not Countess of Rothes. According to a pedigree once in the possession of Camden, and afterwards of Sir R.

Potton, there were the following

sons or this marriage: — (1) Oeorge, who died young; (2) Norman; (3) William ; (4) John, who died young; (5) Robert. Riddel, Remarks on Scottish Peerage Law, p. 191.

4 Series of Charters in Great Seal Register, 29th Jan. 1530, 25th Aug. 1532, 21st July 1536, and 8th to 10th July 1539, 15th Feb. and 13th Dec. 1540, and 22nd Feb. 1541.

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In that of 10th July 1539, for example, Agnes Somerville, who is described as the Earl’s spouse, is granted a liferent in the lands of Drowmane, while Margaret Crichton, who is neither designed Countess of Rothes nor his spouse, is granted the liferent of the fourth part of the domain lands of Lesley, a portion of the Rothes estates she had acquired as a creditor. In a Charter, however, of 31st May 1542,1 she again appears as Margaret Crichton, Countess of Rothes, having apparently survived her rival Agnes Somerville. Crawford, in his Peerage, conjectured that Rothes had separated from Margaret Crichton after their irregular mar- riage and had married Agnes Somerville, and Mr Riddell discovered evidence that they had been divorced by a decree of the Rector of Flisk on 27th December 1520, 2 and conjectures that she must have obtained a reduction of this divorce, so as to have re-acquired the title of Countess of Rothes, which she undoubtedly held in 1542. Margaret Crichton last appears in history in a passage of Buchanan’s History of Scotland, where, after noticing the scandal relating to her illegitimate birth, — for her father, Lord Crichton, had a wife alive when she was born, — he states that she was “not long since deceased.”3 Allowing

1 No. 2679.

2 Rothes Genealogy, Balfour MS.,

Adv. Lib.; MS. account of Lesley of Findrassie, Adv. Lib.; Riddel’s Remarks, p. 183f

3 Quae non adeo pridem decessit. Historiae, xii. p. 433. Buchanan’s History was not begun apparently till 1577,

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for a considerable latitude in this expression, Margaret Crichton's life, so interwoven with the special scandals of this age, the facility of divorce, and the frequency of illegitimacy, must have been a long one. Her career affords another example of a woman acquiring wealth, actively engaging in the transaction of business, and even holding an important public office.

y.

Foreign Relations of Scotland.

This Volume, like the preceding one, contains notices of some of the Foreign Ambassadors or Envoys who took part in the constant negotiations of Scotland with other Powers, as well as of several French commanders or captains and some civil- ians who during Albany’s Regency served in Scotland. The hostile relations between Scotland and England made it imperative for the smaller country to seek allies, and the Scottish Govern- ment naturally turned principally to two quarters, Denmark and France. Christiern il, who suc- ceeded to the Danish Crown shortly before Flodden, though two degrees more distant than his father Hans from James iv., was still the near kinsman of James v. Scotland and Denmark were alike exposed to foes on their Borders, and sought mutual aid. Scottish merchants had settled in Copenhagen, Scottish mariners served,

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the Danish King, and Scotland was frequently visited by Danes on their way to and from the Continent.

The remembrance of the old league between France and Scotland, though not yet strengthened as it was soon to be by matrimonial relations between the Royal Houses, had been kept alive by mutual good offices, and was at no period a more lively sentiment or a more practical reality than during the Regency of Albany. The privileges of natural -born subjects had been granted, towards the close of the reign of Louis xiL, to all Scotsmen in France. By an ordinance of Francis I. their goods were to be admitted at Dieppe free of the custom levied on foreign merchandise. The French King had a bodyguard of Scottish Archers, and Scotch- men commanded French armies and acquired French estates. Scottish ecclesiastics held French benefices, and Scottish students completed their studies in Paris or Orleans, where some remained as Professors, as they do now in the English Universities. Scottish merchants traded with France in preference to England, from which they were often excluded, or where, if admitted, they ran the risk of their goods being seized when war broke out. In 1523 Henry viii. took the extreme step of driving all Scots out of England, as Edward i. had driven the Jews.

Nor was the advantage of the alliance between

VOL. xiv. i

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PREFACE.

France and Scotland all on one side. A French- man was Regent of Scotland. French captains were keepers of its strongest castles. Frenchmen were to be found in civil and a few in ecclesiastical offices. The French trade in wine, linen, and fruits was probably more lucrative than the Scot- tish trade in wool, skins, and salmon. The French language was so much used that it began to modify the Lowland Scottish Teutonic dia- lect.

Let us first notice the traces in these Accounts of the continuing, though declining, connection between Scotland and Denmark ; and afterwards, those of the more important and increasing intimacy between Scotland and France. The first allusion to the relations with Denmark occurs in the account of the Chamberlain of Galloway from 20th July 1513 to 20th July 1514, in which that officer is allowed £10 for a payment to Magnus the Dane,1 by order of the Queen, at the time when he lay ill of fever in Galloway. This refers to Magnus, the nephew of Ove Bilde, Chancellor of Den- mark, who had been sent several years before to be educated in Scotland. On 17th January 1513, James iv. wrote letters commendatory of the young Dane both to the King and Queen of Denmark, in which he stated that he had given proof of his ability, fidelity, and discretion, so that he was worthy of being trusted with any business,

1 Page 35.

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however important