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THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS AND HIS SCHOOL
f
r4
BY
CHEN HUAN-CHANG,
Chin Shih of 2455 A. K. {1904 A. D.)
Sea'etary of the Grand Sea'etariat,
Peking, China
SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
IN THE
Faculty of Political Science Columbia University
o,3i
NEW YORK 191 I
->
Copyright, 191 i
BY
The Faculty of Political Science of Columbia University, New York
THIS BOOK
AS A TOKEN OF GRATITUDE AND AFFECTION
I Dedicate to the Memory of My Father CHEN CHIN-CH'UAN
'^^s
WHO suffered poverty, adversity and
MANY bitter DISAPPOINTMENTS
IN ORDER THAT HIS SON
MIGHT LEAD THE SCHOLAR'S LIFE
'' y
FOREWORD
Dr. Chen Huan-chang^ the author of The Economic Principles of Confucius and His School, has seen some ser- vice as a mandarin in one of the metropolitan offices in Peking; he is deeply versed in his native literature, of which the so-called Confucian classics have occupied him for many years; he is a personal friend and has been a pupil of Kang Yu-wei, one of the originators of the modern Chinese reform movement and himself a profound connoisseur of Chinese literature. Thus armed, he came to New York about five years ago to study English and take courses in political economy at Columbia University. Kang Yu- wei's moral success among the masses of China was largely due to the fact that, while being thoroughly convinced of the necessity of reform in social and political life, he con- tinued to be an eager adherent of Confucian principles. Dr. Chen proves a disciple worthy of his great teacher. His enthusiasm for the great sage and his doctrine could not be surpassed ; western readers will find in his book the representation of Confucianism from the purely Confucian- ist point of view by an author who is a Confucianist him- self and has had the advantage of sifting his ideas through the methods of western science.
Friedrich Hirtii, Professor of Chinese, Columbia University.
New York, October 15, 191 1.
vii
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1^.
PREFACE
In presenting the economic teachings of Confucianism, Dr. Chen has adopted the same order of arrangement that has become usual in EngHsh treatises on pohtical economy. The danger which this plan involved of creating the im- pression of a more systematic exposition of economic prin- ciples than is to be found in the sacred writings, is much more than outweighed by the large number of clear antici- pations of the accepted economic teachings of to-day which it reveals. Incidentally it enables the author, with his wide acquaintance with the best English economic litera- ture, to bring out many interesting contrasts between Chin- ese civilization and the civilization of the Occident. His discussions of such institutions as the family, marriage, private property and the position of woman have an interest and value quite apart from their relation to the main pur- pose of his study.
No one can read these pages without becoming convinced that Confucianism is a great economic, as well as a great moral and religious, system and that it contains most, if not all, of the elements necessary to the solution of the serious problems that confront China to-day. That these problems may be speedily and happily solved and that Dr. Chen may take the prominent and distinguished part in the reformation of his country for which his high character and unusual attainments so well fit him is the earnest hope of his American friends.
Henry R. Seager, Professor of Political Economy.
Columbia University, October 15, 1911.
ix
/
i\
AUTHOR'S PREFACE
The following treatise includes a discussion of the eco- nomic principles of the chief disciples of Confucius in suc- cessive dynasties, as well as of the teachings of the Master himself, and, briefly for purposes of comparison, of the lead- ers of other schools, c. g., those of Kuan Tzu, Lao Tzu, Mo Tzu, Shang Yang, and Hsii Hsing. It was deemed best to combine with the discussion of economic theory some con- sideration of economic history. Consequently the condi- tions out of which the theories arose and to which they were to be applied have usually been described. The canonical writings were taken as primary sources, and the historical writings as secondary. In connection with every theory and institution considered, the attempt has been made to throw light upon its origin and earliest development. Be- cause of the wealth of material, only the most important or most interesting historical facts since the Han dynasty have received attention. Although some infomiation in regard to conditions in China to-day is given, it was not thought desirable to go very much into detail, because these conditions are in process of revolutionary change and many questions are still unsettled.
The treatise is, therefore, essentially a study of the old regime in China. It is a survey of the Chinese thought and Chinese institutions which developed independently of the Occident. Although my arrangement of the material follows that which has become conventional among western writers and my understanding of the old texts was greatly helped by western thinkers, I have been very careful not to read into the writings of the ancient Chinese ideas drawn from modern western economists. All my statements are based upon the words or the spirit of the words of the
xi
xii AUTHOR'S PREFACE
original texts, and are in harmony with the whole system of Confucius as revealed by a comparative study of the various sources. In support of my interpretation numerous quotations and references are given. The Confucian writ- ings may be compared to a great mountain containing rich mineral resources. I am in tlie position of a miner, ex- tracting a particular ore and contributing it to the world's production. As the miner does not create the ore itself, but through his labor in exploring, digging and refining makes it available for human use, so I have tried to add something to human knowledge. My task has been so great that I have doubtless made some mistakes, but I have earnestly tried to be accurate in all my statements. This is the first attempt to present the economic principles of Confucius and his school in a systematic form in any lan- guage. At some future time I intend to translate this book into Chinese.
I am under heavy obligations to many persons. My greatest indebtedness is to Kang Yu-wei, my former teacher, from whom I obtained a general view of Confucian- ism. From my American friends, especially among the professors and students of Columbia University — c. /^. Professors John Bates Clark, Edwin R. A. Seligman, Friedrich Hirth and Warren B. Catlin — I received many ideas and secured assistance in various ways. My great- est obligations, however, are to Dr. and Mrs. B. M. Ander- son, Jr., who corrected the greater part of my manuscript; to Professor Henry Rogers Seager, who made numerous suggestions and corrections throughout the whole book; and to Professor Henry Raymond Mussey, who read all the proof sheets.
Chen Huan-chang.
Columbia University, New York, the seventh day of the seventh month, two thousand four hundred and sixty-two years after Confucius, {August 30, 1911 A. D.).
CONTENTS
VOLUME I
Foreword. By Professor Friedrich Hirth vii
Preface. By Professor Henry R. Seager. ... ix
Author's Preface xi
PART I INTRODUCTION
BOOK I. CONFUCIUS AND HIS SCHOOL
CHAPTER PAGE
I. Life of Confucius 3
II, The Fundamental Concepts of Confucius 15
III. Writings of Confucius and His Disciples 23
IV. Historical Movements of Confucianism 39
BOOK II. RELATION OF ECONOMICS TO OTHER
SCIENCES
V. Economics and Other Sciences in General 48
VI. Economics and Sociology 52
VII. Economics and Politics •^2)
VIII. Economics and Ethics 94
BOOK HI. GENERAL ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES
IX. Economic Development as the Chief Cause of Progress 119
X. Economic Organization 139
XI. Economic Policies and the Divisions of Economics 168
xiii
^i^ CONTENTS
PART II CONSUMPTION
BOOK IV. CONSUMPTION CHAPTER PAGE
XII. General Principles of Consumption 185
XIII. Happiness for Both Rich and Poor 207
XIV. Different Ways of Getting Pleasure 216
XV. General Standard of Expenditure 242
XVI. Particular Expenditures 269
PART III PRODUCTION
BOOK V. FACTORS OF PRODUCTION
XVII. Three Factors of Production 293
XVIII. Labor— Population 297
XIX. Nature and Capital 340
VOLUME II
PART III PRODUCTION
BOOK VI. BRANCHES OF PRODUCTION
XX. Branches of Production in General 367
XXI. Agriculture 380
XXII . Industry 398
XXIII. Commerce. 411
BOOK VII. DISTRIBUTION
XXIV. General Principles of Distribution: Rent, Interest and
Profits 460
XXV. Wages. 480
CONTENTS
XV
BOOK VIII. SOCIALISTIC POLICIES
CHAPTER PAGE
XXVI. The Tsing Tien System 497
XXVII. Monopoly 534
XXVIII. Exclusion of the Ruling Class from the Economic Field 543
XXIX. Government Control of Demand and Supply 552
XXX. Government Control of Grain 568
XXXI. Government Loans and Public Relief 586
PART IV PUBLIC FINANCE
BOOK IX. PUBLIC FINANCE
XXXII. Public Expenditures 605
XXXIII. Taxation in General 621
XXXIV. Direct Taxes 638
XXXV. Indirect Taxes 683
PART V
CONCLUSION
XXXVI. Conclusion 717
Appendix I Table of Chinese Chronology 731
Appendix II List of Authorities in English and Chinese y2)Z
Index jt^j
PART I INTRODUCTION
BOOK I. CONFUCIUS AND HIS SCHOOL
CHAPTER I
t
Life of Confucius
An objective attitude toward the ideals and sages of one's own country is not easily to be attained. There is a cor- responding difficulty in gaining a sufficiently sympathetic attitude toward the ideals and sages of a strange people. For these reasons it has seemed best to the writer to under- take a general estimate of the worth of Confucius and of Confucianism at the end, rather than at the beginning, of this study. The reader who has gone with him to the conclusion can better judge how far the estimate is ob- jective, after seeing the evidence on which it is based; and he will also be better enabled to view the problem sympa- thetically. The words of a western writer shall, therefore, serve as our introduction.
Von der Gabelentz says:
Quite unique is the position occupied by him who, as no other man, was a teacher of his people, who, I venture to say, has become and continued to be a ruler of his people, the Sage of the family K'ung in the State of Lu, whom we know by the name of Confucius. Unique is his position, not only in the history of philosophy, but also in the history of man- kind. For there is hardly any other man who, like Confu- cius, incorporated in his own person all the constituent ele- ments of the Chinese type and all that is eternal in his people's
3
4 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
being. If we are to measure the greatness of an historic per- sonage, I can see only one standard applicable for the pur- pose: the effectiveness of that person's influence according to its dimensions, duration, and intensity. If this standard be applied, Confucius was one of the greatest of men. For even at the present day, after the lapse of more than two thousand years, the moral, social, and political life of about one-third of mankind continues to be under the full influence of his mind.^
Confucius has indeed been the maker of the Chinese peo- ple, but he himself did not spring from an uncivilized world. The date of the beginning of Chinese history is unknown, but it is certain that China has existed as a nation for at least six thousand years. The first leg-endary emperor, Pao Hsi, or Fu Hsi, is placed 2402 years before the Con- fucian era (2953-2839 B. C). After the period of the Five Emperors, came the period of the Three Kings of as many dynasties, and it was during the Chou dynasty, the last of these three, that Chinese civilization reached maturity. It was after long periods of so-called sage rulers who were regarded as the heads of both religion and government, at the highest development of Chinese civilization under the Chou dynasty, and in the most cultured state of the Duke of Chou, that Confucius appeared. Confucianism, the new religion founded by Confucius, is therefore not the religion of a primitive tribe, but the religion of a civilized people.
While this was the general stage of development preced- ing the advent of Confucius, it must not be imagined that actual conditions during his time were so perfect as to make the work of a reformer unnecessary. The age of Con- fucius was quite remote from that of the sage rulers. With
^ Confucius und seine Lehre, p. 4 et seq., quoted in Friedrich Hirth's The Ancient History of China, pp. 242-3.
LIFE OF CONFUCIUS 5
the beginning of Ping Wang's reign (219 B. K/ or 770 B. C), the Chou dynasty had practically fallen, and all the emperors of the Eastern Chou line were without real power. It was the age of feudalism. Each feudal estate was an in- dependent nation, each prince of each nation fought for its supremacy, and the power of the princes was greater than that of the emperor. During Confucius' time, the power of the prince in each state had generally fallen into the hands of a few noble families, and the government had become a form of oligarchy. Sometimes the private officials of these families took public affairs into their own hands. The con- fusion and disorder brought about by the ruling class ex- tended over the whole empire, while the common people, who were not sufficiently educated to help themselves, were entirely neglected.
Although the great mass of the people in Confucius' time was uneducated, there was a middle class which had edu- cated itself. Since China had been civilized for so long a time, the people were naturally developed to some extent. During the period of the Eastern Chou dynasty, although the power of the imperial government declined, the intel- lectual growth of the people increased. The greater im- portance acquired by the different independent states with the diminishing power of the emperor gave rise to much peaceful diplomatic intercourse as well as to many hostile military expeditions, and these forms of contact had an edu- cative influence upon a considerable class of the people. Further, as the political power was shifting from class to class and from person to person within each state, some noble families had been ruined, and some common people had risen. Thus the profession of learning was also shifted
' \Vc use the forms B. K. and A. K. to avoid confusion with the C. in the western chronology, as in B. C. The Chinese form of the name, Confucius, is K'ung Fu Tzu.
6 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
and more widely diffused. Moreover, in such a struggle, every one had absolute freedom of movement and of speech. It was a condition very favorable to the development of the minds of the people.
Such was the time in which Confucius was born. But the birthplace of Confucius was no less important than his time. His family had settled in the state of Lu, which was the state of the Duke of Chou. As the Duke himself re- mained with the imperial government, he gave the admin- istration of his estate over to his son, who conducted it ac- cording to his father's principles and under his direction. Lu had become the center of Chinese civilization. About Confucius' time, Lu, although subordinate to the great states in military force, was supreme in art, literature, philosophy and morality. ^
Among Confucius' ancestors was Ch^eng T^ang, the founder of the Yin dynasty (1215-1203 B. K. or 1766-1754 B. C). After the fall of this dynasty, Wei Tzu, brother of the fallen emperor, was enfeoffed by Chou Ch'eng Wang in the dukedom of Sung. The tenth ancestor of Confucius resigned his dukedom to his younger brother, and thus it passed out of the direct line of Confucius. Five genera- tions later, K'ung-fu Chia, the sixth ancestor of Confucius, invented the surname of ICung from his adult designation indicating separation from the house of the duke in con- formity with the ancient custom. On account of some political trouble, the great-grandfather of Confucius fled from Sung to the state of Lu, and became mayor in the city of Fang. Confucius' father, Shu-liang Ho, was mayor in the city of Tsou, and distinguished himself as a brave soldier. Since on reaching the age of sixty-four he had no heir who could be his successor, he was obliged to marry a young girl, Yen Cheng-tsai, who became the mother of Confucius.
The year of Confucius' birth, according to the Commen-
LIFE OF CONFUCIUS 7
taries of Kung-yang and Ku-liang, was the twentieth year of Chou Ling Wang's reign (552 B. C.) ; but the beginning of the Confucian era is dated one year later (551 B. C.) on account of a mistake made by Ssu-ma Chien, the greatest historian/ His birthday, according to the present Chinese calendar, is the twenty-first day of the eighth month. His birthplace is in the present district of K'iihfeu, Shantung province. K'ung was his family name; Ch'iu, his personal name; and Chung-ni, his adult designation. The word Con- fucius has come from three Chinese words, K'ung Fu Tzu, Fu Tzu meaning master.
Confucius was powerful in body and keen in mind. He studied under many masters and in many places, becoming a many-sided and versatile man.
The greatest sen-ice of Confucius to his contemporaries was as a teacher. Opening his school at the age of twenty- two,^ he taught continuously to the time of his death. When he was thirty-five, a noble of one of the leading families of Lu, on his death-bed, ordered his two sons, Meng Yi-tzu and Nan-kung Ching-shu, to become pupils of Confucius, and these two noble pupils undoubtedly increased his influ- ence. When at this time he wished to visit the imperial capital, Nan-kung Ching-shu advised the Marquis of Lu to furnish a carriage, two horses and a servant for him, and himself accompanied his teacher. During this visit a very significant interview occurred between Confucius and Lao Tzii, the earliest philosopher of the Chou dynasty, then keeper of the imperial archives, and later regarded as the founder of Taoism. Confucius consulted this learned man concerning the rites, questioned Chang Hung, a high im-
' He began to write the Historical Record in 448, and finished it in 455 (104-97 B. C).
' Canonical Interpretation of the Ts'ing Dynasty, vol. xxxiii. ch. i.
8 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
perial officer, about music, and studied many other things. After his return home, his pupils increased in number.
One year later, on account of a civil war, Confucius went to the neighboring state of Ch'i. The Marquis of Ch'i wished to confer upon him a territory, but this was objected to by a courtier named An Tzu. As he could not hold a good office there, Confucius returned, at the age of forty-two, to Lu.
After his return^ he devoted himself exclusively to teach- ing and writing for a period of ten years. At forty-eight, he prepared the Canons of Poetry, of History, of Rites and of Music. Many pupils now came to him from remote re- gions. But he was so anxious to secure political power in order to reform the Chinese world that he even considered accepting the invitations of the rebels. At fifty-one, when Kung-shan Fu-jao, who held the city of Fei in rebellion against the minister of Lu, invited him to come, Confucius was disposed to comply. He said that if any one would employ him, he might create a new dynasty of Chou in the East.^ Ten years later, at sixty-one, he also considered accepting the invitation of Pi Hsi, who rebelled with the city of Chung-mou against the minister of Tsin.^ Although he did not go to see these two rebels at all and refused their invitations, it is clear that his love and faith were directed much more toward the general public than toward any per- sonal ruler.
The political career of Confucius, although not an im- portant part of his life, is proof of his practical talents. At fifty-two, he was appointed magistrate of the city of Chung- tu by the Marquis of Lu. His administration was very suc- cessful, and the princes of neighboring states took it as a
' The Chinese Classics, vol. i, pp. 319-20. ' Ibid., p. 321.
LIFE OF CONFUCIUS 9
model/ At fifty-three, the Marquis appointed him Minister of the Interior, and then Minister of Justice. A courtier of the state of Ch'i, which was jealous of its neighbor Lu, warned his prince that the increasing influence of the latter state under the administration of Confucius would endanger the balance of power. His prince, therefore, invited the Marquis of Lu to come Lo a friendly meeting in order to catch him and make him prisoner. Confucius accompanied his prince as substitute for the prime minister. He defeated the treacherous plot through his speeches and through a show of military force, so that Ch'i was obliged to apologize and as a mark of friendship to restore the former conquests which it had made from Lu. At fifty-five, Confucius strengthened the ruling house by having the walls of the cities of the noble families pulled down. Reaching the height of civil greatness, he became, at fifty-six, the acting prime minister. Within seven days, he ordered the execu- tion of a great demagogue, Shao-cheng Mao, as being dan- gerous to the public welfare. Within three months, his moral influence prevailed over the whole state. But the neighboring countries began to fear that under Confucius' reformation, Lu would overtop and subdue them all. To prevent this, the Marquis of Ch'i, above referred to, sent eighty beautiful dancing girls and one hundred and twenty fine horses as a gift to the prince of Lu for the purpose of bringing about a separation between him and Confucius. The result was the demoralization of the government, as both the prince and the real prime minister neglected their duties. Confucius lost his influence, and soon left his native country for travel.
Confucius' travels were in the nature of missionary work. He aimed to establish his kingdom in the actual present
' Cf. the Historical Record, ch. xlvii, on which this chapter is bn^cd.
lO THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
world through the influence of a government. He was not a narrow patriot. He presented himself for official employ- ment before seventy-two princes, and even in the barbaric state of Ch'u. But he was not able in any case to realize his purpose. He was satirized by many of his contempor- aries who felt the world to be evil and kept aloof from it. Confucius' declaration is at once sane and pathetic : '' The bird and beast," said he sorrowfully, " cannot be in the same society with us. If I do not associate with my fellow- men, with whom shall I associate? Had the world been perfect, I would not care to change it ! " ^ This was the spirit of Confucius: to love the world, to serve the world, and to busy himself restlessly in his mission.
Upon four different occasions during his travels, his life was placed in jeopardy. First, at fifty-seven, he was im- prisoned by the people of the city of K'uang for five days. His pupils were fearful, but he said : " After the death of Wen Wang, was not the cause of truth lodged here in me? If God had wished to let this cause of truth perish, then I, his successor who later must die, should not have been placed in such a relation to that cause. But so long as God does not let the cause of truth perish, what can the people of K'uang do to me? " ^ Again, at fifty-eight, when with his pupils he was performing religious ceremonies under the shade of a large tree, Huan Tui, the minister of war of the state of Sung, who wished to kill him, had the tree cut down. Then his pupils warned him to go away at once. " God has produced," said he, " the virtue that is in me.
^ Classics, vol. i, p. 334,
2 Confucius here indentifies himself with the line of the great sage rulers to whom God had intrusted the instruction of men. In all the six centuries between himself and Wen Wang (673-584 B. K.), he does not admit of such another. Ibid., pp. 217-8.
LIFE OF CONFUCIUS II
What can Huan Tui do to me? " ^ It is clear that he felt that God had committed lo him the right way, and that he bore a charmed life until his work was done. Again, at fifty-nine, he was stopped by the rebels in the city of Po. But one of his pupils, Kung-liang Yii, who was following his master with five private chariots, fought bravely for him, and he was allowed to proceed. Once more, at sixty- four, he was surrounded by the officials of the states of Chen and Tsai. He was without food for seven days, and his pupils were so sick as to be unable to rise. But he never stopped preaching, reading, playing on the harp and sing- ing. Finally he was rescued by the military force of the state of Ch'u.
When he arrived at Ch*u, the king wished to confer upon him a territory of seven hundred square miles. But the prime minister objected, because he feared Confucius' power and virtues, saying that the latter's pupils were much better than any of their own officials, and that if Confucius could occupy any territory, he himself would eventually be a real king and this would not be good for their state.
Having spent fourteen years in traveling abroad, Con- fucius was now, at sixty-nine, called back by the government of his native state. But the government did not finally em- ploy him, and he himself at this period had no desire to be employed. About this time, his son died; his wife had died two years previously.
Confucius was destined, however, not chiefly to serve his own immediate period, but to influence endless ages of the future. He now spent all his time in writing, and this was, in the final analysis, his greatest work. As he had at the age of forty-eight already prepared the greater part of the Canons of Poetry, of History, of Rites, and of Music,
' Classics, vol. i, p. 202.
12 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
he now finished them, and also the Canon of Changes. The Spring and Autumn was written at the age of seventy-two.
What he wrote was very much the same as what he was teaching to his three thousand pupils, particularly the Can- ons of Poetry, History, Rites and Music, Those who grad- uated in the six arts — rites, music, archery, charioteering, writing and mathematics — which were all prescribed courses for each person, were seventy-two in number. His best stu- dents were those who specialized in morality, oratory, poli- tics and literature. There were many special students. Therefore, the number of his followers amounted to sixty thousand.
Confucius was already an old man when he finished his writings ; they were the product of his most mature wisdom. He now felt that his work was done. One morning, he got up early, and as he walked back and forth before his door with his hands behind his back dragging his staff, he sang the following words :
The Tai Mountain must crumble ! The strongest beam must break ! The wisest man must fade !
Seven days later, the death of " The Perfect Holy Man " took place.^ He was seventy-four years old (479 B. C).
The highest honors were bestowed upon him after his death. The Marquis of Lu came to pass eulogy upon him. He was buried in what is now called the Forest of K*ung, to which the trees were originally brought from different states by his pupils. His pupils stayed there until the end of three years' mourning, but Tzu-kung (his pupil) alone built a house near his tomb and lived there for three years more. Some of his pupils and some of the people of Lu,
* According to the present Chinese calendar, the corresponding date is the eleventh day of the second month.
LIFE OF CONFUCIUS
13
more than one hundred families in all, moved to the vicinity of his tomb and formed what was called the Village of K'ung. The people sacrificed to his tomb for many genera- tions, and the Confucian scholars also practised different ceremonies about it. His house was then converted into a temple in which his clothes, hats, harp, carriage and books were stored. The first emperor who came to worship him was Han Kao Ti (357 A. K. or 195 B. C). When new princes and governors first came to the state, they always worshiped him before they took up their ofiicial duties. Since 504 A. K. the descendants of Confucius have been a permanent nobility. The present duke of his descendants is in the seventy-sixth generation from him. In 610 A. K. (59 A. D.), Han Ming Ti first ordered the Imperial Uni- versity and all the government schools in each district to worship Confucius. Since that time the school houses have been at the same time Confucian churches, and they have been established throughout the whole empire.
In conclusion, then, we may say that Confucius was a great philosopher, a great educator, a great statesman, and a great musician ; but, above all, that he was the founder of a great religion. This is well stated by Tzu-kung when he says : " Certainly God has endowed him unlimitedly as a great sage, and, moreover, his ability is various." ^ Yu Jo. pupil of Confucius, said, " From the birth of mankind till now, there never has been one so complete as Confucius," and the same statement is also given by Tzu-kung and Mencius (180-263 A. K. or 372-289 B. C.).^ In the ^ho- Iccts* Confucius, by tacit implication, compares himself with God, and in the " Doctrine of the Mean." * Confucius is
' Classics, vol. i, p. 218. 2 Classics, vol. ii, pp. 194-6. ' Classics, vol. i, p. 326. * Ibid., p. 429.
14 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
called ** the equal of God ". The Chinese worship him not from any superstitious idea, but on the philosophical ground that " the individual possessed of the most complete sincerity- is regarded as divine ", ^ and that " v^hen the sage is beyond our knowledge, he is what is called divine/' ^ Although Confucius died about twenty-five centuries ago, the Chinese believe that his fundamental teachings will remain true for- ever. This is because, on the one hand, the teachings, based on the doctrine of the mean, never go to extremes ; and on the other, being subject to the doctrine of changes, they easily adapt themselves to the environment. Confucius is called by Mencius "The Sage of Times". In fact, the teachings of Confucius are based on the nature of man,* and as long as we are human beings, no matter in what age or in what region we may live, we can learn from him. Hence, the Chinese believe that there has been no other man so great as Confucius.
1 Classics, vol. i, p. 418. ' Classics, vol. ii, p. 490. ' Classics, vol. i, p. 393.
CHAPTER II
The Fundamental Concepts of Confucius
Having reviewed the more important facts of Confucius' life, we pass now to the fundamental concepts of the whole Confucian philosophy. There are two general classes of these concepts, one class based on the law of variety, and the other on the law of unity; the one, changeable with the needs of the times, the other unchangeable, rooted in the nature of man. Of the first type are the principle of the Three Sys- tems and the principle of the Three Stages ; of the second is the principle of love, which is to be practised on the basis of reciprocity.
I. THE THREE SYSTEMS
Confucius is like a great physician, and his teachings are like prescriptions. Just as the great physician never gives a single kind of medicine as a remedy for all diseases, so Confucius never gives a single form of teaching as the law of all ages. In the Springy and Autumn, he sets forth the principle of the Three Systems, and we meet this principle in all his writings. The Three Systems are represented by the Three Dynasties, Hsia, Yin and Chou, and he makes everything in three different forms. For example, the new year begins with either the first month, or the second, or the third; the new day begins either in the morning, or in the middle between morning and midnight, or at midnight; the principal color is either black, or white, or red. There is not a certain form, but the one is as good as the others. Hence the principles of the Three Dynasties are as in a cycle,
IS
1 6 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
— the one succeeds the other, whenever the former principle does not work well. The fundamental concept is that all human civilization and social life are necessarily changed in order to reform the evil of the past and meet the need of the present. Any good thing must come to a period of decay and become an evil. Civilization may run through a long course to the original principle and then start again, although such a principle may not take exactly the original form. Or, in different places, different civilizations and in- stitutions may exist at the same time.
II. THE THREE STAGES
A principle more important than the Three Systems is the Three Stages. In the first of these, the Disorderly Stage, primitive civilization is just arising from chaos, and the social mind is still very rude. There is a sharp distinction between one's own country and all other civilized countries. Hence attention is paid more to conditions at home than abroad, and, except the great powers, the small countries are neglected. In the second, the Advancing Peace Stage, there is a distinction only between all the civilized coun- tries and the barbarians. The limit of civilization is broader, and the friendship of nations is closer ; by the equal right, even the small countries can have their representatives. In the third, the Extreme Peace Stage, there is no dis- tinction at all. The barbarians become civilized countries, and obtain the same title in the diplomatic circle. Whether the nations are remote or near, small or great, the whole world is as one unit, and the character of mankind is on the highest plane.
The principle of the Three Stages, illustrated by the inter- national relation, is established in the Spring and Autumn}
1 It is very strange that Professor James Legge apparently does not know the international view of Confucius at all. He says: "Confucius
FUNDAMENTAL CONCEPTS OF CONFUCIUS
17
But we can find this principle in all Confucius' writings, whatever the subject. For example, in politics, despotism, constitutionalism and anarchism are three stages ; in re- ligion, polytheism, monism and atheism are three stages. The three stages can be subdivided into nine, eighty-one, and so on. It is simply the theory of progress, or evolution. But we must remember this principle in order to understand that the teachings of Confucius, although sometimes appar- ently inconsistent, are all fitted to different stages, and that we must not make the mistake of applying the theories of the low stage to the advanced stage.
The Advancing Peace Stage is also called the Small Tran- quillity, and the Extreme Peace Stage, the Great Similarity. The marked difference between these two stages is described by Confucius himself. It is a most important passage, and
makes no provision for the intercourse of his country with other and in- dependent nations. He knew indeed of none such. China was to him 'The Middle Kingdom,' 'The multitude of Great States,' 'All under Heaven.' Beyond it were only rude and barbarous tribes." (Chinese Classics, vol. i, pp. 107-8.) This statement is quite misleading. Con- fucius has made many provisions for the intercourse of his country with other and independent nations ; and we can compile the Inter- national Law of Confucius even from the Spring and Autumn only. In Confucius' time, China was divided up into many nations. The num- ber of leading nations w-as twelve, and the total number of nations was over one hundred. Therefore, his country was not China, but Lu. Since Lu had intercourse continuously with other and independent nations, why should Confucius know nothing about them? These nations were called " The multitude of Great States " and " The Middle Kingdom." This was the international society, and the term Middle Kingdom was like the term Christendom. Beyond this, there were at this time only rude and barbarous tribes, so far as the Chinese knew. This was the condition under which Confucius lived. By the term "All under Heaven," however, Confucius really meant the whole world, and it included not only th€ multitude of great states, but also all the barbarous tribes. Although it was sometimes used to cover only the Chinese world, such a term, everyone can see, could never mean a national state. In fact, Confucius always keeps the whole world in his mind.
1 8 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
we must quote it fully. In the '' Evolution of Civilization," Confucius says:
When the Great Principle [of the Great Similarity] prevails, the whole world becomes a republic ; they elect men of talents, vir- tue, and ability ; they talk about sincere agreement, and cultivate universal peace. Thus men do not regard as their parents only their own parents, nor treat as their children only their own children. A competent provision is secured for the aged till their death, employment for the middle-aged, and the means of grow- ing up to the young. The widowers, widows, orphans, childless men, and those who are disabled by disease, are all sufficiently maintained. Each man has his rights, and each woman her individuality safe-guarded. They produce wealth, disliking that it should be thrown away upon the ground, but not wish- ing to keep it for their own gratification. Disliking idle- ness, they labor, but not alone with a view to their own ad- vantage. In this way selfish schemings are repressed and find no way to arise. Robbers, filchers and rebellious traitors do not exist. Hence the outer doors remain open, and are not shut. This is the stage of what I call the Great Similarity.
Now that the Great Principle has not yet been developed, the world is inherited through family. Each one regards as his parents only his own parents, and treats as his children only his own children. The wealth of each and his labor are only for his self-interest. Great men imagine it is the rule that their estates should descend in their own families. Their object is to make the walls of their cities and suburbs strong and their ditches and moats secure. Rites and justice are regarded as the threads by which they seek to maintain in its correctness the relation between ruler and minister; in its generous regard that be- tween father and son; in its harmony that between elder brother and younger ; and in a community of sentiment that between husband and wife; and in accordance with them they regulate consumption, distribute land and dwellings, distin- guish the men of military ability and cunning, and achieve their work with a view to their own advantage. Thus it is
FUNDAMENTAL CONCEPTS OF CONFUCIUS
19
that selfish schemes and enterprises are constantly taking their rise, and war is inevitably forthcoming. In this course of rites and justice, Yii, T'ang, Wen, Wu, Ch'eng Wang and the Duke of Chou are the best examples of good government. Of these six superior men, every one was attentive to the rites, thus to secure the display of justice, the realization of sincerity, the exhibition of errors, the exemplification of benevolence, and the discussion of courtesy, showing the people all the constant virtues. If any ruler, having power and posi- tion, would not follow this course, he should be driven away by the multitude who regard him as a public enemy. This is the stage of what I call the Small Tranquillity.^
This is the most important statement of all Confucius' teachings. The stage of Great Similarity or Extreme Peace is the final aim of Confucius; it is the golden age of Con- fucianism. If we make a comparison between the Great Similarity and the Small Tranquillity, we may get a clear view. Every one knows that Confucianism has five social relations and five moral constants : ruler and subject, father and son, elder and younger brothers, husband and wife, friend and friend, make up the five social relations; love, justice, rite, wisdom and sincerity, make up the five moral constants. But, according to the statement of Confucius himself, they belong only to the Small Tranquillity. Every one knows that Confucianism is in favor of monarchical government and of filial piety. But they are good only in the Small Tranquillity. In the Great Similarity, the whole world is the only social organization, and the individual is the independent unit; both socialistic and individualistic characters reach the highest point. There is no national state, so that there is no war, no need of defence, nor 01 men of military ability and cunning. Men of talents, virtue,
1 Li Ki, bk. vii, pp. 365-7. " The exhibition of errors " refers to wis- dom, and "the discussion of courtesy" to rites.
20 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
and ability are chosen by the people, so that the people them- selves are the sovereign, and the relation between ruler and subject does not exist. Man and woman are not bound by the tie of marriage, so that the relations between husband and wife, between father and son and between brothers, do not exist. The only relation that remains is friendship. There is no family, so that there is no inheri- tance, no private property, no selfish scheme. There is no class, so that the only classification is made either by age or by sex ; but whether old, middle-aged, or young, whether man or woman, each satisfies his needs. The Great Prin- ciple of the Great Similarity prevails, so that everyone is naturally as good as every one else and the distinction of the five moral constants is gone. Each has only natural love toward others, regardless of artificial rites and justice. Speaking of the Small Tranquillity, Confucius gives six superior men as examples, but for the Great Similarity, he does not mention any one, because it has never existed. In the Canon of History, Confucius takes up Yao and Shun to represent the stage of Great Similarity as they did not hand down their thrones to their sons, yet he does not men- tion them here. The principle of the Three Stages is the principle of progress ; we must look for the golden age in the future; the Extreme Peace or the Great Similarity is the goal.
III. LOVE
Both the Three Systems and the Three Stages come under the law of variety in accordance with external con- ditions; the law of unity is based on the inner nature of man. It is the principle of love. From the religious point of view, the unity is called God; from the philosoph- ical point of view, it is called Yuan; from the ethical
FUNDAMENTAL CONCEPTS OF CONFUCIUS 21
point of view, it is called love.^ These three names are based on the same principle, because it is a unity. The unity of the universe is nothing but love. The cement of the universe is called God or Viian, and that of society is called love. Confucius says " Love is man ", and Mencius repeats the same words. ^ If we put it into negative form, any one who does not conform to the principle of love is not a man.
IV. RECIPROCITY
There is a question as to how we should practice the prin- ciple of love. After Confucius said to Ts'eng-Tzu, his pupil, " My doctrine is that of an all-pervading unity ", Ts'eng-Tzu explained to other pupils that the unity is simply faithfulness and reciprocity.^ Confucius himself says : *' Faithfulness and reciprocity are not far from the way. What you do not wish when done to yourself, do not do to others." * We can see, therefore, that faithfulness and reciprocity both make up the unity, but faithfulness is in- cluded in the principle of reciprocity. When Tzu-kung asked, " Is there one word which may serve as a rule of practice for all one's life?" Confucius said, "Is not reci- procity such a word ? What you do not want done to your- self, do not do to others." '' Stating this golden rule posi- tively, Confucius says: "The man who practices the prin- ciple of love, wishing to establish himself, seeks also to es- tablish others; wishing to develop himself, he seeks also to develop others. To be able to take one's inmost self for
^ See Yi King, pp. 408, 415. Legge's translation is obscure. The word Ch'ien means God, and also the word Yiian, " the great and orig- inating." The word benevolence is love,
' Classics, vol, i, p. 405 ; and vol. ii, p. 485.
• Classics, vol. i, pp. 169-170.
* Ibid., p. 394.
t
' Ibid., p. 301.
22 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
the judging of others may be called the art of applying the principle of love." ^ This principle makes egotism and altruism into one and the same thing, and makes one regard others as oneself. In short, the principle of love is the end, and the law of reciprocity is the means. This is the unity of Confucianism.
^ Classics, vol. i, p. 194.
CHAPTER III Writings of Confucius and His Disciples
I. writings of CONFUCIUS
We have said that the work of Confucius is no greater than his writings. Let us now consider what his writings are. Since they are called the Holy Bible,^ and are the oldest and best literature of the Chinese, they occupy the first department of the Chinese library. The study of them is very difficult; many good scholars, spending their whole lives, study thoroughly merely a part of them; yet their principles can never be exhausted. The writings on the subject of the Confucian Bible, therefore, are most numer- ous. But we shall give the essentials in the most condensed way.
^ Since the Chinese word for " Bible " was mistranslated by Professor James Legge into the word " Classic," there has been much misunder- standing of the nature of Confucius' writings. It must be contended that these writings arc regarded as divinely inspired, because Confu- cius himself is considered to have been divinely sent and appointed. (C/. passage from the Adjunct to the Spring and Autumn^ quoted in the Annotation of Kung-yang. 14th year of Duke Ai). An account given in the Adjunct to the Canon of Filial Piety, in which Confucius is represented as reporting to God the completion of his writings and as receiving divine approval in the form of a red rainbow com- ing down from above and transmitting itself into yellow jade with words sculptured upon it, would seem to give to the religion and writ- ings of Confucius in the minds of the Chinese people the same claim to a sacred character as other religions and Bibles possess for the people who accept them. But the real value of the writings of Con- fucius is not based on such a story.
23
24
THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
All the different writings of Confucius himself are called Bibles. But as the word is not ordinarily used in the plural in English, we are obliged to adopt the word " Canon." Originally, the Chinese called them Ching, which means Bible. We shall review them according to their original order, as follows :
1. The Canon of Poetry contains three hundred and five poems. Except the first two poems of " The Odes of Pin," they were all written by different authors in the Chou dynasty (about 631-47 B. K. or 1182-598 B. C), but they are edited by Confucius according to his own principles. How many corrections have been made by him we do not know, but we are sure that he must have changed the origi- nal words in some way. The poems are divided into three kinds : the Feng, spirits of different nations ; the Ya, politics of the imperial government ; the Sung, praises in the temples. Because politics is concerned with great and small questions, the Ya is divided up again into Small Ya and Great Ya, Hence, this Canon has four parts. All the poems are the expression of human nature; the description, narration, or criticism of social and political conditions. Their character is somewhat like that of a newspaper, and they serve as a comparative study of political science. This Canon is also a song book, as all the poems can be sung in harmony with music.
2. The Canon of History has twenty-eight books. It covers the history of China from Yao (1806- 1707 B. K. or 2357-2258 B. C.) to Duke Mu of Ch'in (108-70 B. K. or 659-621 B. C), and gives all the most important docu- ments of this period. These documents were written by dif- ferent authors, and edited by Confucius. But the labor Confucius put on this Canon is evidently greater than that put on the Canon of Poetry. The " System of Yao," the " Tribute of Yii," the '' Great Model," and the " Code of
WRITINGS OF CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES
25
Po," are apparently the works of Confucius himself, be- cause their style is different from that of the other docu- ments and similar to the style of Confucius. This Canon is a study of history and political science.
3. The Canon of Rites has seventeen books, and describes the details of the eight rites. These eight rites are : ( i ) cap- ping for the indication of maturity, (2) marriage, (3) fun- eral, (4) sacrifice, (5) district-drinking, (6) game of arch- ery, (7) diplomatic intercourse, and (8) visiting of the em- peror by the princes. These eight rites are the rules govern- ing the five social relations : The rites of capping and mar- riage govern the relation of husband and wife; the rites of funeral and sacrifice, that of father and son; the rites of district-drinking and archery, that of seniors and juniors; the rites of diplomatic intercourse and visiting of the em- peror, that of ruler and minister. For the relation of friends, there are the third book on social intercourse, the twelfth book on feasting, and the fifteenth book on the rites of enter- taining great officials by a prince. Moreover, through all the different rites there must be two parties, host and guest ; hence the relation of friend to friend is within all the rites. Such rites are the old customs and manners, but they are col- lected and prescribed by Confucius. This Canon is now miscalled Vi Li.
4. The Canon of Music. Since the songs are all in the Canon of Poetry, and the different uses of music are pre- scribed in the Canon of Rites, there was no need to have a canon for music like the other Five Canons. But there must originally have been a Canon of Music, though dif- ferent in form from the others, having notes instead of words. Unfortunately it was lost during the Han dynasty, (after 636 A. K. or 85 A. D.). Therefore, we generally speak only of the Five Canons.
5. The Canon of Changes. Although Pao Hsi first drew
26 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
the eight trigrams, and Wen Wang multiplied them into sixty-four hexagrams, the text of this Canon is virtually the exclusive work of Confucius. It is divided into two parts, and has sixty-four books. The first two books of the first part refer to heaven and earth respectively; those of the second part, to the relation between hus- band and wife; the last two books of this Canon are called " Success " and " Failure ". Heaven and earth are the basis of the universal system, and husband and wife that of the social system. As the world never comes to the stage of perfection, and everything must have an end, this Canon ends at the book of Failure. The thought is mystical ; the words are figurative; the illustrations are math- ematical. The word "changes" has three distinct meanings: easy, changeable, unchangeable; and the principles of this Canon have these three qualities. In fact, the Canon of Changes is the doctrine of evolution, and we may adopt the word evolution instead of changes.
6. The Spring and Autumn. This Canon was origi- nally the annals of Lu_, but Confucius changed them into the present form. It covers the period of two hundred and forty-two years (171 B. K.-71 A. K. or 722-481 B. C), and records the events during the reigns of twelve dukes. For the preparation of this Canon, Confucius sent fourteen pupils to get the sacred books from one hundred and twenty nations. It is an inductive work, written entirely by Confucius himself. This Canon is the most important of all his works. It is not historical in character; the words drawn from history are but the figures by which Confucius has illustrated his principles. '' I should like to convey my ideas as pure theories," said he, " but it is deeper, truer, clearer, brighter, to represent them through the actions of men." He claims the rights of a king, represents his king- dom under the name of Lu, and gives numerous laws along
WRITINGS OF CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES
27
with historical events. Censuring the emperors, abasing the princes, and attacking the great officials, he establishes his kingdom on earth through the Spring and Autumn. On this account, Confucius said : " It is only the Spring and Autumn which will make men know me, and it is only the Spring and Autumn which will make men condemn me." ^
Of the Five Canons, the Canon of Changes and the Spring and Autumn are the most important. The Canons of Poetry, of History, and of Rites contain materials drawn from the ancients and remodeled by him, but the Canon of Changes and the Spring and Autumn are written entirely in his own words. The other three are his ordinary teach- ings; these two, his most important teachings. The Canon of Changes is a deductive work, beginning with abstract principles and proceeding to their practical application, while the Spring and Autumn is inductive, coming to the general theories through the analysis of facts. ^
Both the inductive and the deductive method are em- ployed by Confucius. He recognizes the equal importance of them, and points out the dangers of using either exclu- sively. He says : '' Learning without thought is labor lost ; thought without learning is perilous." '^ The word learning means induction, and the word thought, deduction. They must be combined and neither one can get along without the other. He tells us from his own experience that the single method of deduction is useless. He says : '' I have been the whole day without eating, and the whole night without sleeping — occupied with thinking. It was of no use. The better plan is to learn."* .\gain, he speaks of his
1 Classics, vol. ii, pp. 281-2.
2 Historical Record, ch. cxvii. ' Classics, vol. i, p. 150.
* Ibid., pp. 302-3.
28 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
inductive method as follows : " There may be those who write something without the knowledge of it. I have no such fault. Hearing much, and selecting what is good and using it ; seeing much, and selecting what is good and writ- ing it down: this way of getting knowledge is second only to having knowledge by birth." ^ From these two passages, it seems that he is more in favor of induction than of de- duction.
We must understand, however, that since Confucius was not a historian, but the founder of a religion, his writings are not of a historical but of a religious character. All the data given in his writings, although often true, are primarily figurative illustrations of his own ideas, and he did not necessarily regard them as facts. In the Analects he says :
I can describe the civilization of the Hsia dynasty, but the state of Qii cannot sufficiently prove my words. I can de- scribe the civilization of the Yin dynasty, but the state of Sung cannot sufficiently prove my words. It is because of the in- sufficiency of their literature and scholars. If those were sufficient, I could adduce them in support of my words.^
This passage indicates that Confucius himself fails to find historical data on which to base his doctrines, and that the descriptions of the ancient civilization given by him are simply from his own mind. In the "Doctrine of the Mean,"^ and in the " Evolution of Civilization," * Confucius gives passages similar to the above, so that we are assured that he creates the ancients out of his own mind. Moreover,
^ Classics, vol. i, p. 201.
' Ibid., p. 158.
' Ibid., p. 424.
* Li Ki, bk. vii, p. 368.
WRITINGS OF CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES
29
when Mencius was asked bv Pei-kung Yi about the arrange- ment of dignities and emoluments determined by the Chou dynasty, he replied, '' The particulars of that arrangement cannot be learned, for the princes, disliking them as injur- ious to themselves, have all made away with the records of them." ^ We can see, therefore, that in Confucius' time, not only the civilization of the Hsia and the Yin dynasties had no authentic history, but also that of the Chou dynasty was without complete records. How much more doubtful were the things beyond these three dynasties to which he refers? Yet Confucius describes many matters which refer not only to the Three Dynasties, but also to the legendary periods. When we compare his writings with those of other schools, we find no agreement among the different writers as to the facts, because they all utilize the ancient kings as figures to portray their own theories. Chuang Tzij (a pupil of the disciple of Confucius, who, however, turned to Taoism), is such a writer of the extreme type, and Confucius is one of the moderate type. Mo Tzu, a young pupil of Confucius, and later the founder of the rival school of Moism, said, " Between two philosophers, their words condemn each other, and their actions oppose each other. Yet they both say, * I transmit from the ancients the principles of Yao, Shun, Yu, T'ang, Wen, and Wu.' " ' Han Fei Tzu (died 319 A. K. or 233 B. C), the greatest philosopher of the Law School, formerly a Confucian, said, " Confucius and Mo Tzu both speak of Yao and Shun, but what they select or reject is different. Yet they both claim to be the true representatives of Yao and Shun. As Yao and Shun cannot be alive again, who can be sent to determine the truthful- ness of Confucius and Mo Tzu?"* Han Fei Tzu, living
Classics, vol. ii, p. 373. 2 Bk. XXV. » Bk. 1.
30 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
near to the age of Confucius, yet failed to assert whether the things ascribed by Confucius to the ancient kings were true or not; how can we assert such things to-day? It is evident that Confucius creates them himself.
The reason Confucius uses the names of the ancient kings to father his theories is told by himself, when he says to Ts'eng Tzu, " I humble myself in order to avoid danger, and refer to the ancient kings in order to borrow authority." ^ On the one hand, he escapes danger from the princes, and on the other, he wins the confidence of the people. More- over, as China had a glorious history long before his time, and he was a great scholar, it was natural for him to utilize historical materials for his own purpose. But at bottom, all his writings are the fruh of his own mind and for his own religious teachings.
Some people think, however, that Confucius was " a transmitter and not an originator, believing in and loving the ancients," and quote this phrase from his own words in the Analects.^ But these words simply express the char- acteristic modesty of the Chinese, a quality which Confucius shows in extreme form. Yet he was not always so modest, sometimes confessing that he was an originator. In the Adjunct to the Spring and Autumn, he said, " A sage is never born to do nothing; he must produce something in order to show the mind of God. I am *the wooden-tongued bell ', and make laws for the world." In the Adjunct to the Canon of Filial Piety, he said, " I am the law-making lord." Confucius was the real creator of his new religion, although incidentally transmitting some elements from the ancients.^
1 Adjunct to the Canon of Filial Piety.
' Classics, vol. i, p. 195.
^ Cf. Research on the Reformation of Confucius, published in 2449 (1898 A. D.) by Kang Yu-wei.
WRITINGS OF CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES
31
II. WRITINGS OF THE DISCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
The Five Canons do not give all the teachings of Con- fucius. So if we wish to learn his teachings, besides study- ing his own works, we must study also the writings of his disciples. For they are very closely related to each other, and both together make up the religion of Confucianism. If we neglect the writings of his disciples and take up only his own writings, it means that we omit a great part of his teachings, and that therefore we cannot understand him so well, or do him justice.
We shall now point out the names of the writings of his disciples, calling them Records and Commentaries, in order to distinguish them from the Canons of Confucius.
I. Records and Commentaries
1. The Analects. This is a record of the monologues and conversations of Confucius and his disciples. It was written by his disciples, Chung-kung, Tzu-yu, Tzu-hsia, and others.
2. The Canon of Filial Piety. This may have been written by the pupils of Ts'eng Tzu, ^md it serves as the gateway to the Five Canons.
3. The twelve *' Records '' and the " Commentary of Mourning." These Records are the complements to the twelve books of the Canon of Rites, which were written by the pupils of Confucius. The Commentary explains the mourning system prescribed m the Canon itself, and in the Record, and was written by Tzu-hsia alone. Both these Records and the Commentary are now contained in the Canon of Rites.
4. Elder Tai's Record )f Rites. It was compiled by Tai Te. The number of its original books is disputed. It has thirty-nine books now.
5. Younger Tai's Record of Rites. It was compiled by Tai Sheng, second cousin of Tai Tc. This has forty-nine
32 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
books now^ but its original number is also disputed. It is now called the Record of Rites (Li Ki).
There was originally a compilation entitled The Records of the Seventy Disciples and Their Followers, which in- cluded all the books written by the disciples of Confucius, even the Analects and the Canon of Filial Piety. The num- ber of books was two hundred and four. But the scholars of the Canon of Rites took many books out of it, and formed a particular encyclopaedia on the subject* of rites. The Elder Tai and the Younger Tai, both great scholars of the Rites during the reign of Han Hsiian Ti (479-503 A. K. or 73-49 B. C. ), compiled these two Records, and they are later called the Records of Rites.
6. The ''Appendix" of the Canon of Changes was written by the disciples of Confucius, and is now contained in the Canon of Changes just after the sixty-four books of this Canon.
7. Kung-yang' s Comme^itary. In order to understand the principles of the Spring and Autumn, nay, in order to understand the principles of Confucius at all, it is necessary to study Kung-yang's Commentary. Fearing the injury which the princes would do to his writings, Confucius omitted all detailed explanation in the Spring and Autumn, and such explanation is given by this Commentary, which records the oral teachings of Confucius. In fact, it is the keystone of Confucianism. It and the Canon are now con- tained in a single book.^
8. Ku-liang's Commentary is also a commentary on the Spring and Autumn, and a record of the oral teachings of Confucius. This Commentary is inferior to that of Kung- yang. It also is compiled with the Canon in a single book. These two Commentaries were written by the disciples of Tzu-hsia.
1 The Annotation of Kung-Yang given by Ho Hsiu (680-733, or 129- 182 A. D.) is very valuable and reliable.
WRITINGS OF CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES
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9. The Seven Adjuncts. They were seven separate books, each of them supplementing respectively the Six Canons and the Canon of Filial Piety. The Canons are the warp, the Adjuncts the woof. Some scholars say that they were written by Confucius himself." Since they appeared in the Former Han dynasty, and their interpretations agree with the Canons and the Modern Literature School, they are very valuable, because they give many oral teachings of Con- fucius. We are sure that they were written by his disciples, although many statements were added to them by the Con- fucians of the Former Han dynasty. In character, they were religious, mystical and prophetical. Unfortunately, they were prohibited by several emperors, and burned en- tirely by Sui Yang Ti (about 11 56, or 605 A. D.). To-day, there is only a collection of their fragments.
2. Independent Works
There is another kind of writing, which is not the record of the words of Confucius, nor the commentary on his works. Such a kind is called tsii philosophy. It is a name given to the works either of the founders of different schools, or of the most prominent followers of any school. There are some original and independent thoughts in such writings. Among the Confucians, the most important works of this kind are those of Mencius and Hsun Tzu.
1. Ming Tzii is the work of Mencius himself, and has seven books.
2. Hsnn Tzii is the work of Hsun Tzu (218-339, or 334- 213 B. C. ), and has thirty-two books.
Although these two books are the independent works of the authors, they are exponents of the principles of Con- fucius. Therefore, they are not the exclusive products of
' History of Sui, ch. xxxii.
34 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
Alencius and Hsun Tzu, and form a part of the religion of Confucius.
III. CONCLUSION
Passing through the Ch^in dynasty and the Former Han dynasty, to the time of Liu Hsin (died 574, or 2^ A. D.), all the Confucian literature remained the same as the orig- inal works of Confucius and his disciples. Unfortunately, when the political usurper, Wang Mang, came to power (551-574, or I B. C.-2^ A. D.), there was also a religious usurper named Liu Hsin. At that time, books were scarce. Liu Hsin in 545 (7 B. C.) succeeded his father, Lia Hsiang,^ as the reviewer in the imperial library. Both he and his father were great scholars; but he, under such favorable conditions, made many corruptions in the whole Confucian Bible in order to satisfy his literary purpose and the political purpose of Wang Mang. In 560 (9 A. D.) he was made by Wang Mang the National Teacher. He changed the order of the Six Canons—the Canon of Changes first, the History second, the Poetry third, etc. Since he had no way to destroy the Bible, he changed the original text somewhat and put some spurious words, state- ments, chapters, and books into it. Then he wrote or com- piled many books for the interpretation of his spurious Bible. He found an ingenious pretext to help him. There had been a burning of literature by the Ch'in Dynasty (339 A. K. or 213 B. C), but the existence of the Confucian literature was not affected. Yet Liu Hsin pretended that the existing Confucian literature was not complete on ac- count of that fire, and that his spurious books were the only
^ Liu Hsiang (473-544, or 79 B. C. to 8 A. D.) became the reviewer in the imperial library in 526 (26 B. C), and his son, Liu Hsin, was his assistant. He was the author of the Park of Narratives, the New Narration, the Biography of Noteworthy Women, etc. He was one of the greatest authorities in the Modem Literature.
WRITINGS OF CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES 35
old texts rediscovered, in the period between 397 and 423 (155-129 B. C), which had escaped this burning. Hence, he called his spurious books the Ancient Literature.
Liu Hsin's chief works are these: i. He compiled the Official System of Chou under the feigned name of the Duke of Chou, making the Duke a rival to Confucius. 2. He wrote the spurious Tso's Commentary, formed from the greater part of Tso-ch'iu Ming's Narratives of Nations, in order to interpret the Spring and Autumn. This was a great calamity.^
Opposing this spurious Ancient Literature are the true Canons interpreted by the great authorities of the Former Han dynasty. These interpretations are called the Modern Literature. Of course, it is very difficult to distinguish the true Canons from the spurious Canons, especially as many of the books of the Modern Literature have been lost.^ But,
' Although the Official System of Chou and Tso's Commentary are the compilations of Liu Hsin, they give much information about the old customs, institutions and facts, because the materials of the Official System of Chou are drawn from the old books, and the Narratives of Nations is a history. Therefore, for the sake of mere facts, we can- not help making use of these two books.
2 Cheng Hsiian (678-751, or 127-200 A. D.) was the chief figure among all the Confucians of the Han dynasty. He studied both the Modern and the Ancient Literature, but his works were based on the latter more than on the former. He was a very good man, and a very good scholar, though he mixed up the Modern and the Ancient Litera- ture. He commented on nearly all the canonical books, taking up the interpretations from both the Modern and the Ancient Literature, but he used the text of the Ancient Literature for his annotation. There- fore, when his annotations were generally accepted, nearly all the Modern Literature was lost, but the Ancient Literature remains. From the time that Liu Hsin made the Ancient Literature, there had always been a bitter rivalry between the two schools, who had never come to any compromise. H such a condition had lasted forever, the Modern Literature would never have been lost. But, since Cheng Hsiian mi.Kcd up the two, a great confusion had been interwoven through them, and it is very difficult to distinguish them. Through his influence, the
36 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
since some still remain, and since there are many collections of the fragments of the Modern Literature, a most careful study has aeiermined what the true Canons are. While every word cannot be made out, still the Five Canons are at least ninety per cent authentic.
Both these two classes of books — the Canons of Con- fucius, and the Records, Commentaries and the independent works of his disciples — are sources from which we have learned the principles of Confucius. In addition to these authorities, we use many interpretations suggested by the Confucians of different ages, from the Han dynasty to the present day, and information supplied by different philoso- phers from the Chou dynasty to the Former Han dynasty. But these need not be mentioned here. The details of dis- tinguishing the Modern Literature from the Ancient Litera- ture are very complex, and we have not space to discuss them here.^ We have been very careful to base this study on the works of the School of Modern Literature, to leave out entirely spurious passages and books, and to present the principles of Confucius with all possible accuracy.
It should be noted that the influence of the writings cited above is exceedingly great. Nearly all Chinese institutions are based upon them. This appears from a consideration of the great events in Chinese history in their chronological order. The abolition of the feudal system, the abolition of
forged books of Liu Hsin were diffused and accepted. The people read him, and through him believed Liu Hsin. Therefore he was un- consciously a strong supporter of Liu Hsin, and a betrayer of Con- fucius. Despite this, he was a great authority, and from him we learn some of the oral teachings of Confucius. His chief works which re- main are the Annotation of the Canon of Peotry, the Annotation of the Canon of Rites, the Annotation of the Record of Rites, and the Annotation of the Official System of Chou.
^ The best book for it is the Research on the False Bible of the School of Hsin, published in 2442 (1891 A. D.) by Kang Yu-wei.
WRITINGS OF CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES
37
hereditary officials, the election system, the educational sys- tem, the adoption of the calendar of the Hsia dynasty, the three years' mourning, the distribution of the public land — all these were the products of Confucius himself. The theories of these writings are called by the Chinese " canon- ical principles," and they are of value not only for study, but even more in their application to practical affairs. Therefore, even a single word or a single phrase may be of great importance in the solution of problems of the day. For example, the Chinese want constitutional government, but they refer to Confucius for the support of their demand. Confucius is the chief authority, and it is the habit of the Chinese to seek from these writings sanction or guidance in the determination of important questions. It is neces- sary to bear these facts in mind in order to understand the significance of the quotations from these writings, no matter how short or how figurative they may be.
It should be noted also that Confucius was not primarily an economist. He was a general philosopher, interested in many things. Throughout all his writings, there is scarcely a single book treating exclusively of economic subjects. But there are many passages and chapters referring to economic life and giving economic principles. When we combine these two classes of writings, we find that economic prin- ciples are quite abundant. But the difficulty is that they are scattered through all the writings, and in such a chaotic way that they are not easily collected and arranged. Moreover, when there is an economic principle, it is generally mixed up with something else. Therefore, in bringing together the economic teachings of Confucius from these writings, we shall arrange them in the order of modern economists. That is to say, that while materials are old, the arrangement is quite new.
For the interpretation of these writings, we shall, so far
38 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
as possible, pick out the best from among the many old scholars. But, if we are not satisfied with the old interpre- tation, we are obliged to make a new one according to the original texts. Therefore, while the author does not pretend to any originality, he does claim to have discovered some new truths contained in the old texts.
CHAPTER IV
Historical Movements of Confucianism
Confucianism is the name of the new religion founded by Confucius. The word Confucianism in Chinese is called Ju, which may be applied both to the religion of Confucius and to his followers. Since Confucianism has been made the state religion, and practically every Chinese has been a Confucian, the word Ju is used narrowly as equivalent to scholar or litterateur/ but in its original sense it signifies simply those who believe the teachings of Confucius. Among the whole body of Ju, there are still many different classes. Confucius said to Tzu-hsia : " You shall be a great man of Jii, and shall not be a small man of Ju." ^ Hsun Tzu ^ classifies the people as these: — the common people, the common Ju, the regular ///, and the great Ju. In the time of Hsun Tzu, Confucianism did not yet rule the whole Chinese people, so that the heathen of Confucianism were called common people. But even within the limit of Ju, there were still varying degrees. For the governing of his people, Confucius sets forth the '* Conducts of Ju " * as the Confucian creed.
Confucianism is the new religion of China, but what was
' James Leggc says: " We must bear in mind that the literati in China do in reality occupy the place of priests and ministers in Christian king- doms. Sovereign and people have to seek the law at their lips." Chinese Classics, vol. ii, p. 53.
''Classics, vol. i, p. 189. 'Bk. viii.
* Li k'i, bk. xxxviii, pp. 402-410.
29
40
THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
her old religion? Her old religion was polytheism, and had no special name. According to the OMcial System of Chou ^ there were four classes of spirits — the spirits of heaven, of earth, of the dead, and of all material things — but above all there was a Supreme God. For the communi- cation between the spirits and men, rose the priesthood, which was a body of scholars. They divided their pro- fession into six departments: — (i) astrology, (2) the alma- nac, (3) the five elements (water, fire, wood, metal and earth), (4) milfoil and tortoise, (5) miscellaneous foretell- ing (dream-interpreting, devil-driving, prayer, etc.), (6) physical laws (the features of geography, of cities, of build- ing, of human beings, of animals, of things, etc.). The History of Han ^ puts these six professions into the class of " magic ", but they were really a mixture of magic and science which is unintelligible and forgotten to-day.
Under this old religion, the whole empire was ruled by superstition. Confucius was a great religious reformer who swept away the old and established the new. He did not like to talk about extraordinary things and spiritual beings.^ " To give one's self earnestly," said he, " to the duties due to men, and, while respecting spiritual beings, to keep aloof from them, may be called wisdom." * In Confucianism, there is no prayer. Confucius being very sick, Tzu-lu, his pupil, asked leave to pray for him. The master said: " My praying has been for a long time." ^ In other words, he had no need of prayer. The Canon of Poetry speaks of " seeking for much happiness by yourself," ® which Mencius explains as meaning, " Calamity and happiness are in all
' Chs. xviii, xxvii. 'Ch. xxx.
^Classics, vol. i, p. 201.
*/did., p. 191. ^ Ibid., p. 206.
''Ibid., vol. iv, pt. ii, p. 431.
HISTORICAL MOVEMENTS OF CONFUCIANISM
41
cases of man's own seeking-." ^ Confucius frees all mankind from supernatural power, and lays stress on the independent cultivation of one's own personality. Any individual, who has reached the highest standard of the means and harmony, can fix the Heaven and Earth and can nourish all things.^ In fact, such a religion not only was new to China in an- cient times, but is also new in the Western World to-day, where it is only now appearing in such forms as the Ethical Culture Society, though we find its essentials also in the teachings of Aristotle and of the stoics.
Confucianism is a religion of the highest development, so we must not think Confucius unreligious. In the Canon of Changes, Confucius said, " The sages took the spiritual way to establish religion, and hence the world submitted to them." ^ '' To combine ghost and spirit," said Confucius, " is the good form of religion. . . . The sages framed dis- tinctly the names of ghost and spirit, to constitute a pattern for the black-haired race; and all the multitudes were filled with awe and the myriads of the people constrained to sub- mission." * All this shows that Confucius recognized the usefulness of the old religion, and so did not destroy it en- tirely. In his writings, we still find some of the old ele- ments. Because he knew that the world could not attain the final stage at once, he did not carry his ideal too far, and this was one reason why Confucianism was accepted as the state religion of China. From the beginning of Chinese his- tory, the old religion had been combined with politics, and the sage rulers had been the heads of both government and church: but ever since the new religion arose. Confucius,
' Classics, vol. ii. p. 198. ^ Ibid., vol. i, p. 385.
^ Yi Kin^, p. 230. The two words "spiritual way" in Chinese are pronounced sh^n tao. Hence, the Japanese call their religion Shen- taoism.
* Li A7, bk. xxi, pp. 220-221.
42 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
coming from an ordinary family, has been ''The Throneless King," and religion has been separated from politics — the great sage was not necessarily to have a crown.
We must not think, however, that Confucianism was to become a state religion without a struggle for supremacy. In the periods of Spring and Autumn (171 B. K.-71 A. K. or 722-481 B. C) and of Warring States (149-331 A. K. or 403-221 B. C), great philosophers with creative genius were numerous, and each fought for his own doctrines. According to the History of Hanj^ there were nine sects: (i) Confucianism, (2) Taoism, (3) Spiritualism (the old religion), (4) The School of Law, (5) The School of Logic, (6) Moism, (7) The School of Diplomacy, (8) The School of Generalization, (9) The School of Agriculture. The most powerful of these were Confucianism, Taoism and Moism. Yang Chu was a great disciple of Lao Tzu, and he made Taoism a religion of extreme egoism, while Mo Tzu established his own school, which was one of ex- treme altruism. Yang was like Epicurus, and Mo was like Jesus. During the time of Mencius, the doctrines of Yang and Mo ruled the whole empire, and endangered the exist- ence of Confucianism.^ A little later, however, as society would not accept the doctrine of Taoism, now made ex- tremely egoistic by Yang Chu, the only rivals were Con- fucianism and Moism. At the end of the Chou dynasty and the beginning of the Han dynasty, the names of Confucius and Mo Ti had equal prominence, and a life and death struggle between the two coming religions was now going on.
Let us consider the fate of Confucianism. After the death of Confucius, his pupils scattered over the whole em- pire. Some became teachers and ministers in the govern-
^Ch. XXX. ^Classics, vol. ii, pp.^282-3.
HISTORICAL MOVEMENTS OF CONFUCIANISM 43
ments of different states, some private teachers. In 145 A. K. (407 B. C), the Marquis Wen of Wei accepted the Confucian Bible from Tzu-hsia. This was the first time that Confucianism was recognized as a state religion. About 231 A. K. (321 B. C), the Marquis Wen of Teng put Confucianism into practice on the advice of Mencius.^ During this same period, we find that five states — Lu, Ch'i, Wei, Sung, and Ch'in — had established the Board of Great Scholars, {Po Shih), the government professorship of Con- fucianism. Confucianism attained this dominance largely because of the achievements of its disciples. According to Hayi Fei Tzu,^ Confucianism was at that time divided up into eight branches. But the greatest Confucians fighting against all other schools were Mencius and Hsun Tzu. When the First Emperor of the Ch'in dynasty con- solidated the whole empire, and Li Ssu, pupil of Hsun Tzu, became the prime minister, Confucianism was made in 339 (213 B. C. ) a universal religion throughout the Chinese world, although this tyrannical emperor did not give religious freedom to the people, but confined authority of interpreta- tion to the government.^ The life of the Ch'in dynasty, however, was short, and the influence of the different schools was still felt during the beginning of the Han dynasty. It was not until 412 (140 B. C. ) that Han Wu Ti accepted the proposal of Tung Chung-shu, the greatest Confucian of the Han dynasty, to abolish all other religions and to es- tablish Confucianism as the only one. Then all the other schools, including Moism, died out, and the supremacy of Confucianism was complete.
During the Han dynasty (346-771, or 206 B. C.-220 A. D.), the influence of Confucianism was so great that its
^Classics, vol. ii, pp. 235-247. »Bk. 1.
^ Cf. Classics, vol. i. pp. 7-9.
44
THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
Bible served not only as a religious book, but also as a legal code. The whole Confucian school in this dynasty may be styled the canonistic school. During the Latter Han dy- nasty (576-771, or 25-220 A. D.) especially, the moral in- fluence produced by Confucianism was the best in Chinese history. Personal honor and personal liberty were the first considerations; and, during the decay of this dynasty, the students fighting against the bad government sacrificed even their lives. The moral standard of society as a whole was very high. In fact, the Han dynasty, although not following the best principles of Confucius, proved the appli- cability of Confucianism to practical as well as theoretical problems.
After the Han dynasty, Confucianism fell into a period of decline. Tsao Tsao, the founder of the Wei dynasty, in 761 (210 A. D.) openly decreed official employment of bad men, and destroyed the moral influence that Confucianism had exerted. During the Wei and the Tsin dynasties (771- 867, or 220-316 A. D.), Taoism was powerful; and during the Southern and the Northern dynasties, and the Sui and the Tang dynasties (868-1458, or 317-907 A. D.), Buddhism prevailed. Confucianism, although remaining nominally the state religion, had lost its supremacy. Nevertheless, the governments, especially those of the Northern Wei, the Northern Chou and the Tang dynasties, did apply some Confucian prmciples to political and economic problems, so that the people still enjoyed some of its benefits. There was only one scholar, Han Yii (1319-1375, or 768-824 A. D.), who fought for Confucianism, and against Taoism and Buddhism. Han Yii, not a deep philosopher, but the great- est writer since the Han dynasty, gave a death-blow to Taoism and Buddhism by attacking them from the economic standpoint. But the popular study of this period was liter- ature in the narrow sense, and the Confucian philosophy
HISTORICAL MOVEMENTS OF CONFUCIANISM
45
was the study of but few. Then came the age of the Five Dynasties (1458-1511, or 907-960 A. D.) which, for Con- fucianism, was worst of all.
But such a decline had to come to an end, and during the Sung dynasty there were many great Confucians. The greatest of these was Chu Hsi (1681-1751, or 11 30- 1200 A. D.), who was the Martin Luther of Confucianism and whose influence is still strong at the present time. He, how- ever, was a one-sided reformer who emphasized the ethical teachings of Confucius, and omitted his religious views; laid stress on individual character and neglected social welfare. In this dynasty, there was a great statesman named Wang An-shih (i 572-1637, or 1021-1086 A. D.), who tried to change the whole of society by economic reforms. There was also a school called Yungchia (about 17 14-1775, or 1 163-1224 A. D.)", that advocated material welfare as well as moral cultivation. But both failed to overcome the gen- eral influence of public opinion, and the scholars usually paid much attention to philosophical controversies and for- got practical problems. Passing through the Yiian and the Ming dynasties, the learning was not different from that of the Sung dynasty, although in the Ming dynasty there was Wang Shou-jen (2023-2079, or 1472-1528 A. D.) who was rival to Chu Hsi. For this period (1511-2194, or 960-1643 A. D.) the whole Confucian school may be styled the philo- sophical school.
In the present dynasty, beginning in 2195 (1644 A. D.), Confucianism has been in the period of renaissance. There were three great Confucians at the beginning of this dy- nasty: Ku Yen-wu (2163-2232, or 1612-1681 A. D.). Huang Tsung-hsi (2160-2246, or 1609- 1695 ^^- D.), and Wang Fu-chih (2178-2230, or 1627- 1679 -^- D.). They did not belong to any particular school, but were great in many lines. Then came the school of the canonists. First
46 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
(about 22Sy-2^'/i, or 1736-1820 A. D.), they turned from the learning of all the mediaeval and modern dynasties to the school of Ancient Literature of the Latter Han dynasty. Second (about 2372-2425, or 1821-1874 A. D.), they went back to the school of Modern Literature of the Former Han dynasty, and new thoughts sprang up. Kung Tsi-chin (born in 2343, or 1792 A. D.) and Wei Yiian (died in 2407, or 1856 A. D.) were the representatives of this move- ment. In the present day, the greatest exponent of Con- fucius is Kang Yu-wei, the personal advisor of Te Tsung in the political reforms of 2449 (1898 A. D.).
We may roughly sum up the historical movements of Confucianism under six heads : ( i ) the school of the doc- trine of Great Similarity, emphasizing liberty, handed down from Tzu-yu, Tzu-ssu to Mencius; (2) the school of the doctrine of Small Tranquillity, emphasizing government, handed down from Chung-kung to Hsun Tzu. Li Ssu applied it to the government of the Ch'in dynasty (331, or 221 B. C), and it has lasted to the present day; (3) the theological school, drawn from the whole Bible, and espec- ially from the " Great Model " of the Canon of History^ the Canon of Changes, and the Spring and Autumn. Tung Chung-shu and Liu Hsiang were conspicuous representa- tives, but this school was practically ended after the Han dynasty; (4) the ethical school, the chief element of Con- fucianism, and highly developed in the Sung and the Ming dynasties; (5) the historical school, based on the Canon of History and the Spring and Autumn. Ssu-ma Chien and other great historians were the representatives; (6) the school of literary research and scientific study, set forth by Confucius, and popularly, but narrowly, applied in the present dynasty.
So far as we can see, we have not yet come to the best principles of Confucius. There have been many causes
HISTORICAL MOVEMENTS OF CONFUCIANISM 47
for this, but the influence of the government on religion has been the most important one. With a few exceptions, the mind of the great mass of students has been controlled by the direction of the government and this has greatly hampered the natural development of Confucianism. As soon as the Chinese shall have established a constitutional government, and secured perfect freedom of thought, Con- fucianism must enter on a new life. Then we may hope to have the stage of Great Similarity for the whole world.
BOOK II RELATION OF ECONOMICS TO OTHER SCIENCES
CHAPTER V
Economics and Other Sciences in General I. definition of economics
The equivalent of the English term *' economics " in Chinese is " administering wealth." Such a term explains itself, and calls for no definition. Let us, however, trace the origin of the term. It occurs first in the '' Appendix " of the Canon of Changes as follows : "That which enables men to live collectively, is wealth. Administering wealth, formu- lating rules, and prohibiting the people from doing wrong — this is called justice." ^ Since the " Appendix " was written, the Chinese have usually used the term *' adminis- tering wealth " for the art of political economy, and also for the science of economics. But the modern Japanese has adopted another Chinese term, ching chi, for the word economics; and Herbert A. Giles has put this term, ching chi, in his Chinese-English Dictionary for *' political econ- omy ". The term ching chi, however, has a very broad meaning, and is not a good equivalent for the word eco- nomics. It generally means statesmanship, and covers the whole field of governmental action. It thus belongs to politics rather than to economics. It will be well, there-
^Yi King,'^. 381. 48
ECONOMICS AND OTHER SCIENCES
49
fore, to keep the old term '* administering wealth " as the equivalent of economics, since it is much more accurate and comprehensive than the term ching chi.
As we have taken the scientific term from the Confucian text, let us also adopt its definition. The term *' administer- ing wealth " covers the whole field of economics. *' Formu- lating rules " and " prohibiting the people from doing* wrong " refer respectively to the ethical and political life. All three of these aspects of life should be directed by the principle of justice, and their relations will be stated later. But we must remember that the object of " administering wealth " is man. Our reason for administering wealth is simply that men are living collectively and need wealth to support them. Man is our end, and wealth our means. From this we get as a definition: Economics is the science administering wealth according to the principle of justice, for the sake of men who live collectively.
II. GENERAL RELATION TO OTHER SCIENCES
From the above-quoted passage from the " Appendix " of the Canon of Changes, we can understand not only the meaning of economics, but also its relation to other sci- ences. Since the chief object of ** administering wealth " is man, and man living collectively, when we administer wealth, we must deal with the whole body of men. Thus economics is very close to sociology. All the social sci- ences relate to man, so they all are also connected with eco- nomics. But there are two groups, most closely related to economics, that is, the moral and the political sciences. We cannot administer wealth in society without " fonnulating rules " as to what is right and what is wrong. The way to '* formulate rules " is through moral teachings, and under this heading come the sciences of language, education, ethics and religion. W'c cannot administer wealth in a society
^O THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
without " prohibiting the people from doing wrong ". This we must do by political organizations, and in this group come the sciences of politics and law. All of these sciences — economics, ethics, and politics — are part of the science of justice, and they form a single group. But of them all, economics comes first, and is the most important. If we cannot maintain our economic life, we do not care to formu- late our rules, and moral science is useless; we do not fear the prohibition of wrongdoing, and political science is without force. If there is to be any ethics or politics, there must be economic life before them. The "Appendix,'* therefore, tells us not only the close connection of economics with other sciences, but also the relatively higher importance of economics.
In the "Great Model" contained in the Canon of History, there are eight objects of government: " The first is called food; the second, commodities; the third, sacrifices; the fourth, the minister of works ; the fifth, the minister of edu- cation; the sixth, the minister of justice; the seventh, the entertainment of guests; and the eighth, the army." ^
These eight objects of government are simply the eight objects of human activities. We can understand their rela- tion to each other from their order. First of all, food is most important, to satisfy hunger; and this word indicates agricultural life. The word commodities includes all other economic goods, among which money holds a prominent place, and indicates commercial and industrial life. These two words, " food and commodities ", represent the whole economic life, and they stand first before any other human activities. After the material wants are satisfied, religious worship begins. Then comes in the minister of works, to improve the physical environment ; the minister of education,
^ Classics, vol. iii, pt. ii, p. 327.
ECONOMICS AND OTHER SCIENCES
51
to develop the intellectual and moral power; and the min- ister of justice, to enforce the law. Now, the life of polite society is developed, and this is called the entertainment of guests. Finally, the army is maintained to keep the whole society in peace.
If we compare the eight objects of the " Great Model " with the seven sciences that Roscher groups together — lan- guage, religion, art, science, law, the state and economy — we may say that art and science are included in the functions of the minister of works and the minister of education, that language is implied in education, and that the state is repre- sented by all eight objects. If we compare them with the eight groups of Prof. R. T. Ely — language, art, education, religion, family life, society life, political life, economic life — we may say that the family life is a concern of the min- ister of education. It is remarkable that the statement of the Confucian Bible is so similar to that of the modern economists.
It should be noted that all the great historians, except Ssu-ma Chien, have entitled all the economic histories of different dynasties " Record of Food and Commodities ". This shows what great influence Confucianism exercises upon the economic thought of the Chinese.
From the " Great Model/' we have seen the relation of economics to other sciences in general ; and from the " Ap- pendix ", we have seen the relation of economics to soci- ology, politics and ethics in particular. Now, we shall study the relation of economics to these three sciences separately.
CHAPTER VI
Economics and Sociology
i. economics as the basis of sociology
Since economics is the science which administers wealth within human society, we shall consider first the relation be- tween economics and sociology. In order to understand this relation, we must first raise the question. How does society come to exist ? For the answer to this question, the " Ap- pendix " has given the statement quoted above, " That which enables men to live collectively, is wealth." Therefore, sociology is dependent upon economics. If there were no wealth, men could not live collectively, and there would be no society. Before many men can live collectively, man must live individually. The individual man cannot live without wealth, but can live without society, because he can get wealth from nature instead of men. Therefore, eco- nomics precedes sociology.
For the explanation of the fundamental cause of the formation of co-operative groups, Hsun Tzu gives a good sociological theory, and it answers the question as to why society comes to exist. He says :
The water and fire have breath, but without life. The herb and wood have life, but without knowledg^e. The bird and beast have knowledg^e, but without justice. Man has breath, life, knowledg^e, and also justice ; hence he is the noblest beings in the world. His strength is not equal to that of the bull, and his running: is not equal to that of the horse ; yet the bull and horse are subjected to him. Why ? It is because man 52
ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY
53
is able to be social and they are not. How is man able to be social ? It is by the principle of individual rig^ht. How can the individual right be realized ? By justice. Therefore, justice and individual rig^ht make men harmonious. Since men are harmonious, they form one unity. Since they form one unity, they increase their streng^th. Increasing^ their strengfth, they become strong^. Since they are strong, they conquer the natural things. Hence, the house can be secured for their safety. Hence, they arrange the four seasons, master all things, and benefit the world universally. It is for no other cause than that man possesses right and justice. Therefore, when man is bom, he cannot get along without society. But if society did not distribute the individual right justly, men would quarrel. If they were to quarrel, society would be dis- orderly. If society were disorderly, men would be disunited. If men were disunited, they would be weak. If they were weak, they could not conquer natural things. Hence, the house could not be secured for their safety. All of which means that rites and justice cannot be left out for a moment/
According to the theory of Hsun Tzu, society is based on legal rights, and legal rights are based on ethical justice. But the reason men form a society is simply because they want to unite in order to conquer the natural things through their collective activities. Therefore, the struggle between men and animals is the chief cause for the formation of society. Having society, they are strong enough to con- quer these things, otherwise they cannot; and so men sur- vive through being social — a foreshadowing of the prin- ciple of " natural selection " in explaining the development of sociality. Indeed, in men's economic needs is found the primary cause of the formation of society.
Pan Ku (583-643 A. K. or 32-92 A. D.) says:
Imitating the manner of heaven and earth, embracing the
'Bk. ix.
54 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
nature of the five moral constants, man, who is wise, subtile and pure, is the most intelligent being: of all the species. His fingfer nails and his teeth cannot supply his wants. His running: cannot escape danglers. He himself has no fur nor feather ag^ainst heat and cold. He must enslave natural things in order to provide for his nourishment. Trusting: to intellectual power and not to physical streng:th, he is the noble being:. Therefore, if men did not love each other, they could not be social. If they were not social, they could not conquer natural thingfs. If they could not conquer natural thing:s, their nourishment would be insufficient. When they g:ather tog:ether, but their nourishment is insufficient, the warring: spirit arises. The g:reat sag:e first superexcellently practises the virtues of respect, deference, and universal love, so that the mass of people love and follow him. If the people follow him and form a society, he is the ruler. If the people come and g:o to him, he is the king:.^
According to the theory of Pan Ku, society is based on love. But why should men love each other and form a society? This is simply because men have to conquer nature for their nourishment. Here, Pan Ku gives the same reason for the formation of society as that which is given by Hsun Tzu, namely, economic utility. But Hsun Tzu mentions the house because he emphasizes the struggle for safety, while Pan Ku mentions nourishment, because he em- phasizes the struggle for subsistence. Yet their fundamental point is the same.
The social constitution is established not always accord- ing to the idea of the sages, but mostly through the histori- cal development of actual conditions. And this actual con- dition is based on economic causes, namely, the struggle
^History of Han, ch. xxiii. The word "society" and the word "ruler" in the Chinese language are both pronounced chun, and the words "go" and "king," wan^. In the Chinese characters, the words in each pair have also marked similarity in form.
ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY 55
for existence. In his " Essay on Feudalism ", Liu Chung- yuan ( 1 324-1 370 A. K. or 773-819 A. D.) says:
In the begfinningf man is born at the same time with other thingfs. The veg^etable king^dom is wild, and the animal king:- dom is cruel. Man cannot fig^ht with his hand and eat with his mouth, as can the beast. He also has no feathers, as has the bird. He is unable to be self-supporting" and self-protect- ing:. Hsun Tzu has said that he must borrow some material thing's from outside for his use. Generally, if he borrows some material things from outside, struggle or war must arise. If the war is ceaseless, he must come to one who can decide the dispute, and must obey his dictate. Those who are the wise men must have a great number of subjects. When the wise men tell them what is right and they do not correct themselves, punishment must be used to increase their fear. In this way, the ruler, the leader, laws and politics arise. Therefore, the men of the neighborhood organize themselves into a society. But, when the society is formed, the division is sharper, and the war must be greater. When the war is greater, military force and personal virtue are more import- ant. If there are those who possess the greater virtue, the leaders of various societies will come to them and obey their dictate, in order to keep their members peaceful. Hence, the class of feudal lords exists ; but the war is still greater. If there are those who possess still greater virtue, the feudal lords will come to them and obey their dictate, in order to keep their territory peaceful. Hence, some sort of leading princes exist ; but the war is still greater. If there is a man whose virtue is greatest of all, the leading princes will come to him and obey his dictate, in order to keep all the people peaceful. Then the whole world is united into one. There- fore, there must be first the masters of towns, then the magis- trates of districts. Having the niaq^istrates, then come the feudal lords. Having the feudal lords, then come the leading princes. Having leading princes, then arises the emperor. From the emperor to the town-master, if their virtue has
^6 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
impressed the mind of the people, the people certainly sup- port their posterity, after their death, in holding: their office througfh hereditary right. Therefore, feudalism is not the idea of the sagfes, but only the necessity of the condition.
According to Hsun Tzii, society is based on justice; ac- cording to Pan Ku, on love ; and according to Liu Chung- yiian, on necessity. These three theories — legal, ethical and historical — are correct, although they are from different points of view. But v^^hy does society come to exist? On this point, they give the same answer. Man is physically weaker than other animals. If he wants to conquer other things, or enslave them, or borrow them from outside, he must make himself stronger. If he wants to make himself stronger, he must co-operate with his fellows. If he co- operates with his fellows, such a society must be based on justice, love and necessity to avoid war and keep peace. Therefore, society is the result, but economic life is the cause. Had the human being had no economic needs, so- ciety would not exist. Why do men regard social justice and observe individual right ? Why do men love each other and restrain the warring spirit? Why do men make war against each other before society is formed, and why is the war still greater when that society is larger? Why do the warlike animals subdue their passions and come to the arbi- trator, obey the law of the ruler and keep peace among themselves? It is simply for their own interest. But their own interest is nothing greater than the economic interest. In a word, society is an organization carrying on the strug- gle for existence in collective form. Ethics and law, re- ligion and politics, love and hatred, peace and war, justice and injustice, all of them are the results of economic causes. Indeed, economic interest is the basis of everything. Ac- cording to Liu Chung-yiian, war continues among the dif-
ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY
57
erent sizes of societies, and it ceases only in the unification of the whole world. It is the doctrine of "great uniformity" of Confucius. But, in the past, the world from the Chinese point of view was fictitious ; in the present, the world is the real one. By the application of " great uniformity " to the real world, the whole world will be equalized into a single economic unit, and industrialism instead of militarism will dominate the globe. In short, world economy is the solu- tion of the problems of world sociology, and it is the step to the stage of Great Similarity.
II. ECONOMICS AS THE BASIS OF RELIGION
As religion is a great force in social life, we may ask how it comes to exist. The answer to this question is given by Confucius, who says:
The first development of relig^ion beg^an with food and drink. Primitive people roasted millet and pieces of pork on heated stones ; they excavated the gfround in the form of a jar, and scooped the wine from it with their two hands ; they fashioned a handle of clay, and struck with it an earthen drum. Simple as this economic life was, they yet seemed to be able to ex- press by these things their reverence for spiritual beingfs.'
That is, food and drink follow heaven and earth, and wor- ship follows food and drink. This means that immediately after the creation of heaven and earth, as soon as there is a man, there must be economic life; and that the religious life comes next. The '' Great Model," therefore, puts " sacri- fices " next only to " food and commodities ". Indeed, eco- nomic satisfaction is the condition necessary for the de- velopment of religion.
'A; AV. bk. vii, p. 368.
58
THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
III. ORIGIN OF MAN
Since economics and sociology are interdependent, we should study the sociological teachings of Confucius in order the better to understand his economic teachings. Among all his sociological teachings, there is nothing more important than the doctrines of the fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man. With these doctrines as a basis, there arise the principle of universal love, the prin- ciple of universal equality^ and the principle of individual independence. We may designate these doctrines by a phrase — the origin of man. One cannot understand the foundations of society until he knows the origin of man, but he cannot think of the origin of man until he satisfies his economic wants.
We have already said that the word Yiian is similar to the word God and that they are different only from differ- ent points of view. However, we shall discuss them more fully, and take up the doctrine of Yiian first. The word Yiian is the first word of the Spring and Autumn, and it is the chief principle of Confucius' philosophy. Or- dinarily, one says the first year of the reign of so and so, but Confucius says, " yuan year " instead of the first year. Ho Hsiu comments: " Yiian is the infinite breath, from which the immaterial things arise and the material things are separated. It creates heaven and earth, and it is the beginning of heaven and earth." This is the theory of creation in Confucianism. The Many Dewdrops of the Spring and Autumn ^ says : " Only the holy man can relate the myriad of things to one and subject them to the Yiian. . . . YUan means the origin. . . . Yiian is the root of everything, upon which the origin of man depends. Where is the origin of man? It precedes heaven and earth." The
'Written by Tung Chung-shu, bk. xiii.
ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY 59
Canon of Changes says : *' How great the masculine Yiian is! All things owe to it their beginning. It governs the heavens." ^
Yiian is the ruling power governing the whole universe. It is interpreted most clearly by Ho Hsiu, who says, '' Yiian is the infinite breath." In fact, it is the natural and origi- nating force of everything. In the " Evolution of Civiliza- tion," it is called Grand Unity.^ In the '' Appendix," it is called Grand Summit.^ But the name of Grand Unity can be changed into the word Heaven in the '' Evolution of Civilization," and the word Heaven is identified with the word God in many places. Therefore, the word Yiian is identified with the word God. The reason Confucius pre- fers the word Yiian to the word God is because Yiian is infinite, while God is personal. Indeed, Confucius writes from the philosophical rather than from the religious point of view.
Since Yiian is the origin of everything, the origin of man must be derived from it. But it is not only the origin of man, but also the origin of the heavens. Therefore, man may originally have come from Yiian either at the same time with the heavens, or afterward, or even before them. This doctrine is the highest theological stage. It makes every man free from supernatural power, and dependent upon his own conscience. According to this doctrine, we may call Yiian our father, instead of God ; and we may call not only all men our brothers, but even all the heavens. Wearing the heavens, and standing upon the earth, how noble is man! All that man can do and all that he ought to do are merely the duties of man, and nothing else. The object of man is simply to be a man. Man is not only the son of God, but also his assistant and his co-ordinate.
' >V k'int:, p. 213. ^ Li A'l, bk. vii, p. 386.
• >V AVw.e, p. 3' 3-
6o THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
We now come to the doctrine of the fatherhood of God proper, stated very clearly in Ku-liang's Commentary, which says:
The female alone cannot g^ive birth ; the male alone cannot gfive birth ; and God alone cannot g^ive birth. The three must unite to§:ether, then there is a birth. Therefore, we may call anyone either the son of his mother, or the son of God. But, according to his social position, the honorable person takes the honorable designation, while the common people take the common one. That some one is called king is simply because the people come to him/
This is the doctrine of the trinity in the Confucian religion; it means that the union of father, mother, and God, gives birth to everyone. The Many Dewdrops of the Spring and Autumn says: " There never has been a birth without the influence of God. God is the father of everything." ^
The doctrine of the brotherhood of man has already been included in the doctrine of the fatherhood of God. But we may quote two passages showing this doctrine separately. Confucius says: "All within the four seas are brothers."^ Again he says : " A holy man is able to make the whole world as one family, and the Middle Kingdom as one per- son." * Therefore, from Confucius' point of view, the whole world is but a single family, and all the men are brothers of this same family.
The best explanation for the principle of universal love is given by Chang Tsai, a great Confucian in the Sung dy- nasty (1571-1628, or 1020-1077 A. D.). He says:
The virtue of Heaven is called our Father, and the virtue of Earth is called our Mother. Although we are small beings, we
'3rd year of Duke Chuang. * Bk. Ixx.
^ Quoted by Tzu-hsia, Classics, vol. i, p. 253.
* Li Ki, bk. vii, p. 379.
ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY 6l
are their mixture and stand firmly in the middle. Therefore, the full breath of Heaven and Earth is our body, and the strong spirit of Heaven and Earth is our mind. All people are our brothers, and all things are our companions. Tlie great ruler is the heir of our Parents, and the great minister is his steward. To respect the seniors of the world is to honor our older brothers, and to pity the weak is to help our younger brothers. The holy men are those who possess virtue equal to that of our Parents, and the wise men are the leaders of ourselves. All the unfortunate persons of the world, through physical weari- ness, old age, severe sickness, the brotherless, childless, widow- ers and widows, are calamitous and helpless brothers of our own.^
As to the principle of universal equality, we may look at it from two aspects. First, from the religious aspect, not only the founder of a religion is the son of God, but every- one is the son of God. On this point, Confucianism is more democratic than Christianity, because the Confucians never say that Confucius is the '* only begotten son " of God. Mencius says : '' The holy man and we are the same in kind." ^ The Confucian religion gives full freedom of thought to everybody,^ and promotes everybody to the high- est position, equal to God. The Confucian church has never had such a head as the pope, and the Chinese emperor is not the head of the church. Throughout the whole of Chinese history, no blood has ever been shed on account of religious controversy. In a word, China enjoys com- plete religious freedom.
Second, from the political aspect, not only is the em- peror the son of God, but every one is the son of God. In Confucianism, there is no such thing as the " divine right " theory. Five hundred and seventy-one years be-
^ Correction of the Vouth, ch. xvii.
* Classics, vol. ii, p. 405. • Kj King, p. 389.
62 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
fore Confucius, Chou Wu Wang cut off the head of the Emperor Chou, and put it on the top of a flag. Confucius said that the revolution of Wu Wang was in accordance with the will of God.^ Mencius also said that the act of Wu Wang was not that of a regicide, but simply the execution of an outcast.^ From 343 to 350 A. K. (209- 202 B. C.) China had as great a revolution as had France in 2341 A. K. (1790 A. D.). By this great revolution, the common people began to rule the empire. Hence, China has been at the stage of democracy since this revolution, although in many respects she did not change the mon- archical form. The General Discussion in the White Tiger Palace^ says: "The nomination, 'The Son of God,' [em- peror], is merely an honorable title." Indeed, China has been the most democratic country of the world, with the exception of the really constitutional states at the present time.
The best illustration of the principle of individual inde- pendence is given in the General Discussion in the White Tiger Palace. It says :
Why should a father be executed for killingf his son? * 'Among all the lives given by Heaven and Earth, that of man is the noblest." All men are the children of God, and are merely born throug^h the breath of father and mother. The emperor should nourish and teach them. Hence the father has no absolute power over his son.*
This is a very important principle of Confucius. Unless we understand it, we might make the mistake of thinking that in accordance with the teachings of Confucius a father has the power of life and death over his son, and the son has no independence. But this is not the case. In a family,
' y^ ^'i^^, P- 254. ''Classics, vol. ii, p. 167.
•Written by Pan Ku in 630 (79 A. D.), bk. i. *Bk. v.
ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY 63
one is the son of his father; in a state, he is the citizen of the emperor; in the universe, he is the son of God. There- fore, according to the Canon of History, the punishment for the unkind father is equal to that for the undutiful son, and no member of the family is responsible for the crime of any other member.^
This is personal liberty. But we should consider also personal responsibility. Confucius puts great emphasis on the cultivation of personality. The " Great Learning " says : " From the emperor down to the mass of the people, all must consider the cultivation of personality the root of everything besides." " Ts^eng Tzu says : " One cannot be a student without breadth of mind and vigorous endurance. His responsibility is heavy and his way is long. He as- sumes universal love as his own responsibility; — is it not heavy? Only with death does his way come to an end; — is it not long?" ^ This is the type of student from the Con- fucian standpoint. After Mencius, Lu Chiu-yuan (1691- 1743 A. K. or 1140-1192 A. D.) and Wang Shou-jen dis- tinguished their school on the basis of personal liberty and personal responsibility. The teachings of Lu Chiu-yiian are as follows: " Even if I do not know a single word, I must try my best to become a man gloriously." " While above is heaven and below is earth, man lives in the middle. Unless he is able to become a man, his life is of no use." Indeed, the Confucians put a great deal of emphasis on personal responsibility, since man is the son of God and is independent.
IV. POSITION OF WOMAN
Next to the origin of man. the most important question is the position of woman. Since man and woman are the
^ Cf. Classics, vol. iii. pt. ii. pp. 3Q2-3.
^Classics, vol. i. p. .^95. ^Ibid., pp. 210-J11.
64 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
two component parts of society, her position is very im- portant, not only for the social life, but also for the eco- nomic life. Therefore, we shall study her position from the point of view of Confucius.
First, according to the teachings of Confucius, the posi- tion of woman is equal to that of man. From the emperor to the common people, the wife of each is his equal. There- fore, the word wife means equal. And the Canon of Changes even says that with the repression of the one for the satisfaction of the other, man is placed below woman in relative position.^ Hence, the relation of husband and wife is called '' brothers " by Confucius.^ And the Canon of Poetry also says : " Love your bride as your brothers." ^
For the equality of man and woman, Confucius pre- scribes the rite of '* personal receiving " as a necessary ceremony for marriage, that is, the bridegroom must go to the bride's home to receive her personally. This rite is necessary for all classes, not excepting even the emperor. In the Canon of Poetry and the Spring and Autumn, there are many condemnations of those who do not observe this rite. Confucius was asked by Duke Ai of Lu if to wear a crown for the exercise of " personal receiving " would be too ceremonious. Confucius answered him by saying that an emperor must pay respect to his wife.* Indeed, the rite of '* personal receiving " is to indicate the principle of re- spect for woman. Mo Tzii attacked Confucius on this point by saying that one is as respectful and humble as a servant to his wife; that the ceremony of taking her to the carriage is like the service due to one's parents; and that all the
' Yi King, p. 238.
T/. Li hi, bk. v, p. 320. But it is incorrectly translated.
Classics, vol. iv, pt. i, p. 54. /
* Li Ki, bk. xxiv, pp. 264-6.
ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY 65
ceremonies of marriage are as solemn as those of sacrilices.^ From the argument of Mo Tzu, we know clearly that Con- fucius raised the position of woman very high.
Another example illustrating the equality of man and woman is that the married woman preserves her own name after marriage. We shall see that Confucius regards the name of anyone as very important as it identifies the personailty and is dearer even than life.^ If anyone can- not have his own name, it means that he loses his per- sonality and cannot leave any mark upon the world. This is the worst of calamities. Europeans and Americans are proud of the high position of their women, but the married woman must give up her own name, and adopt the name of her husband, being known as Mrs. So-and-so. This means that she cannot keep her individuality and is merely a dependant of her husband ; whereas, among the Chinese, the married 'woman has hei individual name. In the Spring and Autumn, Confucius always gives the name of the women themselves, such as Po-chi, Shu-chi, Chi-chi, Chung-tzu, Ch'eng-feng, etc. It shows that woman does not lose her individuality after marriage, and that she is equal to man.
Second, we shall consider the separation of the two sexes. This was an old custom, and was recognized by Con- fucius. The '' Details of Rites" says:
Man and woman should not sit together in the same apart- ment, . . . nor let their hands touch in giving and receiving. A sister-in-law and brother-in-law do not interchansfe compli- ments about each other. . . . When a young lady has been engaged, ... no man should enter the door of her apartment, unless there be some g^rave occasion [such as great sickness, or death, or other jjreat calamity]. When a married aunt, or sister, or daughter, returns home on a visit, no brother of the ' Bk. xix. 'See infra.
66 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
family should sit with her on the same mat or eat with her from the same dish. Even father and dang^hter should not occupy the same mat. Man and woman, without the inter- vention of the matchmaker, do not know each other's name. Unless the eng^ag^ement has been accepted, there should be no communication or affection between them.'
Since human nature is universally the same, the social life of the Far East cannot differ very much from that of the West. Therefore, the separation of the two sexes was not the original plan in China. In the Canon of Poetry, there are many poems describing a social life quite like that of the West to-day. We may select two stanzas from two poems for examples. The one reads this way :
The Tsin and the Wei,
Now present their broad sheets of water.
Ladies and gfentlemen
Are carrying: flowers of valerian.
A lady says, ''Shall we go to see ?"
A gentleman replies, " I have already been."
" But let us go again to see.
Beyond the Wei
The ground is large and fit for pleasure."
So the gentlemen and ladies
Make sport together,
Presenting one another with small peonies.'^
The other reads as follows:
[The girl] g^oes out on a fine morning ; Then [the boy and girl] proceed together. ' I look on you as the flower of the thorny mallows ; You gfive me a stalk of the pepper plant !" '*
^ Li hi, bk. i, pp. 77-8.
^Classics, vol. iv, pt. i, p. 148. "Ibid., p. 207.
ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY 67
From what has been described by the two stanzas, the reader may not find any difference in the social life of the West and China; and he may not see any wrong in such a gathering of the two sexes. But Confucius puts them in the Canon of Poetry as bad examples of a lewd custom. The separation of the sexes was indeed generally approved by the ancient Chinese, bur such a theory was strengthened very much by Confucius.
The separation of the sexes was developed on historical facts. Formerly, when the princes called on each other, the princess came out with her husband for the " great entertainment " of the guests. But, the Marquis of Yang, on such an occasion, killed the Marquis of Mu, and stole away his wife. This is something like the story of the Trojan War, when Paris visited the Spartan king, Mene- laus, and took away secretly his wife, Helen. According to Confucius, the abolition of the practice of making a princess part of the " great entertainment " was due to the Marquis of Yang.^ From this instance, we can see that the sexes were not formerly separated so severely as in later times. But such a custom was gradually developed in many cases, even long before the age of Confucius.
The simple reason for the separation of the sexes is for the preventing of illicit intercourse. Confucius says:
The ceremonial usages prevent the people from excesses ; they display the separation which should be maintained between the sexes ; and they make the people free from suspicion, in order to define the relations of the people. Therefore, man and woman do not make friendship when there is no go-be- tween, and they do not meet tog^ether when there is no cere- monial present ; — these are for the distinction between the two sexes.'
^ Li Kiy bk. xxvii, p. 298.
^ Ibid., p. 2i)y. But its translation has left out a few sentences.
68 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
Although the separation of the two sexes has raised the standard of morahty, it has retarded economic development. Montesquieu says:
The society of the fair sex spoils the manners and forms the taste ; the desire of g'iving: g-reater pleasure than others estab- lishes the embellishments of dress ; and the desire of pleasing" others more than ourselves gives rise to fashions. This fashion is a subject of importance ; by encouraging a trifling turn of mind, it continually increases the branches of its com- merce.'
From this statement of Montesquieu, we may understand why the economic condition of China has been stationary for so long a time. The chief reason for it is that the Chinese woman has been separated from the man, so that social life is dry and commercial development slow. Setting aside the question of right and wrong, woman is, in- deed, the spice of society, and the promoter of economic progress. But the ancient Chinese, although they might have realized the economic advantage of letting woman share society with man, were afraid of the moral disad- vantage, her possible loss of chastity.
We must understand, however, that the separation of the sexes does not mean that woman is not the equal of man. Of course, in a paternal society, woman inevi- tably suffers many disadvantages. But, as far as the separation is concerned, woman is equal to man. Though women cannot join the social gatherings of men, and so lose a great amount of social pleasure, on the other hand, men cannot share the social gatherings of women, and they, too, suffer the loss of such social pleasure. On this point, man never can have more privileges than woman,
^Spirit of Laws, vol. i, p. 318. Bohn's Library, George Bell & Sons, 1906.
ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY 69
although he belongs to the more fortunate sex and may enjoy some things which woman cannot have. Thus, the fundamental principle of equality is not altered by the separation.
Third, we shall see that Confucius has sanctioned the social intercourse of man and woman. According to his tsing tien system, during the winter, from the tenth month to the first, men and women should work together at weaving in the same street from evening to midnight. This is an extremely unusual example of the commingling of the sexes and the promotion of social intercourse. Moreover, during these four months, whenever men and women have any dissatisfaction, the two sexes may sing together to ex- press their discontent.^ This afifords great freedom of social contact of the two sexes.
Again, according to the principles of Spring and Autumn, the queen and princess must have teachers and nurses. The teachers, who are selected from the old great officials, look after their conduct. The nurses, who are selected from the wives of the great officials, look after their physical wel- fare.^ This principle is quite significant. As soon as the old great officials can be selected as the teachers of the queen and princess, the separation of men and women is destroyed. Therefore, separation is not the ideal of Con- fucius, but only a necessary custom for the time toeing.
Fourth, the political rights of woman are given to her by Confucius, and these rights are indicated in the instance of holding office. This principle is one of the most valuable things mentioned in the Spring and Autumn. Under the tsing tien system of Confucius, if the women have no cliildren at the age of fifty, they are to be given clothes and fond bv the gn\-crnment ; anrl they are to be appointed
'The Annotation of Kunj^-yang;, 15th year of Duke Hsuan. '30th year of Duke Hsiang.
yo THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
coniiiiissioners for the collection of poetry from the people/ This shows that Confucius thinks that women are qualified to hold government office. Since the commission of col- lecting poetry is equal to the imperial commission of to-day, it is quite different from inferior service. Moreover, it implies that the education of women should be very high, otherwise they could not take the office and could not understand poetry. This principle will have great im- portance in the future.
Fifth, we may learn that the absolute independence of woman is the final stage of the doctrine of Confucius. We have already seen that in the Great Similarity there is no marriage, but we shall discuss this more fully here. The stage of Small Tranquillity accepts all the present institu- tions, but that of Great Similarity does not. The funda- mental difference between these two stages is the independ- ence of woman, and it forms the basis for the changes from Small Tranquillity to Great Similarity. Therefore, in the Small Tranquillity, Confucius mentions all the family rela- tions, such as father and son, brothers, husband and wife. But, in the Great Similarity, he does not mention them at all, and says that " men do not regard as their parents only their own parents, nor treat as their children only their own children." Here Confucius does not use the words husband and wife, but uses the words man and woman. " Each man has his rights, and each woman her individuality safe- guarded," are the two fundamental bases of Great Similar- ity. But how can this be? It is simply that they have to abolish the institution of marriage.
What Confucius means by " each woman has her indi- viduality safeguarded " is that she is not the wife of any man. She has her individual personality, and in all things
* 15th year of Duke Hsiian.
ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY
71
depends upon herself. She does not lose any individuality on account of sexual relations to man. When she loves a man, it is simply like the act of shaking hands or dancing vi^ith a man, and she does not become the property of man. Kang Yu-wei, in the fifth book of his Book on the Great Similarity,^ has given a very good explanation of this prin- ciple. His theory is something like this. The institution of marriage is changed to a legal agreement of love, and the names of husband and wife are abolished. Such an agreement must be limited to a certain length of time. When it expires, the contracting parties may either dissolve im- mediately, or renew it successively until the end of their life, or dissolve first and renew it again in later times. In fact, there is perfect freedom for them to do what they want in accordance with their true love. The time limit of an agreement is not longer than one year, nor shorter than one month.
If the tie of marriage is destroyed, however, the func- tions of the family must be handed over to the state. There- fore, the sixth book treats of the substitution of the state for the family. In the Great Similarity, the state is a world republic. .\11 the people are cared for by the state. .\s soon as a woman is pregnant, she must go to the ** school of gestatory education " in order to teach the child before he is born. At the age of twenty, the child's education is com- pleted, and he is independent and may go his own way. After the age of sixty, he can live in the " house of old age " until he dies. Indeed, the state is the large family for everybody. Only in this way can woman get absolute independence.
Apart from the doctrine of Great Similarity given by Confucius, the ancient Chinese never talked of the abolition
'This book has not been pubhshed yet, but Kang Vu wei kindly sent the author a duplicate of the manuscript.
72 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
of marriage. The only exception to this was Lieh Tzu. a philosopher in the period of Warring States. He describes a Utopian state called Extreme North, where everything is very happy and pleasant. As to the social relations, he gives the following four sentences : " The old and young live equally; there is no ruler, nor minister. The men and women ramble together; there is no matchmaker, nor en- gagement." ^ This is a picture somewhat like that of the Great Similarity.
In conclusion, the position of woman is this: funda- mentally woman is the equal of man. But, in the Disor- derly Stage, the separation of the two sexes is advisable ; in the Advancing Peace Stage, social intercourse between the sexes is suitable; in the Extreme Peace Stage, the absolute independence of woman is most lovely and just. All these are harmonious with the doctrine of the Three Stages of Confucius.
iBk. V.
CHAPTER VII
Economics and Politics
I. economics as the basis of politics
In order to understand the relation between economics and politics, let us take the " System of Yao," the first book of the Canon of History, written by Confucius to represent his political program. According to this, the whole govern- ment is divided into nine departments. The first one is the department of water and earth, the interior department as- signed to the prime minister; the second, that of agriculture; the third, that of education; the fourth, that of justice; the fifth, that of labor; the sixth, that of natural resources, charged with the forests, the animals and the mines; the seventh, that of religion; the eighth, that of music; the ninth, that of communication, the mediator between the em- peror and the people. Of the nine departments, none is for personal service to the emperor, showing the principle of democracy, and none for the preparation of war, indicating the principle of peace. But four departments out of the nine — the first, the second, the fifth and the sixth — are charged with economic functions. From the second book of the Canon of History, it appears that the functions of commerce are included in the first department.^ There- fore, the whole government is, in large part, a tool for eco- nomic development. Indeed, if there were no economics, there would be no politics; the government exists chiefly for
' See infra.
7.1
74 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
economic reasons. It is not a military, but an industrial
society.
In the Analects, also, there is a chapter showing very clearly the relation between economics and politics. When Yen Yiian, Confucius' best pupil, modestly puts his ques- tion with reference to the government of a state, he really asks how the government of a universal empire should be administered. The answer of Confucius is :
Adopt the calendar of the Hsia dynasty. Ride in the state carriage of the Yin dynasty. Wear the crown of the Chou dy- nasty. Imitate the music of Shao and Wu. Banish the tunes of Cheng, and keep far from specious talkers. The tunes of Cheng are licentious ; specious talkers are dangerous.'
This chapter has been highly praised by all scholars through all ages, but none has understood the meaning of it. Its exact meaning is similar to that of the last chapter of the " Great Learning." The subject of that chapter is the governing of the state and the equalizing of the whole world, and there are only two ways to realize such a purpose, namely, administering wealth and employing the best men. This chapter has exactly these two principles. Keeping far from specious talkers is the negative form of stating the principle of employing the best men. AH the four positive rules are economic principles. The cal- endar of Hsia is most seasonable; to adopt it means to keep the agricultural works in the best time. The carriage of Yin is most economical and lasting; to ride in it means to promote commerce by means of economical and lasting transportation. The crown of Chou is most beautiful; to wear it means to raise the standard of workmanship. These three things, calendar, carriage and crown, refer to agri-
^ Classics, vol. i. pp. 297-8.
ECONOMICS AND POLITICS
75
culture, commerce, and industry respectively. These three sentences are more concerned with the production of wealth than with its consumption, while the fourth sentence, which mentions music, refers to consumption. The music of Shao belonging to Shun and that of W'u belonging to Wu Wang, both are the best music of the ancients; to imitate them means to better the standard of life in the most refined stage, while to banish the tunes of Cheng is simply to prevent excess of pleasure. Therefore, Confucius gives Yen Yiian six rules, four positive and two negative; but five rules out of the six are economic principles. In fact, the first way of governing either a state or a universal empire is to reform economic life, and the second way is to employ good men. These are the essential meanings of this chapter, al- though Confucius uses figures of speech. Unless we under- stand that Confucius refers to economic principles, how can we explain how a calendar, a carriage, and a crown have anything to do with the governing of a state or a universal empire? According to the old interpretation, the answer of Confucius has no significance. But according to our inter- pretation, it means that the chief concern of a government is economic life.
Mencius also recognizes that economics is the chief object of politics. When the Marquis Wen of Teng asks him about the proper way of governing a state, he replies : ** The business of the people should not be remissly neglected." What he means by the business of the people is their economic life. Then he explains the importance to the people of permanent property as that which he has told the King Hsiian of Ch'i,^ and his conclusion for the better- ment of their economic condition is the tsing tiai sys- tem.^ The answer of Mencius is quite significant. What
'See infra, ^ Classics^ vol. ii, pp. 239-245.
^6 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
the Marquis asks about is the business of the state — politics. But what Mencius discusses in his answer is the business of the people — economics. It seems that Mencius does not answer directly the question of the Marquis. But he really answers him from the fundamental point of view. For the business of the people is the chief business of the state ; and if a ruler can attend to such business earnestly, he will govern the state well. In short, besides economics, there is no politics, and true politics is economics.
II. POLITICS AS THE PROMOTER OF ECONOMIC LIFE
While economic forces form the basis of political or- ganization, political organization in turn promotes economic development. Mencius says : " Without the great prin- ciples of government and its various activities, wealth will not be sufficient." ^ Therefore, the economic needs are the causes for the existence of government, and a good govern- ment is also the cause of successful economic life.
The simplest reason for the economic development of a good government is given in the ** Great Commentary " :
When a ruler attaches importance to the state, he loves the people. When he loves the people, punishments and penal- ties are just. When punishments and penalties are just, the people are peaceful. When people are peaceful, wealth is sufficient. When wealth is sufficient, all purposes can be realized.'
Judging from this reasoning, economic development is based on legal development. When legal development comes to the stage of just punishments and penalties, the people can engage peacefully in different occupations, and the pro- duction of wealth may be sufficient. This is the type of
' Classics, vol. ii, p. 483. 'Az A'7, bk. xiv, p. 67.
ECONOMICS AND POLITICS jy
patriarchal government. But, even in the democratic gov- ernment of modern time, economic development is still based on legal justice. If there were no good law, there could not be great industries. Therefore, good government is nec- essary for economic development, and politics paves the way for economics.
III. GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT
Since politics paves the way for economics, we should study the political teachings of Confucius in order to under- stand the background for his economic principles. There- fore, we shall study first his principles of government in general, and then his system of instruction in particular. If we take these as illustrating Confucius' political views, we shall understand the economic principles in his mind. I. Imperial Democracy According to Confucius, the external form of government is monarchical, but the fundamental principle of it is demo- cratic. The four parts of the Canon of Poetry all begin with Wen Wang, who represents the type of constitutional monarchy. The Canon of History begins with Yao and Shun, who represent the type of republic. The Spring and Autumn begins with Wen Wang and ends with Yao and Shun. These are enough to show that in the ideal govern- ment of Confucius the sovereign power is in the hands of the people. Of course, Confucius teaches the people to be loyal to their ruler; but what he means by a ruler is the man who has the best character and talents. The " Great Learning " gives a very gfK)d definition of the patriarchal government of Confucius. It says: "Loving what the people love, and hating what the people hate: this is he who is called the parent of the people." As soon as the people turn away from their ruler, he is no longer to be a ruler, but a single fellow. If he is a bad man, according to the
jS THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
*' Great Learning," he will be executed by the people of the whole world/ Tyrannicide is recognixed as a great deed by all great Confucians, because they do not recognize the tyrant as a ruler.
Confucius himself has the revolutionary idea; in the Canon of Changes, he gives a book entitled " Revolution." He says : " Heaven and earth are revolutionary, so that the four seasons complete their functions. The revolutions of T'ang and of Wu were in accordance with the will of God and in response to the wishes of men. Great indeed is what takes place in a time of revolution." ^ When Con- fucius reads the Poetry about the revolution changing the Yin dynasty to the Chou dynasty, he exclaims : " If there were no revolution, what could make the emperor and princes take precaution, and what could make the common people keep up their ambition ?" ^ From this exclamation, we know that Confucius does not regard the king as sacred, and that he gives the common people the right of being king. The reason Confucius is sometimes in favor of im- perialism or absolute monarchy is because, for the time being, he wants to do away with feudalism; but his funda- mental idea is democracy.
The principle of democracy is most clearly set forth by Mencius as follows : '' The people are the most important element; the state is the next; and the ruler is the least. Therefore, to gain the mass of people is the way to become emperor ; to gain the emperor is the way to become a prince of a feudal state; and to gain the prince is the way to become a great official." * By this statement, Mencius means that
' Classics, vol. i, p. 374. ' Vi King, p. 254. ^History of Han, ch. xxxvi. * Classics, vol. ii, pp. 483-4.
ECONOMICS AND POLITICS
79
the emj)eror should hold his place by popular consent, and the prince should be appointed by the emperor, and the great official by the prince. Since the appointive governor of the province took the ])Jace of the hereditary prince of the feudal state, the last two things have been realized in China; but the first never has been realized, except in the negative form of revolution. But that the sovereign power is in the hands of the people is the fundamental concept of the Confucians.^
2. State Government
For the government of the feudal state, Confucius gives the following general principles : ** To rule a state of a thousand chariots, there must be reverent attention to busi- ness, and sincerity to the people: economy in expenditure, and love for the people ; anxl the employment of the people at the proper seasons." " These principles are the theories of Confucius' political economy. Inder such a govern- ment, the people are encouraged to work and enjoy their oc- cupations, to care first for public, and then for private welfare.
3. Local Goi'crnmcnt
By the tsing tien system of Confucius, a village is a unit of political division, which consists of eighty families. In a village, the people elect aged and virtuous men called patriarchs, and eloquent rjid strong men called justices. The official rank of the patriarchs is equal to that of the subordinates of the educational department, and that of the justices is equal to that of the common people who are em- ployed about the government offices. Both of them receive double shares of land, and ride on horseback. They are the people themselves: but at the same time, they are offi-
^ Classics, vol. ii, pp. 354-9. ^ /hid., vol. i, p. 140.
8o THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
cials among the people. Therefore, their administration is so efficient in detail as to extend from the morning to the midnight, from the field to the town, from the man to the woman, and from the physical to the intellectual and moral life. These numerous things can be done only by the system of self-government.
4. Freedom of Speech
In an imperial democracy, the government is really ruled by public opinion, and the way to get public opinion is by freedom of speech in the form of poetry. According to the tsing Hen system of Confucius, from the tenth month to the first month, the people live in town. If they have any cause for dissatisfaction, men and women sing together to express their discontent in the form of poetry. Those who are hungry sing about their food; and those who are tired, about their business. Indeed, their economic conditions are their principal subjects. They have, however, the absolute freedom of choosing any subject, referring either to themselves or to the court and government. The principal thing is the style in which the reproof is cunningly insinuated. The authors of the poetry give no offence, but the hearers of it are warned.
Men at the age of sixty and women at that of fifty, if they have no children, are supported by the government, and are appointed commissioners for the collection of poetry. In the first month, when the people are about to leave the town for the field, the commissioners ring out the wooden-tongued bell along the roads in order to collect poetry from the people. From the village, the poetry is transferred to the town; then to the capital of the feudal states; and at last it comes to the imperial government. After the Grand Music-master arranges the poetry accord- ing to its style and tune, it is presented to the emperor.
ECONOMICS AND POLITICS 8l
Therefore, even if the emperor does not go out of the door, he understands all the grievances of the empire; and even if he does not come down from the palace, he knows about the four quarters. Hence poetry forms the basis of gov- ernment.
In the Canon of Poetry, the three hundred and five poems are the remainder of ancient poetry edited by Confucius. Their functions are equal to those of newspapers ; both are the description of daily life of the people and the expres- sion of public opinion. That the poetry had fulfilled such functions shows that there had been freedom of speech.
5. Morals v. Law Under the tsing ticn system, people can live sufficiently well, so that they can understand what is honor and what is dishonor. As their virtue has been refined, they become moderate in their concern for wealth, and are complaisant toward others. Hence, there is no dispute nor litigation. Men are governed not by the legal code, but by the moral law. Such a society is higher than the so-called law-gov- erned society, because there is self-respect without the need of law. The legal code must be limited to a certain num- ber of acts, and the people may escape the law when it does not literally s|>ecify the act; but the moral law i.*^ unlimited and is a matter of spirit rather than letter. Legislation is enforced by external power after the (\qq(\ is done, and pre- vents only the Ixid act. while moral law is enforced by in- ternal conscience. Not only does it prevent the bad thought, but it also makes them gocMJ. Therefore Confucius says: " In hearing litigations, I am like any one else. What is necessary, however, is to cause the people to have no litigations."* Again. Confucius says:
If the {X'oplc he led by laws, and nnifonnity be sought to be
' Classics, vol. i, p. 257.
82 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES Of CONFUCIUS
given them by punishments, they will try to avoid the punish- ment, but have no sense of shame. If thev be led bv virtue, and uniformity be sought to be given them by the rules of pro- priety, they will have the sense of shame, and moreover will become good.^
In fact, in the government system of Confucius, there is much legislation, but more emphasis is laid on the moral than on the legal side.
IV. SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION
The system of instruction is the fountain of democracy in the political system of Confucius. The reason we use the word instruction instead of education is because the former is broader in sense than the latter. We may divide the word instruction into three great branches, namely, edu- cation, religion, and election. They are all together the same stream. Education is one source, and religion is the other, while election is the flow. In Confucianism, religion IS really included in education, because the word education Itself means intellectual education, w^hile the word religion means ethical education. For the convenience of our read- ers, however, we may put religion in a separate section in order to make a comparison between China and the West. The only thing w^e should remember is that the system of mstruction is a whole. According to the political system of Confucius, the tsing Hen system and the instruction sys- tem are the two greatest things, and they must go together, although the former precedes the latter. Therefore, if we are gomg to study the economic system of Confucius repre- sented by tsing Hen, we should know something about his system of instruction.
I. Universally Free EducaHon After the people can make their living and thus satisfy ' Classics, vol. i, p. 146.
ECOSOMICS ASD POLITICS 83
their physical neetls. development of mind and character is necessar)'. Then the educational system arises. According to Confucius, in the center of a village which contains eight)- families, there is a schoolhouse. The aged and virtu- ous men are elected " patriarchs ". and are teachers of the school; usually, they come from the retired officials of the government. Such a school of a village is called a local school. It opens in the tenth month when the agricultural work has been finished, and closes in the first month, when this work begins again. At eight years of age, the chil- dren begin to go to school, and study reading and writing, mathematics and geography, and the ethical rules of family and society-. This is the most popular erlucation, and is the basis of all the higher schools.
There are different grades of schools. The local school of the village is the lowest grade. Then come successively the district school, the provincial college, and the national university-. The highest one is the imperial university. The local school is in everv' village: the district school, in every district: the provincial college, in every province: the na- tional university, in e\'er\- capital city of ever\' feudal state ; and the imperial university, in the imperial capital.^ Thus educational institutions e.xist over the whole empire. They are all public schools and are maintainetl by the different governments: hence the>- are all free. The school system was an actual system of the ancients, although it may not have been so complete as the Confucians prescribe. In an- cient times, the different institutions were used not only as schools, but also as churches, and for political meetings. social gatherings, and e\en militarv* councils.*
Regarding the training of the different schools, all those below the imperial university are called small learning; the
^ Li fCi. bk. xTi, p. %y */i/tu., bk. iii. p. 220.
84 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
latter is called great learning. The lowest age for the great learning is fifteen, and the highest is twenty. The subjects of study are the different civilizations of the ancients and the social and political institutions of the present. The " Record of Education " says :
Every year new students may enter the imperial university, and every alternate year there is a comparative examination. At the end of the first year, the examination is to see whether they can read the texts intelligently, and what the individual taste of each is ; in the third year, whether they are reverently attentive to their work, and what companionship is most pleasant to them ; in the fifth year, how they extend their studies and seek the company of their teachers ; in the seventh year, how they can discuss the subjects of their studies and select their friends. They are now said to have made some small accomplishments. In the ninth year, when they know the different relative subjects and have gained general in- telligence, establishing themselves firmly so that they cannot be moved, they are said to have made some great accom- plishments.'
In every one of these five examinations, the students are examined from two points of view : one is knowledge, and the other is character. To balance mental and moral train- ing is the Chinese system of education, handed down from Confucius. In fact, the educational system of Confucius has been partially carried out in different periods.
2. Social Religion and Freedom of Belief
In the Chinese language, the word religion is not ex- actly the same as in English. The Chinese word chiao means instruction; hence it stands for education as well as for religion. But the word chiao in the religious sense of the Chinese means moral teachings ; sometimes it in-
^ Li fit, bk. xvi, pp. 83-4.
ECONOMICS AND POLITICS 85
eludes even ihe whole of civilization. Therefore, what the Chinese call religion is moral, social and philosophical rather than spiritual. As the word chiao means both education and religion, an educational institution is a church as well as a school. According to Mencius, the object of all the schools of the Three Dynasties is to illustrate the human relations.^ Even in the present day, in the Confucian Churches over the whole empire, there is a hall called '* II- lustrating-Human-Relations Hall " ; and the Chinese call the Confucian Church by the name of Holy Temple, or Civil Temple, or School House. This is the reason why under the tsing ticn system there is no church, because the religious function is absorbed by education. The patriarchs, although the teachers of the school, are like the pastors or fathers of the church. But what are the subjects of their sermons? According to Mencius, the most important teach- ings of the schools are the filial and fraternal duties: and their results are that the gray-haired men do not need to carry any burdens on their backs or on their heads along the roads. ^ Therefore, we can see that the Chinese religion has been directed toward man more than toward God. In- deed, the religion of Confucius is based on sociology rather than on theology. Hence, China has given full freedom of belief to the people, since spiritual worship has not been the essential of the Chinese religion.
In modern times, there is a conflict between religion and science, but this can never be the case in Confucianism. Confucianism is based on scientific principles. When Con- fucius teaches Tzu-lu what knowledge is. he says: '* When you know a thing, to hold that you know it: and when you do not know a thing, to allow that you do not know it — this is knowledge." ^ In the Sprini^ and Autumn, " to leave out
^Classics, vol. ii. p. 242. ^/bid., vol. ii, pp. 131-2.
^ Ibid., vol. i, p. 151.
86 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
the doubtful points '' is a great principle. With such a scientilic nature, Confucianism differs from all other re- ligions, and is a religon of the highest type. On this ac- count, the Chinese can identify religion with education, and church with school; and there will never be any conflict between science and Confucianism, because Confucianism itself is also a science.
In modern times, there is also a conflict between religion and politics, but this is not the case in Confucianism. The Roman Catholics have a pope who assumes political power as an emperor, and the ecclesiastical body forms a specially-favored class exercising political privileges over and against the common people. This is an unnatural and unjust thing. Therefore, conflict between church and state arises, and European and American statesmen separate church from state. How is this in the religion of Con- fucius ? He did not choose a special successor, and no one dared to call himself the only successor of Confucius. In fact, Confucianism is a democratic religion, and has no such monarchical idea. Confucius did not distinguish his followers from the common people, and they never formed such a special class as the priesthood. Therefore, the Con- fucians never got political privileges. Although the stu- dent class always has more access to the government than the common people, it is through educational qualifications, and not through religious privilege. Therefore, since the Confucians have never taken any political power from the state, the state has no trouble with the Confucian re- ligion at all, and there is no need to separate it from the state.
Moreover, Christianity is a simple religion, and has noth- ing to do with government ; hence it can be separated from the state. But Confucianism is a complex religion, and has ver\' mi'.ch to do with government; hence it can never
ECONOMICS AND POLITICS 87
be separated from the state. The missionary work of Con- fucius himself was mostly in court ; he taught the people not on the subject of theology, but on that of social relations; he taught his pupils not in order to make priests of them, but to make them statesmen and teachers. His teachings are at least half on political subjects; and the whole Chinese society is built up under his teachings, although not under the best of them, and even opposing some of them. In a word, China never can separate Confucianism from the state, unless she would destroy her whole civilization. It is not only unwise and unnecessary, but also impossible. This is the main characteristic of the relisfion of Confucius.
4. Educational Election as a System of Popular Repre- sentation
As regards politics, Confucius lays much stress on the power of man. He says :
The principles of the government of Wen and Wu are always displayed in the records — the tablets of wood and bamboo. But, when there are the right men, such a government flour- ishes ; while without such men, such a government decays and ceases. With a g^ood quality of men, the g^rowth of govern- ment is rapid, just as veg^etation is rapid in land of g^ood quality. Thus a government is like an easily-growing rush. Therefore, the administration of g^overnnicnt depends upon man.'
Having such a theory of government, Confucius thinks that to get good men is the fundamental thing for a good government. But how shall we get them? By the system of educational election.
According to Confucius, the school is not only a system of education, but also a system of election ; hence, it com- bines politics with education. His political doctrine is
^Classics, vol. i, p. 405.
88 'i^tlE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
democratic, and no aristocracy is allowed. The Record of Rites says: ''Even the eldest son of the emperor by his legitimate queen is only as an ordinary student. In the world, there is nowhere such a thing as being born noble." ^ In the Spring and Autumn^ Confucius denies the hereditary right of aristocracy, and gives educational election as a sub- stitute." This was at that time a revolutionary idea in social life; it was realized by the recommendation of Tung Chung-shu (412 A. K. or 140 B. C). According to the '' Royal Regulations," the sons of the emperor, the princes, and the officials, are to study at the same university with the students chosen from among the common people; and their classes are to be divided up, not by ranks, but by ages.^ Hsun Tzu says : " Even among the sons of the em- peror, the princes, and the great officials, if they were not qualified to rites and justice, they should be put down to the class of common people; even among the sons of common people, if they have good education and character and are qualified to rites and justice, they should be elevated to the class of ministers and nobles." * In short, under the sys- tem of Confucius, there is no distinction of classes ; and edu- cation is the only determining force in social standing. We may say that there is an educational aristocracy, but such an aristocracy is unavoidable, unless human characteristics be equal by birth. The only thing that human power can do is to make education universal and free, in order to give everyone equal opportunity ; and this is the way of Con- fucius.
The way Confucius combines politics with education is something like this: the best students of the local school are elected and transferred to the district school ; the best of the
'Li Ai, bk. ix, p. 438. »Third year of Duke Yin.
'Z,7 /('i, bk. iii, p. 233. *Bk. ix.
ECONOMICS AND POLITICS 89
district school, to the provincial college; and the best of the provincial college, to the national university. Every three years, the feudal princes send the best students from their national universities to the emperor, and let them study at the imperial university. The best students of the imperial university are called ''complete scholars ". If their conduct and capability are equal, they are distinguished by archery. Then titles are conferred upon them. In this way, the stu- dents promote themselves by their capability; and the em- peror appoints the officials by the examination of their merit. ^ This sytem may be called educational election.
Thii system of educational election may also be called a system of representation. Since the students elected from the common people become high officials, the different in- stitutions are really the places where the representatives of the people are elected. As the elections are held in schools and the representatives are confined to the body of students, education is the exclusive qualification. The educational test takes the place of universal suffrage. But choosing educa- tion as a qualification is much better than choosing anything else, especially when education is universally free. Al- though there is no popular vote, this should not be far from popular sentiment, becau.se tho.se chosen are the best stu- dents. Since they come from different political divisions, although there is no legal responsibility between them and their native localities, they should be regarded as the repre- sentatives of the people as a whole. The Great Commentary of the Canon of History " sj^aks thus of the election of students. " It lets the wise men have their way to come up, and co-operate with their ruler in the government. It
^ Anrtoiation of Kuui^-yans^, 15th year of Duke Hsuan. etc.
'Written by Professor Fii of the Ch'in dynasty, the oldest and great- tst authority on the Canon of History.
QO THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
shows that a ruler alone should not control the government. This is the way to give the greatest importance to the people."
What we have mentioned is the ideal system of Con- fucius, and it has been essentially carried into effect. But the system of representation was also a fact of the ancients, although it may not have been so perfect as the Confucians describe. The Official System of Chou says : " Let the peo- ple elect the virtuous to be their leaders outside, and let them also elect the able to be their governors inside." ^ '* Outside " means the central government out of their pro- vince, and " inside " means the local government, the word leaders meaning representatives. In ancient times, the stu- dents were at the same time the farmers, so that the farmers could easily elect the students among themselves. The Canon of Poetry tells how the prince goes to the field to pre- side over the election : " Now, I go to the south-lying acres, where some are weeding and some gather the earth about the roots. The millets look luxuriant. And in a spacious resting place, we elect our eminent students." ^ From this poem, we can understand that the farmers, outside of the school, still had the right to choose their representatives, al- though the election was controlled by the government.
Historically, the system of representation was changed from election by the people into selection by the govern- ment, that is, civil-service competitive examinations. Even by this change, the graduates who passed examinations still had the qualifications of representatives, because the number of graduates was proportionate to the population and the amount of taxation of their native province. So China had the representative system. But the great trouble was that China did not develop a legal organi-
' Ch. xii. ^Classics, vol. iv, pt. ii, p. ;i77.
ECONOMICS AND POLITICS
91
zation of the representative body to assume the sovereign power. In ancient times, although there was a popular council of the people in the central government/ it had not been legally well organized. And so those representatives were only the advisors of the ruler.
According to the ideal of Confucius, before the officials take office, there is an educational election; and after they come to office, there is also an examination of merit every three years. Hence, there can be no corruption. The ex- amination is based entirely on the economic conditions of the people. After three examinations, officials are either de- graded or promoted according to the value of their service to the people. They are required to have such conditions that not only is capital increased, but also labor is improved. In short, economic prosperity is the only test of a good gov- ernment, and it is the chief task of the officials who are sub- jected to the examination of merit. Ho Hsiu says : '' The wise ruler gives reward to the officials according to their obvious service, so that the undeserving cannot be pro- moted by popular praise; and gives punishment to them ac- cording to their obvious guilt, so that the innocent cannot be dismissed by popular slander.'' " This principle has been put into actual law.
In conclusion, the word representatives includes all the officials of the government. .Although there are three powers — legislative, administrative and judicial — they are not sharply divided into distinct branches. Therefore, the representatives of the people, the students, may take office in any branch of the government, not being confined to legislative power only.
' Cf. Classics, vol. iii, pt. i. pp. 41, 224. 233-4. F. Hirth's The An- cient History of China, p. 124. Kuan Tsu, bk. Ivi.
'Third year of Duke Yin.
92
THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
Under the influence of Confucius, the Chinese govern- ment has been that of imperial democracy, and everyone has the chance to be prime minister, although it is not nec- essary that everyone should have the ambition to be em- peror. In China, " linen prime minister " and " v^hite house duke and minister " have become popular terms. " Linen " and " white house " indicate the poor conditions from w^hich they arise to the highest office. Indeed, China has been the most democratic country of the world in this point. Even in the United States, a republican government, it is diffi- cult for one to hold an elective public office, no matter how high or how low, unless he is an active member of one of the two great parties. This means that many good men are excluded from the government, and it tends to make men lose their personality, and to deny them the opportunity for showing their political ability in rendering public ser- vice. Although the form of the American government is republican, it is very tyrannical in this respect; or at least it is something of an aristocracy. How much worse are the monarchical governments of the world! All the modern European countries and Japan are only now doing away with aristocracy; and in most of them the nobility is still a great element in their government. But China had largely destroyed the nobility with the election system of the Han dynasty (418 A. K. or 134 B. C), and has ex- tinguished it entirely since the Chin Shih examination of the Sui dynasty ( 1 157 A. K. or 606 A. D.). In the present day, all the titles of nobility are merely nominal honors, and have no political power whatever attached to them. The only material gain they bring is the hereditary salary re- ceiver! in the form of pension. Even the members of the imperial family have no political power, unless they are offi- cials. Any student, poor in the economic sense, studying quietly and even laboring hard, may expect to become prime
ECONOMICS AND POLITICS 93
minister and carry out his principles. He does not need to spend his time, energy and money in self-advertisement.
If the ruler should always be as good as Confucius re- quires, the system of educational election would be perfect. But, since the ruler is not always good, and the world has been progressive, China is going to change her absolute to a constitutional government. As soon as she shall have a constitutional government, she will have a party govern- ment. And as soon as sliC has a party government, she will have party elections, and modern aristocracy will grow in China. But, as the educational election is a system peculiar to the Chinese, they should keep the best of their own, and adopt only the best of their neighbors' systems, without their defects. By extending the principle of popular suffrage to just the right point, China will have a govern- mental system which surpasses the most sanguine hopes of American civil service reformers.
The election system of Confucius is the chief weapon for the destruction of class interests. This was appreciated by the physiocrats. They hold up as the ideal of political gov- ernment, not Switzerland or England, but China, ^ because in other countries one did not find individual interest com- ing to the front. In England the political system gives too much power to the merchants; on the other hand, de- mocracy gives too much power to the lower classes, and aristocracy, too much power to the higher classes. In China alone no one class tends to become dominant. This view of the physiocrats is very true. It is tloubtlcss true that Quesnay was theorizing, and used China as a model because it was far away and he knew little about it, but in this instance his theory was justified by the facts.
^Cf. Quesnay's Despotisvie de la Chine, first published in the Ephk- fniridfs du Citoyen in 1767 and reprinted in Oeuvres Econoviiques et Philosnphigurs de Quesnay, cd. Oncken, 1888, pp. 563 660.
CHAPTER VIII
Economics and Ethics I. economics as the basis of ethics
In the Confucian system, there are two great principles. One is called love, or humanity; the other, justice, or right- eousness. It may be interesting to notice that, according to the Chinese etymology, the word love is formed from the word denoting man, or others, and the word justice from the word denoting self. Thus the primary meaning of the word love is a relation between persons; and that of the word justice is an aspect of the self. We love others, but we justify ourselves. Hence we should strictly control ourselves, according to the highest standard of morality, and treat others liberally, according to the ordinary level of human nature. Confucius says : " The superior man rea- sons about theoretical principles from the standpoint of himself, but lays down practical laws from the capabilities of the people." ^ Therefore, regarding ourselves, Con- fucius puts ethical teaching above economic life, — in some cases, life itself should be sacrificed for the sake of virtue; but regarding society as a whole, he puts economic life be- fore ethical teaching.
The best illustration of this principle is given in the Analects. When Confucius went to Wei, Jan Yu acted as driver of his carriage. Confucius observed, " How numer- ous are the people!" Jan said, '' Since they are thus nu-
' Li Ki, bk. xxix, p. ;^^^.
ECONOMICS ASD ETHICS 95
nierous, what more shall be done for them?" '' Enrich them," was the reply. ''And when they have been en- riched, what more shall be done?" Confucius said, ''In- struct them ".^
Before we can instruct the people, we must enrich them, ^ no matter how few^ or many they are. This is a universal principle. The Canon of Poetry repeats three times the following two sentences: '' Give them drink and give them food. Instruct them and teach them." *
If we understand in the beginning that Confucius gives two principles for the two classes of men, one for the offi- cials and students, the other for the mass of common people at large, we shall avoid confusion. For the higher class, ethical life is first, but for the lower class, economic life is first. Confucius says: "The mind of great men is con- versant with justice: the mind of small men is conversant with profit." ^ In speaking of great men and small men, he reiers to their social standing. This theor}- is very clearly stated by Tung Chung-shu when he says : '* Busily seeking for wealth and profit, and fearing only the condition of want, this is the mind of common people: busily seeking for love and iustice, and fearing always that they could not influence the people, this is the mind of ministers and great r)fficials." "• Such a statement, of course, is only a theory, not fact. \t\. we must understand that Confucius has these two classes in his mind, and sets forth two dif- ferent principles for them. On the one hand, he forbids the higher class, from emperor to student, to seek private gain. They should confine themselves to the ethical life. On the
' Classics, vol. i, pp. 266-7.
* Classics, vol. iv, pt. ii, pp. 418-420.
* Classics, vol. i, p. 170.
* History of Ilatt. ch. Ivi.
96
THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
Other hand, he allows the lower class to make profit, and thinks that they ought to do so. Hence, for the governing of society, Confucius takes up the economic life of the people JT^ for the first consideration. The " Great Learning " describes the effects of a good government as follows : " The com- mon people find pleasure in what they call their pleasure, and find profit in what they call their profit." ^ We are sure that Confucius, in the program of his reformation, feels that economic bettennent is the first item."
Unfortunately, since the Confucians of the Sung dynasty did not wholly understand the principles of Confucius and thought that he did not approve even talking about profits, the teachings of Confucius failed to be considered of great importance in the practical world, and the Chinese suffered a great deal through need of economic reforms. They made such a great mistake because they misunderstood the state- ments of Mencius and Tung Chung-shu. Mencius tells the King Hui of Liang: "Why must your Majesty use that word profit? What I am provided with are counsels con- cerning the principles of love and justice, and these are my only topics." ^ Tung Chung-shu tells the Prince of Kiang- tu : " The man of perfect virtue is thus : following strictly justice, not for the sake of profit ; discussing thoroughly principle, not with the expectation of success." * This sim- ply means virtue for virtue's sake. These two statements given by Mencius and Tung Chung-shu are quite good in themselves, but they do not mean that the economic problems should be entirely left out. They have their own writings, and we can find their economic principles even from the
* Classics, vol. i, p. 364. ' Classics, vol. ii, p. 131. ' Classics, vol. ii, p. 126.
* History of Han, ch. Ivi.
ECOXOMICS A.\D ETHICS
97
quotations of this treatise. They are talking to the king and the prince, and such men, of course, are forbidden by Confucius to talk about profits. We never expect to use the same prescription for everybody ; why should we apply those statements to every one? Neither Confucius, nor Mencius, nor Tung Chung-shu, nor any great Confucian be- fore the Sung dynasty, has ever said that the common people should not talk about profits. Moreover, the Confucians of the Sung dynasty did not distinguish the public profits from private profits, and left them both out of consideration. This has been a great obstacle to the economic development of China.
II. HARMONY OF ECONOMICS AND KTIIICS
The reason the Confucians of the Sung dynasty fear to talk about profit is because they make the distinction teween profit and justice too sharp, and think they are necessarily opposed to each other. But true Confucianism harmonizes
economics and ethics, and identihes profit with justice^ A true profit, it holds, is justice, and the immediate profit which opposes justice is. in the long run, not a profit at all. The essential of these two words, profit and justice, is the same thing, but expressed in different terms.
As Confucius lived in the stage of feudalism, and gener- ally talked with princes, he did not like to mention the word profit, but used the word justice for its substitute. Since princes, as we know, generally care for profit, but not for justice; for wealth, but not for virtue: why should Confucius talk to them about profit instead of about justice? But, if Confucius only says to them that justice is good, and does not say that justice is a profit, they will not believe him, and will not j)ractice justice. Therefore. Confucius points out very clearly that justice is a real profit, and that toj^MVr, the iminc'liatc profit is onlv a suici.lal policy.
This principle is thus set forth in the " Great Learning " :
98
THE ECOXOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
The superior man will first take pains about his own virtue. .... Virtue is the root, and wealth only the result. If he make the root his secondary object, and the result his primary, y he will only wrangle with his people, and teach them rapine. / Hence, the concentration of wealth is the cause of driving the / people away, and the diffusion of it among them is the way V to collect the people. And hence, . . . the wealth, got by im- proper ways, will take its departure by the same. . . . The virtuous man, by means of his wealth, makes his personality more distinguished. The vicious man accumulates wealth at the expense of his life. Never has there been a case of the sovereign liking love, and the people not liking justice. Never has there been a case where the people have liked justice, and the affairs of the sovereign have not been carried to com- pletion. And never has there been a case where the wealth in such a state, collected in the treasuries and arsenals, did not continue in the sovereign's possession.
For the explanation that the real profit of a sjtpl^^ i.^ tirji^ ' Pecuniary profit, but justice, it quotes from Meng Hsien-tsu :
Jt is better to have an officer v^ho steals, than to have one who collects unjust imposts from the people." Indeed, los- ing wealth is better than losing justice. The conclusion of the " Great Learning " is this :
When he who presides over a state or a family makes wealth his chief business, he must be under the influence of some mean fellow. He may consider this fellow good ; but when such a person is employed in the administration of a state or family, calamities from nature and injuries from men will befall it together. And, although a good man may take his place, he will not be able to remedy the evil. This illustrates the saying, that a state does not take the pecuniary profit as a real profit, but takes justice as a real profit.^
•4
The same principle is also given by Mencius. When he
' Classics, vol. i, pp. 375-381.
ECONOMICS AND ETHICS
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meets King Hui of Liang, he first rejects the word profit, which is mentioned by the king, and supplies the two words love and justice. Then he points out that profit in the com- mon sense is not a profit. If the king, the great officials, the students and the common people, all try to snatch this profit the one from the other, the state will be endangered. He says: "If justice be put last, and profit be put first, they w^ill not be satisfied without snatching all."
Now\ he turns to the real profit of love and justice, and says : *' There never has been a man who practiced the prin- ciple of love and neglected his parents. There never has been a man who practiced the principle of justice and made his sovereign an after-consideration.^
What has been said in the '' Great Learning " and by Men- cius is for princes or for the government. But the principle that justice is a profit holds true among all mankind. The Chinese take this principle as the fundamental law of econo- mics, and carr\' it into practice in daily life. This is why the Chinese merchants have the highest moral standard. Indeed. ** honesty is the best policy." If justice is not a profit, the morality of man would be as low as that of the beast. But to-day. as human progress has risen to the present stage, [t proves that justice is a profit. The more ^jusMtve are, the more we shall prosper.
Since justice is a profit, why do not the Confucians use the word profit as often as the word justice? Human na- ture is already selfish, and society is already a profit- seeking society. The people know profit in the narrow sense by birth, and do not need any more teaching about it. I f a great teacher like Confucius were to talk constantly about profit, it would make the people think about profit still more and about justice still less. They would care much more for money than for character. They would excuse them- ' Classics, vol. ii, pp. 125-7.
lOO THE ECOXOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
selves on the ground of the teachings of Confucius, and would use Confucius' word for their pretext. Therefore, Confucius does not use the word profit very often, but uses the word justice for its substitute. This idea is very well explained by Adam Smith. He says:
Those principles of the human mind which are most beneficial to society are by no means marked by nature as the most honorable. Hunger, thirst, and the passion for sex are the great supports of the human species, yet almost every expres- sion of these excites contempt. In the same manner, that prin- ciple in the mind which prompts to truck, barter, and exchange, though it is the foundation of arts, commerce, and the divi- sion of labor, yet it is not marked with anything amiable. . . . The plain reason for this is that these principles are so strongly implanted by nature that they have no occasion for that addi- tional force which the weaker principles [e. g., generosity] need.^
Moreover, social profit is harmonious with social justice, while individual profit is not always harmonious with in- dividual justice. Confucius says: '' Riches and honors ac- quired by injustice are to me as a floating cloud." ^ He recognizes that there are some individual profits without the principle of justice. Yang Hu was a bad officer at the time of Confucius, but Mencius quotes his words as fol- lows : " He who seeks to be rich will not be benevolent. He who wishes to be benevolent will not be rich." ^ Mencius thinks that there is sometimes a contradiction be- tween economic gains and ethical principles. Hence, Con- fucius speaks of the superior man as one who, when he sees gain, thinks of justice.* And hence, the Record of Rites n^jti
' Lectures of Adam Smith, p. 232. ' Classics, vol. i, p. 200. ' Classics, vol. ii, p. 240. * Classics, vol. i, p. 314,
ECONOMICS AND ETHICS loi
says: ''When yon find wealth within your reach, do not
TT-r
try to get it by improper means
III. CHOICE BETWEEN ECONOMIC LIFE AND ETHICAL LIFE
Even though the economic principles are finally harmon- ious with those of ethices, under some circumstances eco- nomic life cannot exist along with ethical life. Hence, we shall see how Confucius makes a choice between these two things.
W^hen Tzu-kung asks Confucius about government, Con- fucius says: "The recjuisites of government are that there be sufficiency of food, sufficiency of soldiers, and the faith of the people." Tzu-kung says: *' If it cannot be helped, and one of these must be dispensed with, wdiich of the three should be foregone first?" "The soldiers", says Con- fucius. Tzu-kung again asks: "If it cannot be helped, and one of the remaining two must be dispensed with, which of them should be foregone?" Confucius answers: " Part with the food. I^>om of old, death has been the lot of all men: but if the people have no faith in their hearts, there is no standing for any one." '
This dialogue is very important and very interesting; the questions and the answers arc botli very good. The word food includes all econonuc life: the word soldiers, all military forces and equipments: and the word faith, all re- ligious and ethical life. So far as we have seen, Confucius emphasizes economic life as the first thing in society. And even in this dialogue, he i)uts food before the other two. Rut. when the economic life and ethical life cannot both be preserved, economic life must be sacrificed. This seems a foolish policy, and an impracticable theory. Moreover, it sorms contradictory to his own principle that economic
* / i A'l. hk. i. p. 62.
• Classics, vol. i, p. 254
I02 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
life should come before ethical life. In reality, however, there is great harmony here. In the primary stage, when the people do not know much about faith, and their imme- diate need is food, if you talk to them on any subject, such as religion or ethics, before they can satisfy their hunger, they will not listen to you. Food, therefore, must come be- fore all other things. In the advanced stage, when they have built a society as high as a state, they must know some- thing about faith, and faith is the strongest social tie. If the getting of food were their sole aim, or escaping from death their highest ideal, they would do anything in any way for the sake of their lowest self. Without faith, the world would be a wilderness ; no one would trust others, and every one would be an enemy to others. Society could not exist ; and at last, not even the individual could exist. Only the strongest would survive. In the beginning, the people would sacrifice their faith to escape death; but ultimately, they would fall together into death because they had no faith. A great teacher like Confucius must prefer faith to food. Or, in other words, he must choose to die with faith rather than to live without it. Food is the primary means of build- ing up society, but faith is the final end in maintaining it. These two theories of Confucius are not contradictory. Hence, this policy is not only honest, but also wise. Nor is it impracticable.
To show that the ethical life should be preferred to the economic life, Mencius cites this concrete case, and shows that every one has such conscience. He says :
We desire fish, and we also desire bear's paws. If we cannot have the two together, we will let the fish go and take the bear's paws. So, we desire life, and we also desire righteous- ness. If we cannot keep the two together, we will let life go and choose righteousness. We desire life indeed, but there is that which we desire more than life, and therefore we will not
ECONOMICS A\'D ETHICS
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seek to possess it by any improper ways. We dislike death in- deed, but there is that which we dislike more than death, and therefore there are occasions when we will not avoid dan- ger. . . .
Therefore, men have that which they desire more than life, and that which they dislike more than death. They who have this conscience are not men of distinguished talents and virtue only. All men have it ; what distinguishes such men is simply that they do not lose it.
Here are a small basket of rice and a platter of soup, and
the case is one in which the getting them will preserve life,
and the want of them will be death ; if they are offered with
an insulting voice, even a tramp will not receive them, or if
you first tread upon them, even a beggar will not stoop to take
them.*
[ This statement of Mencius, that even the tramp or the
beggar still cares for his personal honor, and that he pre- serves it even at the expense of his life, is very true. Hence, there is really no such man as may be called the purely economic man, and the ethical motive is rooted in human nature as well as the economic motive. For this reason, we can harmonize the economic life with the ethical life.
IV. ACCEPTANCE OF WEALTH
When we discuss economics and ethics, the important question is the acceptance of wealth. As men are living in society, they have to give and receive wealth in daily life. But what are the principles which govern those mat- ters? On this question, it is best to look at the teachings of Mencius. For the principles of both giving and receiving wealth, he says: '* When it appears proper to take a thing, and afterwards not proj)er, to take it is contrary to moder- ation. When it appears proper to give a thing, and after-
' Classics, vol. ii. pp. 411-3.
r
104 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
wards not proper, to give it is contrary to kindness." ^ Again, when he speaks of Yi Yin, he says that Yin would neither have given nor have taken a single straw, if it were contrary to justice and principle." Therefore, he wants the people to act in the proper way not only in their taking, but also in their giving; foolish generosity and unwise alms are not approved by Mencius.
But the principles governing the taking of wealth are more important than those governing the giving of it, be- cause human nature is more often too covetous, rather than too liberal. For the taking of wealth, Mencius gives this general principle : if there be not proper gfround for taking it. a single bamboo-cup of rice may not be received from a man ; but if there be such proper ground, then Shun's re- ceiving the empire from Yao is not to be considered ex- cessive.^ Therefore, the taking of wealth, no matter how great or how little, must be governed by moral con- ^ si derations.
The greatest difficulty, however, is to determine what is proper and what is not. On this point, there is no cer- tain rule. But we may refer to concrete cases and take them as examples. When Mencius was in Ch'i, the king sent him a present of 2000 taels of fine gold, and he refused it. But he accepted a present of 1400 taels when he was in Sung, and accepted one of 1000 taels when he was in Hsieh. Chen Tsin, his pupil, asked him if there were not something wrong in one of the two cases. But Mencius said that they are all right. When he was in Sung, he was about to take a long journey. It is a custom of the Chinese to present a traveler with a traveling present. Therefore, the mes- sage of the prince was the sending of such a present. Why
' Classics, vol. ii, p. 3>,8.
'/fc/'/.. p. 362. 3 ,7,;,/ p ,Y^Q
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should he have declined the gift? When he was in Hsieh, he was apprehensive for his safety, and taking measures for his protection. The message was, " I have heard that you are taking measures to protect yourself, and send this to help you in procuring arms." Why should he have de- clined the gift? But when he was in Ch'i. he had no oc^ casion for money. To send a man a gift when he has no
occasion tor it. is to bribe him. How is it possible that a
superior man should accept a bribe? ' These are concrete cases showing the principles of accepting and declining wealth.
There is a most interesting discussion between Mencius and Wan Chang, his pupil, about the acceptance of wealth. The point of Mencius is that, when the donor offers his gift on a reasonable ground and in a manner in accordance with propriety, even Confucius would have received it. " Here now," says Wan Chang, ** is one who stops and robs people outside the city gates. He offers his gift on a ground of reason and in a proper manner ; — would it be right to re- ceive it when so acquired?" The answer of Mencius is. of course, negative. '* The princes of the present day." i)ur- sues Wan Chang. '* take from their people just as a robber despoils his victim, ^'et if they put a good face of pro- priety on their gifts, the superior man receices them. I venture to ask you to explain this." Here Wan Chang al- ludes to ?vlencius himself. Mencius answers:
Do you think that, if there should arise a truly imperial sov- ereign, he would collect the princes of the present day and put them all to death? Or would he admonish them, and then, if they did not change their ways, put them to death ? Indeed, to call every one who takes what does not properly belong to him a robber is jnishing a ix)int of resemblance to the utmost
' Classics. \o\. ii. i)p 21 yf'^.
I06 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
and insisting on the most refined idea of righteousness. When Confucius was in office in Lu, the officials struggled together for the game taken in hunting, and he did the same. If that struggling for the captured game was proper, how much more may the gifts of the princes be received ! ^
According to the reasoning of Mencius, we may receive a gift offered on a reasonable ground and in a proper manner, and need not push the idea of absolute justice to the ex- treme. For instance, we may receive donations from a trust in a proper way, and need not regard the trust as a robber. Although the trust may take what does not prop- erly belong to it, we cannot call it a robber because the whole structure of present society is not an ideal society. Under present conditions, we cannot judge every one ac- cording to the ideal standard. We should need to change the condition itself first. This is the explanation of Mencius, and it may be also the principle of Confucius.
V. THREE DOCTRINES DIRECTLY OPPOSED TO ECONOMIC
MOTIVE
Confucius has very many teachings on the subject of ethics, but we shall leave them out entirely, and take up only three doctrines which are directly against the economic motive. The first is the doctrine of fate ; the second is the doctrine of name; and the third is the doctrine of soul. All are very important teachings of Confucius.
I. Doctrine of Fate In order to understand the doctrine of fate, we must ask first what is meant by the word fate. Here is a definition given by Mencius : " That which is done without man's doing is from Heaven. That which happens without man's causing is from fate." ^ These two words, Heaven and
^Classics, vol. ii, pp. 379-383. ^ Ibid., p. 35Q.
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fate, are interchangeable. According to the Adjunct to the Canon of Filial Piety, there are three kinds of fate. Doing good and getting good is called receiving fate; do- ing good but getting evil is called encountering fate ; doing evil and getting evil is called following fate. Therefore, Mencius says : '' There is a fate for everything. A man should receive submissively what may be correctly ascribed thereto." ^ Indeed, the word fate has three points of view. From the religious viev^point. it is a supernatural power predetermining everything. F'rom the philosophical view- point, it is the law of necessity. From the ethical view- pHDint, it is the right principle, doing the right thing at the right moment and in the right way. The doctrine of fate of Confucius embraces these three points of view: hence he says that without recognizing fate, it is impossible to be a superior man."
Believing in fate and having no anxiety to acquire wealth, Confucius gives himself as an example. He says: *' If the search for riches were sure to be successful, though I should become a groom with whip in hand to get them, I should do so. As the search may not be successful, I will follow after that which I love." * What he loves is the study of truth, and not the search for wealth. Hence he says: '' Death and life have their fate; riches and honors depend upon Heaven." * The word Heaven and the word fate are the same thing expressed differently.
Since man's fate is determined in Heaven, and iiis na- ture is also given by Heaven, how can he harmonize these two things when his nature has wants and his fate cannot satisfy them? According to Confucius, man should subject
* Classics, vol. ii, p. 449. 2 Classics, vol. i. p. 354. ^Ibid., p. 198.
* Quoted by Tzu-hsia. ibid., pp. 252-3.
Io8 THE ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS
his nature to fate. He says : " The superior man proclaims the doctrine of fate as a barrier against material wants." ^ As the human wants rooted in nature are very numerous, and never can be completely controlled by anything, he pro- claims the fate which is in Heaven and beyond the power of man, in order to prevent unlawful ambition and to lessen unlimited desires. Mencius gives the same principle. He says:
For the mouth to desire sweet tastes, the eye to desire beau- tiful colors, the ear to desire pleasant sounds, the nose to de- sire fragrant odors, and the four limbs to desire ease and com- fort : these wants are of human nature. But there is fate in connection with them, and the superior man does not say of his pursuit of them, " It is my nature." ^
Mencius recognizes what human nature is. but he teaches men to respect fate and not to excuse their pursuit of grati- fication on the pretext of nature. Therefore, the doctrine of fate is an ethical teaching directly modifying the econo- mic wants.
From the doctrine of fate spring two policies. The first policy is negative, passive, taking everything when it comes, but not running risks to get it. This is primarily for the weakening of economic w^ants, and especially so in the in- dividual case. For the individual himself, if he takes the natural course and does not try to get anything by improper means, frees his mind from physical desires, and enjoys a great amount of happiness. It is said in the ''Appendix" of the Canon of CJuinges that a sage rejoices in Heaven and knows fate, hence he has no anxieties.^ This is the view
^ Li Ki, bk. xxvii, p. 284. 2 Classics, vol. ii, p. 489. 2 Vi King, n. 354.
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of optimism. If one does not believe in fate, he will be the slave of passion and the hunter of fortune. Therefore, Confucius says : '' The superior man lives in safe ways in order to wait for fate, while the mean man walks in dan- gerous paths in order to catch luck." ^
But we must not misunderstand and think that the passive policy excludes the principle of self-help. When one dies in the discharge of his duties, it is a regular fate; but when one dies of his own fault, it is not a regular fate. There- fore, Mencius says that the one who knows fate will not stand beneath a precipitous wall." Therefore, according to the principle of rites, those who die either from an un- reasonable attack which they do not wisely escape, or through the fall of some dangerous thing, or by drowning through heedlessness, should have no condolence offered for them.'' Indeed, if anyone does not help himself, fate never can help him, and he would be punished by his own fault. Fate is the final cause which operates after man has tried his best, but not a mere chance for the careless man. "Trust in God and keep your powder dry" is the real mean- ing of waiting for fate. The only difference between those who recognize fate and those who do not is that the former do everything morally, legally, reasonably, and that the latter do the opposite thing. But fate does not make men do nothing. Mencius says : " The superior man performs the law of right, and thereby waits simply for fate." *
The second policy is positive, active, trusting one's own principles, and disregarding all circumstances. This is primarily for the fulfillment of ethical duties, and especially
* Classics, vol. i. p. 396. ' Classics, vol. ii, p. ^50. ' Li Ki. bk. ii. p. 131.
* Classics, vol. ii, p. 496.
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SO in the social case. In the social relations and conditions, it is usually very difficult for men to carry out their ethical principles ; and there is fate. But we should be true to our nature, and should not discourage ourselves by saying that there is a fate.^ The spirit of Confucius is that al- though he knows the impracticable nature of the times, yet will he be striving to do something.^ He makes himself responsible for the betterment of the world, and exhausts all his mental powers. This is the principle of '' establish- ing fate."
The active policy is not to disregard fate, but to believe it, and such a belief makes the character of man very strong. When Confucius was in the state of Wei, he lived with Yen Ch'ou-yu, a worthy of Wei. But Mi Tzu, an un- worthy favorite of the court, informed Confucius through his pupil, that if he would lodge with him, he might obtain a p>osition as a minister. The answer of Confucius was that there is fate. Mencius comments as follows : " Con- fucius went into office according to propriety, and retired from it according to righteousness. In regard to his ob- taining office or not obtaining it, he said : ' There is fate.' " ^ When Confucius was informed that Kung-po Liao, an offi- cer of Lu, slandered Tzu-lu to Chi-sun, the prime minister, Confucius said : " If my principles are to be carried out, it is fate. If they are to fall to the ground, it is fate. What can Kung-po Liao do to fate?"* Therefore, the doctrine of fate makes man believe firmly his own principles, and not move on account of anything outside of himself. Even the question of life and death cannot affect him, — how
* Classics, vol. ii, pp. 489-490. ' Classics, vol. i, p. 290.
' Classics, vol. ii, p. 365.
* Classics, vol. i, p. 289.
ECONOMICS ASD ETHICS I j i
can the question of obtaining office or wealth affect him ? Mencius says : " When neither a premature death nor long Hfe causes a man any double-mindedness, but he cuki- vates his personal character, and waits for whatever issue ; — this is the way in which he establishes fate." ^ Every one has his own fate; if he does not believe it, he will be dis- turbed and changed by even very little things, and he de- stroys by himself what he has done before. This is a lack of self-confidence. Therefore, the doctrine of fate is good not only for those who discharge their ethical duties, but also for those who carry on their economic business. In- deed, it applies to the problems of daily life.
The doctrine of fate is accepted by Taoism, but rejected by Moism. Mo Tzu gives three books against this doc- trine, but he cannot attack it on any exact point. He says that by the doctrine of fate, the ruler and officer must be lazy regarding the works of government, and the men and women must also be lazy regarding production of wealth.^ But this is not the doctrine of fate at all.
2. Doctrine of Name
The second principle directly against the econonn'c mo- tive is the doctrine of name. The name (^f a man is the identification of his personality, and what a man cares for is not merely the name but the merits which make the name famous. Confucius says : ** The superior man hates that his name will not be praised after his death." ^ Since the name is the invariable concomitant of merit, and no one can have been a superior man without his name being remem- bered, the name is necessary to the superior man. This does not mean that he should seek for his name from others,
' Classics, vol. ii, p. 449.
2 Hk. xxxvii.
' Classics, vol. i. p. 30a
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but that he should make his name for himself. Again, he says : " "When we have established our personality and dif- fused our principles, so as to make our name famous in future ages, and thereby glorify our