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Caesar's Gallic War, Book I.

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ItautTu XitcvitT Tvauslations

CESAR'S COMMENTARIES

ON THE

GALLIC WAR

LITERALLY TRANSLATED

WITH EXPLANATORY NOTES

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TliL'

COMMENTARIES OF C. JULIUS C./ESAR

ON HIS

WAE IN GAUL.

BOOK L

THE ARGUMENT.

I. Dpscription of Ganl and its divisions. — II,-IV. The ambitious designs of the Hclvetii under Orgetorix, and the siispicious death of the latter. — V.-VI. The Helvetii still proceed to carry out their designs. — VIII.-XI. Cssar's opposition and measures. — XII. The battle at the river Arar, — XIIL The Heivetii send ambassadors to sue for peace. — XIV. Cssar's politic answer. — XV. An- other engagement with the Helvetii. — XVI. Caesar'a reproof of the .»Edui for not sending him the promised rjpplies. — XVII.-XIX, The disclosures of Liscus respecting Dumnorix. — XX. Divitiacus, his brother, pleads for Dumnorix.— XXI.-XXVI. Various events in the war between Cesar and the Helvetii. — XXVII. The Helved, being worsted, offer a F-rrender, but some clandestinely return home. — XXVIII. XXIX. The numbers of the several Helvetian forces before and after the war, — XXX. Certain parts of Gaul congratxilate Caesar and request a council. — XXXI. Complaints are there made against Arioratus — XXXII. -XXXVI. Caaar's message to Ariovistus and the bold answer of the latter.— XXXVII.-XXXIX. A panic in the Ro- man camp. — XL. Cajsar's speech on that occasion. — XLI. Its effecta- — XLII.-XLVI. Conference between Cssar and Ariovistus. — XLVII.-LII. Which terminates in wsir. — LIII. The overthrow of the Germans and their flight -from Gaul. — LIV. Caesar, having sent Ixis army into winter- quarters amongst the Sequani, proceeds to perform the civil duties of his pro-consular office.

Chap. I. — All Gaul is divided into three parts, one o* which the Belgse inliabit, the Aqmtani another, those who in their own language are called Celts, in ours Gauls, the third. All these differ from each other in language, customs and laws. The river Garonne separates the Gauls from the Aquitani; the Mame and the Seine separate them from the Belgae. Of ail these, the Belgae are the bravest, be- cause they are farthest from the ci\iHzation and refinement cfJ^QurJ Province, and merchants least frequently resort to

2 Cesar's comsientaeies. {"book i

them, and import those things which tend to effeminate the mind ; and they are the nearest to the Germans, who dwell beyond the Rhine, with whom they are continually wagmg war; for which reason the Helvetii also surpass the rest of the Gauls in valour, as they contend with the Germans in almost daily battles, when they either repel them from theii own territories, or themselves wage war on their frontiers. One part of these,* which it has been said that the Gauls occupy, takes its beginning at the river Rhone : it is bounded by the river Garonne, the ocean, and the territories of the Belgae : it borders, too, on the side of the Sequani and the Helvetii, upon the river Rhine , and stretches towards the north.f The Belgce rise from the extreme frontier of Gaul, extend to the lower part of the river Rhine ; and look towards the north and the lising sun. J Aquitania extends from the river Garonne to the Pyrensoan mountains and to that part of the ocean which is neai- Spain :§ it looks between the set- ting of the sun and the north star. ||

Chap. II. — Among the Helvetti. Orgetorix was by far the most distinguished and wealthy. He, when Marcus Messala and Marcus Piso^ were consuls, incited by lust of sove- reignty, formed a conspiracy among the nobility, and per- suaded the people to go forth fr'om their territories with all their possessions, ** [saying] that it would be very easy,

• Of these, i. e. of the three divisions of the Gauls, (1) Celts, (2) Bel- gians, and (3) Aquitanians, not vet reduced by conquest to the state of pro- %'incial3 of Rome, as the Allobroges in the S. E. had been by Q. Fabius Maxinus Allobrogicus, who was consul in B.C. 121, (the year of the famous vintage,) with L, Opimius Nepos, the murderer of C. Gracchus in that year. This Fabius, who thence derived his surname, defeated them and triumphed over their ally Bituitus, king of the Avemi, [Auvergne,2 who waa led captive in the victor's procession A Rome. So that before Caesar's birth this was the Provincia (or Gallia Narbonensis vel Braccata). The modem Provence is only part of the old Roman Provincia,

t '' To the north :" literally, to the northern stars.

"i i.e. It has a north-east aspect.

II i. e. It has a north-west aspect.

$ Tliis " part of the ocean " is the Bay of Biscay, where it washes the north coast of Spain.

*ii The consulship of M. Valerius Messala Niger and M. riipiusPiso, was in B. c. Gl, the year in which Clodius profaned the rites of the Bona Deei, and in which Pomey the Great triumphed at Rome for his victories ovci the Pirates, and the kings Tigranes, and Mithridates.

•♦ Cum omnibus copiis, i.e. 'n-avvrjfid, with all their goods and chattel^ [conf. " cultam et capias Gallorum." Book i. $ 31.]

CHAP, in.] THE GALLIC WAB. 3

Biuce they excelled all in valour, to acquii'e the supremacy of the -svhole of Gaul. To this he the more easily persuaded them, because the Helvetii are confined on every side by the nature of their situation ; on one side by the Rhine, a very broad and deep river, which separates the Helvetian territory from the Germans ; on a second side by the Jura, a very high mountain, which is [situated] between the Sequani and the Helvetii ; on a tliird by the Lake of Geneva, and by the river Rhone, which separates our Province from the Helvetii. From these circum- stances it resulted, that they could range less widely, and could less easily make war upon their neighbours ; for which reason men fond of war [as they were] were affected with great regret. They thought, that considering the extent of their population, and their renown for warkre and bravery, they had but narrow limits, although they extended in length 240 and in breadth 180 [Roman]* miles.

Chap. III. — Induced by these considerations, and influ- enced by the authority of Orgetori^, they determined to pro vide such things as were necessary for their expedition — to buy up as great a number as possible of beasts of burden and waggons — to make their sowings as large as possible, so that on their march plenty of com might be in store — and to establish peace and fiiendship with the neighbouring states. They reckoned that, a term of two years would be sufficient for them to execute their designs ; ,they fix by decree their departure for the third year. Orgetorix is chosen to complete these arrange- ments. He took upon himself the office of ambassador to the states : on this joinmey he persuades Castlcus, the son of Catamantaledes, (one of the Sequani, whose father had pos- sessed the sovereignty among the people for many years, and had been styled "friend" by the senate of the Roman people,) to seize upon the Eovereignty in his own state, which his father had held before him, and he likewise persuades Dum- B6rix,'an -^duan, the brother of Divitiacus, who at that time possessed the chief authority in the state, and was exceedingly beloved by tho people, to attempt the same, and gives him his

* The Roman mile, mille passus = 4,854 English feet, exactly=9'193

of English miles. So that the length, as in -the text, would be about 217

Ehglish miles, the breadth 163. The real length of Helvetia from the Le-

man lake to Lake of Constance is hardly more than 40 geographical miles.

b2

4 c^SiVE's comrENTAEiEs. [book 1

daughter in marriage. He proves to them that to accomplish their attempts was a thing ver^' easy to he done, because he himself -svould obtain the government of his own state; that there was no doubt that the Helvetii were the most power- ful of the whole of Gaul ; he assures them that he v/ill, with his own forces and his own army, acquire the sove- reignty for them. Incited by this speech, they give a pledge and oath to one another, and hope that, when they havo Ecized the sovereignty, they will, by means of the three mosi powerful and valiant nations, be enabled to obtain possession cf the whole of Gaul.

Chap. TV. — When this scheme was disclosed to the Hel vctii by informers, thej , according to their cuctom. compelled Orgetoris to plead his cause in chains ; it was the law that the penalty of being burned by fire should await him if con- demned. On the i^j appointed for the pleading of his cause. Orgetorix drew together from all quarters to the court, all his vacsals to the number of ten thousand persons; and led to- gctlier to the same place, and all" his dependants and debtor- bondsmen, of whom he hod a great number ; by means of these he rescued himself from [the necessity of] pleading his cause. While the state, incensed at this act, was endeavo^lring to as-^ Bert its right by armS; and the magistrates were mustering a large body of men from the country, Orgetoris died; and there is not wanting a suspicion, as the Helvetii think, of hia having committed suicide.*

(Jhap. V. — ^After his death, the Helvetii nevertheless at empt to do that which they had resolved on, namely, to go forth from their territories. When they thought that they were at lengJJi prepared for this undertaking, they set fire to all then: towns, in number about twelve, — to their willages about fom- hundred, — and to the private dwellings that remained ; they bum up aU the com, except what they intend to carry Avith them ; that after destroying the hope of a return home, they might be the more ready for undergoing all dangers. They order every one to carry forth from home for himself provisions for three months, ready ground They persuade the Rauraci, and the Tulingi, and ^he Latobrigi, their neigh-

• Literallr, " nor is there absent a susjAcion that he resolved on tUtoti for himaelf "

CHAP. Vn.] IHZ GllJJO "frAB. 5

bours, to adopt tHe same plae, and aftftr biu-ning down iheii towns and villages, to set out with them : and they admit to their party and miite to themselves as confederates the Boii, who had dwelt on the other side of the Rhine,* and had crossed over into the Korican territory, and assaulted Noreia.f

Chap. VI. — There were in all two routes, by whicn they could go forth from their countn^ — one through the Sequ^ni,* narrow and difi&cult, between mount Jura and the river Ehone, (by which scarcely one waggon at a time could be led; there was, moreover, a very high mountain overhanging, so that a very few might easily intercept them ;) the other, through our Province, much easier and freer from obstacles, because the Rhone flows between the boundaries of the Helvetii and those of the Allobroges, who had lately been subdued, § and is in some places crossed by a ford. The furthest town of the Allobroges, and the nearest to the territories of the Helvetii, is Geneva. From this town a bridge extends to the Helvetii. They thought that they should either persuade the Allobroges, because they did not seem as yet well-affected towards the Roman people, or compel them by force to allow them to pass through their territories. Having pro\'ided every thing for the expedition, they appoint a day, on which they should all meet on the bank of the Pthone. This day was the fifth before the kalends of April, [i. e., the 28th '{ of March,] in the consulship of Lucius Piso and Aulus Gabinius [b. c. 58 ]

Chap. VII. — When it was reported to Csesar, that they were attempting to make their route through our Province, he hastens to set out from the city, and, by as great marches as he can, proceeds to Further Gaul, and. arrives at Geneva. He orders the whole Province [to furnish] as great a number of soldiers as possible, as there was in all only one legion lu Further Gaul : he orders the bridge at Geneva to be

* In the modem Bohemia and Bavaria, which both derive their names from the Boii.

+ Noreia seems to nave been the old capital of Noricmn.

t The country of the Sequani is the modem Franche C'omle,

§ C. Pomptinxis, when prsetor, defeated (b. c. 61) the Allobroges, who had invaded his province of Gallia Narbonensis. (They were perhaps insurgents.)

II According to the inclusive reckoning of the ancients, whereby the Slbt (last) day of March would be the day before [rather the 2nd day ofj the kalends of April, the 30th the 3rd day before, &c., &c.

6 Caesar's coiuientaeies [book i

broken down. When 'the Helvetii are apprised of his arrival, they send to him, as ambassadors, the most illustrious men of their state, (in which embassy Numeius and Verudoctius held the chief place), to say " that it was their intention to march through the Province without doing any hann, because they had" [according to their own representations,]* "no other route : — that they requested, they might be allowed to do so with his consent." CaBsar, inasmuch as he kept in remembrance that Lucius Cassius, the consul, had been slain.f and his army routed and made to pass under the yoke by the Helvetii, did not think that [their request] ought to be granted ; nor was he of opinion that men of hostile disposition, if aa opportunity of marching through the Province were given them, would abstain from outrage and mischief. Yet, in order that a period might intervene, until the soldiers whom he had ordered [to be furnished] should assemble, he repheci to the ambassadors, that he would take time to dehberate ; if they wanted anything, they might retmn on the day before the ides J of April [on April 12th].

Chap. VIII. — Meanwhile, with the legion which he had with him and the soldiers who had assembled from the Pro- vince, ho carries along for nineteen [Pvoman, not quite eightceu English] miles a v.-all, to the height of sixteen feet, § and u trench, from the lake of Geneva, which flows into the river Rhone, to Mount Jura, which separates the territories of the Sequani from those of the Helvetii When that work was finished, he distributes garrisons, and closely fortifies redoubts, in order that he may the more easily intercept them, if they should attempt to cross over against his vail. WTien the day which he had appointed vdth. the ambassadors came, and

♦ Vid. M&dvig's Lat. Gramm. (Wood's Translation,) § 382. Obs. S, p. 333. These parentheses are inserted to explain mors fully the pre^ else form cf the Latin subjunctives ("haberent" .... " reverter eatur, &c.) in the oraiio obligua, indirect citation, where not the feet but the assertion of it by somebody, is meant to be declared.

t By the Ttgiirini, B.C. 107, when consul (with the famous C.Marius). Vid. chap. xii.

X The ides of April being April 13th, and the ides of every month the 13th, save ^larch, May, July, and, October, during which four monthi the ides fell on the 15th of each, two days later than usual

§ Tlie Roman foot, pes, v.as equal to 97 English feet. The height of the wall would, thereforcj be about 11 feet 10 inches, according to CUT tnensuTiitJoa

^JHAP. X.] THE GALLIC WAR. ^

they returned to him ; he says, that he cannot, consistently ■with the custom and precedent of the "loman people, gi-ant any one a passage throiagh the Province ; and he gives them to understand,'*' that, if they should attempt to use violence he would oppose them. The Helvetii, disappointed in this hope, tried H they could force a passage, (some hy means of a bridge of boats and numerous rafts constructed for the purpose ; f others, by the fords of the Rhone, -where the depth rf the river was least, sometimes by day, but more fi-equently oy night,) but being kept at bay by the strength of our -works, and by the concoxu-se of the soldiers, and by the missiles, they desisted from this attempt.

Chap. IX. — There was left one way, [namely] through the Sequani, by which, on accomit of its narro-wness, they could, not pass without the consent of the Sequani. As they could not of themselves prevail on them, they send ambassadors to Dumnorix the ^duan, that through his intercession, they might obtain their request from the Sequani. Dumnorix, by his popularity and liberality, had great influence among the Sequani, and was friendly to the Helvetii, because out of that state he had married the daughter of Orgetoiix; and, incited by lust of sovereignty, was anxious for a revolution, and wished to have as many states as possible attached to him by his kindness towards them. He» therefore, undertakes the affair, and prevails upon the Sequani to allow the Helvetii to march through their territories, and arranges that they should give hostages to each other — the Sequani not to obstruct the Hel- vetii in their march — the Helvetii, to pass without mischiet and outrage.

Chap. X. — It is again told Csesar, that the Helvetii in- tend to march through the country of the Sequani and the ^dui into the territories of the Santones, which are not far distant from those boimdaries of the Tolosates, which [viz Tolosa, Toulouse] is a state in the Province. If tliis took place, he saw that it would be attended with great danger to the Province to have warUke men, enemies of the Roman

• " Ostendere " and" dcnycrvj^rctrc " are often need by Czcsar for expIicS n'al declaration. f That is, as a por.tocn.

9 Cesar's commentaihes. [book k

people, bordering ipon* an open and veiy fertile tract of country. For these reasons lie appointed Titus Labienus, his lieutenant, to the command of the fortification which he had ' made. He himself proceeds to Italy by forced marches, and! there levies two legions, and leads out from winter-quarters' three which were wintering around Aquileia,f and with these five legions marches I rapidly bj tlie nearest route across the Alps into Further Gaul. Here the Centrones and the Graioceli and the Catmig8s,§ having taken possession of the higher parts, attempt to obstruct the army in their march. After having routed these in several battles, he anives in the territories o1 the Vocontii in the Further Province on the seventh fliiy from Ocelum.ll which is the most remote town of the Hither Province ; thence he leads his army into the country of the Allobroges, and from the Allobroges to the Segusiani. ^ These people are the first beyond the Province on the opposite side of the Rhone. **

Chap. XI.— The Helvetii had by this time led their forces over through the narrow defile and the territories of the Se- quani, and had arrived at the territories of the ^dui, and were ravaging their lands. The ^dui, as they could not defend themselves and their possessions against them, send ambassadors to CsBsar to ask assistance, [pleading] that they had at all times so 'o'ell desei-ved of the Eoman people, that their fields ought not to have been laid waste — their children carried ofif into slavery — their towns stormed, almost within sight of our army. At the same time the Ambarri, tho friends and kinsmen of the ^dui, apprise C»sar, that it was Dot easy far them, now that their fields had been devastated,

* Making « locis patentibus " directly dependent on "/.nilimos," which seems the true (though overlocked) construction, and is perhaps the Bimplest

t A district in Venelia, which not in ancient only, but in more modem tmaes and the middle ages, held the key of Italy on the north-east side.

i Coniendit ire. Literally, " hastens to go,"

§ The Centrones in the Graian Alps, Caturiges (south of them) in the Cottian Alps, Graiocgli between the two.

II Ocelum, the chief town of Graioceli, just on the frontiers of Transal- pine Gaul : the present Vsseau in Piedmont.

^ H Considered, of course, not so much as tribes, but as districtfi. Thia IS common enough in Caesar.

•• The first independent people north of the Roman Provioce (new Lugdunum, Lyons\

CHAP. XU.J SHE OALLIO VTAU^ 9

to ward off the violenco of the euemy from tlieir toiKTis : the AUobvoges likewise, 'vvho had villagfs aud possessions on the other side of the lihoiie, betake theiQselves in flight to Cojsai', and assure him, that they had noth.in'T remaining, except the soil of their land. Coesai', induced by these circum- stances, decides, that he ought not 'i' wait until the Helvetii, after destroying all the property of his allies, should arrive among the Santones.

Chap. XII. — There is a river [called] the Saone, which flows tlirough the territories of the ^Edui and Sequani into the Rhone with such incredible slowness, that it cannot be determined by the eye iu which direction it flows. This the Helvetii were crossing by rafts and boats joined together. When Caesar was informed by spies that the ■•Helvetii had already conveyed three parts of their forces across that river, but that the fom-th part was left behmd on tliis side of the SaSne. he set out from the camp ■v\ith three legions during the third watch,*' and came up with tliat division which had not yet crossed the river Attackiiig them, encumbered with baggage, and not expecting him, he cut to pieces a gi-eat part of them ; the rest betook themselves to flight, and concealed themselves in the nearest woods. That canton [which was cut down] v^as called the Tigurine;! for the whole Helvetian state is divided into four cantons. This single canton having left their country, within tie recollection of our fathers, had slain Lucius Cassius the consul, and had made his army pass vmder the yoke, I [b. cr, 107.] Thus, whether by chance, or by the design of the immoital gods, that part of the Helvetian state which had brought a signal calamity upon the Roman people, was the Jii-st to pay the penalty. In this Caesar avenged not only the public, but also his own personal wTongs, because the Tigurini had slain Lucius Piso the lieutenant [of Cassius], the

• The night was di^^dea by the Romans into four " watches," of three hours each ; the third begiuing at midnight, and the whole four lasting from six o'clock p. m. to six a. m. *' De " seems often to mean " about the middle of;"" *'ut jugulent homines, surgunt de nocle (fit midnight) latrO' nes."— Horat. 1 Epist. ii. 32.

t The Canton of Zurich.

% This has been already mentioned in chap. vii.

% Consul in B. c. J12.

10 CJISAB'S COMMENTARIES. [BOOK I.

grandfather of Lucius Calpumius Piso,* his [Caesar *sr] father- in law, in the same battle as Cassius himself.

Chap. XIII. — This battle ended, that he might he able to come up with the remaining forces of the Helvetii,he procui'es a bridge to be made across the" Saone, and thus leads his army over. The Helvetii, confused by his sudden arrival, when they found that he had effected in one day, what they themselves had with the utmost difficulty accomplished in twenty, namely, the crossing of the river, send ambassadors to him ; at the head of which embassy was Divico, who had been commander of the Helvetii, in the, war against Cassius. He thus treats with Caesar : — that, " if the Eoman people would make peace with the Helvetii they would go to diat part and there remain, where Caesar might appoint and des^ire them to be ; but if he should persist f in jpersecuting them with war, that he ought to remember both the ancient disgrace of the Koman people and the characteristic valour of the Helvetii. As to his having attacked one canton by surprise, [at a time] when those who had crossed the river could not bring assist- ance to their friends, that he ought not on that account to ascribe very much to his own valour, or despise them; that thej had so learned from their sires and ancestors, as to rely more on valour than on artifice or stratagem. Wherefore let him not bring it to passt that the place, where they were standing, should acquire a name, from the disaster of ih(^ Eoman people and the destruction of their army or transmit the remembranc* [of such an event to posterity]."

Chap XIV. — To these words Caesar thus replied: — ^that " on that very account he felt less hesitation, because- he kept in remembrance those circumstances which the Helvetian ambassadors had mentioned, and that he felt the more in- indignant at them, in proportion as they had happened unde- servedly to the Roman people : for if they had been conscious of having done any wrong, it would not have been difficult

• Consul in b. c. 58, through Caesar's influence, who had been consul in B. 0. S?, and had married Piso'a daughter Calpumla.

+ Turning the Latin from the oratio oUiqiui to the oratio rectay it would be : — *' sin bello persequi perseveras, reminiscitor .... pristina virtutia Helvetiorum,*' &c. ; and lower down (f) " ne committeret " would be * ne commiseris." Vid. Wood's Translation of Madvig's Lat. Gramm. § 404, 5, p. 354.

CHAP. XV.] THE GALLIC WAB. 11

to be on their guard, but for thot very rcaooii had th^y been deceived, because neither were they aware that any offence had been given by them, on account of which they should be afraid, nor did they tliink that they ought to be afraid without cause. But even if he were willing to forget their former outrage, could he also lay aside * the remembrance of the late wrongs, in that they had against hia will attempted a route through the Province by force, in that they had molested the .^dui, the Ambarri, and the Allobroges ? That as to their so insolently boasting of their victory, and as to (heiv being as- tonished that they had so long committed their outrages with impunity, [both these things] tended to the same point ; for the immortal gods are wont to allow those persons whom they wish to punish for their guilt sometimes a greater prosperity and longer impunity, in order that they may suffer the mora severely from a reverse of circumstances. Although these things are so, yet, if hostages were to be given him by them in order that he may be assured they will do what they promise, and provided they will give satisfaction to the ^dui for the out- I'ages which they had committed against them and their allies, and likewise to the AJlobrogcs, he [C^sar] will make peaca with them." Divico rephed, that " the Helvetii had been so trained by their ancestors, that they were accustomed to re- ceive, not to give, hostages ; cf that fact the Roman jpeople were \\itnes3.'' Having given this reply, he withdrew.

Chap. XV. — On the following day they move their camp from that place ; Caesar does the same, and sends forward all his cavalry, to the number cf four thousand (which he had drawn together from all parts cf the Province and from the ^dui and their alhes), to observe towards what parts the enemy are directing their march. These, having too eagerly pursued the enemy's rear, f come to a battle with the cavalry of the Helvetii in a disadvantageous place, and a few of our men fall. The Helvetii, elated with this battle, because they had tvith five hundred horse repulsed so large a body of horse, Degau to face ns mor'e boldly, sometimes too from their rear to

* Si veteria contumeli2e obllvisci vellet, num etiam recentium injuri« arum memoriam deponerc, posse," without " se," would be in oratio rejta, "si . . . volo " — " num .... possum^" For a fuller explanation Bee Madvig'3 Lat. Gramm. (V/ood*3 Vranslation,) § 405, a, page 354.

19 iLBOOX I,

provoke our men by an attack. Caesar [however] restrained his men from battle, deeming it suflSicient for the present to prevent the enemy from rapine, forage, and depredation. They marched for about fifteen days in such a manner that there was not more than five or six miles between the enemy's rear and our van.

Chap. XVI. — Meanwhile, Caesar kept daily importuning the JEdui for the com which they had promised in the name of their state; for, in consequence of the coldness, (Gaul, being, as before said, situated towards the north,) not only was the corn in the fields not ripe, but there was not in store a suffi- ciently large quantity even of fodder : besides he was un able to use the com, which he had conveyed in ships up the river Saone, because the Helvetii, from whom he was unwilling to retiro had diverted then* march from the Saone. The ^dui kepc deferring from day to day, and saying that it was being "collected — brought in — on the road." When he saw iJiat he was put off too long, and that the day was close at hand on which he ought to serve out the com to his soldiers ; — ^having called together their chiefs, of whom he had a great number in his camp, among them Divitiacus, and Liscus who was invested with the chief magistracy, (whom the^dui style the Vergobretus, and who is elected annually, and has power of life and death over his countrymen,) he- severely reprimands them, because he is not assisted by them on 60 urgent an oocasion, when the enemy were so close at hand, and when [com] could neither be bought, nor taken from the fields, particularly as, in a great measm^e urged by their prayers, he had undertaken the war ; much more bitterly, therefore, does he complaui of his being forsaken.

Chap. XVII. — Then at length Liscus, moved by CaBsar's speech, discloses what he had hitherto kept secret: — that "there are some whose influence with the people is very great, who, though private men, have more power than the magistrates themselves : that these by seditious and violent language are deterring the populace from contributing the com which they ought to supply; [by telling them] that if- they cannot any longer retain the supremacy of Gaul, it were better to submit to the government of Gauls fbftTi of Romans, nor ought they to doubt that, if the Romans should overpower the Helvetii, they would wrest their

CHAP. XVin.] THE GALLIC WAE. 13

freedom from the ^dui together with the remainder of Gaul. By these very men, [said he.] are our plans, and whatever is done in the camp, disclosed to the enemy ; that they could not be restrained by him: nay more, he was well aware, that though compelled by necessity, he had disclosed the matter to Caesar, at how gi-eat a risk he had done it ; and for that reason, he had been silent as long as he could,"

Chap. XV] Tl. — Csesar perceived that, by this speech of Liscus, Duninoiix. the brother of Divitiacus, was indicated ; but, as he was unwilling that these matters should be discussed while so many were present, he speedily dismisses the council, but de- tains Liscus : he inquires from him when alone, about those things which he had said in the meeting. He [Liscus] speaks more unreservedly and boldly. He [Caesar] makes inquiries on the same points privately of others, and discovers that it is all true ; that " Dumnonx is the person, a man of the highest daring, in great favour with the people on account of his liberality, a man eager for a revolution : that for a great many years he has been in the habit of contracting for the customs and all the other taxes of the yEdui at a small cost, because when he bids, no one dares to bid against him. By these means he has both increased his own private property, and amassed great means for giving largessec: that he maintains constantly ai his own expense and keeps about his own person II great number of cavahy. and that not only at home, but even among the neighbourmg states, he has great influence, and for the sake of strengthening this influence has given his mother ia marriage among the BiturTges to a man the most noble and most influential there ; that he has himself taken a wife from among th« Helvetii, and has given his sister by the mother's side and his female relations in marriage into other states ; that he favours and wishes well to the Helvetii on account of this connection ; and tliat he hates Coesar and the Romans, on his own account, because by their arri\al his power was weak- ened, and his brother, Divitiacus, restored to Ins former position of influence and dignity : that, if anything should happen to the Piomans, he entertains the highest hope of gaining; the sovereignty b} means of the Helvetii, but that under the government of the Eornan people he despairs not only of royalty, but even of that influence which he already ha* " Caesar discovered too on iuquinng into the uusuccessfeiJ

14 CJESAR*S COMMENTARIES. [BOOK 1

cavalry engagement which had taken place a few days before, that the commencement of that flight had been made by Bumnorix and his cavalry (for Dumnorix was in command of the cavalry which the ^dui had sent for aid to Caesar) ; that by their flight the rest of the cavalry was dismayed.

Chap. XIX. — After learning these circumstances, since to these suspicions the most unequivocal facts were added, viz., tliat he had led the Helvetii through the territories of the Gequani ; that he had provided that hostages should be mutu- ally given ; that he had done all these things, not only without any orders of his [Caesar's] and of his own state's, but even without their [the ^dui] knowing anything of it themselves ; that he [Dumnorix] was reprimanded by the [chief] magistrate cf the jEdui ; he [Caesar] considered that there was sufficient reason, why he should either punish him himself, or order the state to do so. One thing [however] stood in the way of all this — that he had learned by experience his brother Divitiacus's veiy high regard for the ROman people, his great afiectiou towards him, his distinguished faithfulness, justice, and modera- tion; for he was afraid lest by the punishment of this man, he should hurt the feelings of Divitiacus. Therefore, before he attempted anything, he orders Divitiacus to be summoned to hira, and, when the ordinary interpreters had been withdra\\ii, converses with him through Caius Valerius Procillus, chief of the province of Gaul, an intimate friend of his, in whom he reposed the highest confidence in eveiy tiling ; at the same time he reminds him of what was said about Dumnorix in the council of the Gauls, when he himself was present, and shows what each had said of him privately in his [Caesar's] own presence ; he begs and exhorts him, that, without ofi'enco to his feelings, he may either himself pass judgment on him [Dumnoiix] after trying the case, or else order the [^duaii] state to do so.

Chap. XX. — Divitiacus, embracing Caesar, begins to im- plore him, with many tears, that "he would not pass any very severe sentence upon his brother; sapug, that he knows that those [charges] ai'e true, and that nobody suffered more pain on that account than he himself did; for when he liimself could effect a very great deal by his influence at homo und in the rest of Gaul, and he [DumnorLx] veiy Httle on account of his youth, the latter had become powerful tlu'ough

CH>P. XXI-I THE GALLIC WAR. 15

his means, which power and strength he used not only to the lessening of his [[Divitiacus] popularity, hut almost to his ruin; that he, however, was influenced both by fraternal afiection and by public opinion. But if anything very severe from Caesar should befall him []Dumn6rix|], no one woult think that it had been done without his consent, since he himself held such a place in Caesar's friendship ; from which circiimstance it would arise, that the affections of the whole of Gaul would he estranged from him." As he was with tears be^ng these things of Csesar in many words, Caesar takes his right band, and, comforting him, begs him to make an end of entreating, and assures him that his regard for him is so great, that he forgives both the injuries of the republic and his private wrongs, at his desire and prayers. He summons Dumnoiix to him ; he brings in his brother ; he points out what he censures in him ; he lays before him what he of himself perceives, and what the state complains of; he warns him for the future to avoid all grounds of suspicion; he says that he pardons the past, for the sake of his brother, Divitiacus. He sets spies over Dumnorix that he may be able to know what he does, and with whom he communicates.

Chap. XXI. — Being on the same day informed by his scouts, that the enemy had encamped at ^ the foot of a moun- tain eight miles from his own camp ; he sent persons to ascertain what the nature of the mountain was, and of what kind the ascent on every side. Word was brought back, that it was easy. During the third watch * he orders Titus Labienus, his lieutenant with praetorian powers, | to ascend to the highest ridge of the mountain with two legions, and with those as guides who had examined the road ; he explains what his T)lan is. He himself during the fomth watch, t

• For the vigili<By or watches of the night, vid. note on book i. chap. 12. — , 1 ^ • 1- r /. t. n „ C There heirig thus four

With f l«t ^gi^^ '""'^'"q :« V^i^^ht «f *^« 1^'^ '^'^^^

the J ^f " ^-^^^'i^rf^^l^i «' Vigili*" ms a term

Bomans 1 ^jj « Tf^^t 6 !'„ 1 connected with zniUtarv

1 4th „ 3 a.m. to 6 a.m. t„}ght.duty.

t " Legatum pro preetore." The legati accompanied the generals into the field, or the proconsul [or prsetor] to the provinces. They were nomi- nated (legati) bv the Consul, Praetor, or Dictator, under whom they served, after such nominauqn bad been sanctioned by a decree of senate [senatut

10 CfflSAE'3 COMMENTAEIES. |bOOK »

hastens to them Ly the same route hy which the enemy had gone, and sends on all the cavalry before him. Publius Consi- djus, "who was reputed to be very experienced in military afifeirs, and had been in the army of Lucius Sulla, and after- wards in that of ^Marcus Crassus, is sent forward with the

ECOUtS.

Chap. XXII. — At day-break, when the summit of the mountain was in the possession of Titus Labieuus, and he hijUf self was not fmther off than a mile and half* from the enemy's camp, nor, as he afterwards ascertained from the captives, had either his arrival or that of Labienus been discovered ; Consi- dius, with his horse at full gallop, comes up to liim — says that the mountain which he [CaesarJ wished should be seized by Labienus, is in possession of the enemy ; that he has discovered this by the Gallic arms and ensigns. Caesar leads off his forces to the next hill : []andj draws them up in battle-order. Labienus, as he had been ordered by Caesar not to como to an engagement unless [Caesar's] own forces were seen near the enemy's camp, that the attack upon the enemy might be made on every side at the same time, was, after having taken possession of the mountain, waiting for our men, and refraining from battle. When, at length, the day was far advanced, Caesar learned through spies, that the mountain was in possession of his own men, and that the Helvetii had moved their camp, and that Considius, struck with fear, had reported to him, as seen, that which he had not seen. On that day he follows the enemy at his usual f dis- tance, and pitches his camp three miles from theirs.

Chap. XXIII. — The next day, (as there remained in all only two days' space [tc the time] when he must serve out the com to his army, and as he was not more than eighteen miles from Bibracte,+ by fiir the largest and best-stored town of the .^dui,) he thought ■'hat he ought to provide for a sup-

consultvun.] If the consul w.s absent from the army, or a proconsul left his province, the legati, or one of them, held the absent magistnte's power and insignia, m which case he was styled Legatus pro Praetore, (or Vicegerent.)

* Bibracte, afterwards Augustodunam, {hence) the modem Autun, (oa the river Aroux, in Burgundy.

t Lit. " 1500 paces." The passus (pace)z=2 gradus=5 pedes=4 EngJsh- feet, 1 0-218 inches.

* Literally, " At the it>*«rval at which he had bef? used" (^to fcUow, &.c)

CHAP. XXV. j THE GALLIC WAE. 17

ply of com ; and divcrtod his inarch from the Helvetii, and advanced rapidly to Bibracte. This circumstance is reported to the enemy by some deserters from Lucius ^milius, a captain,* of the Gallic horse. The Helvetii, either because they thought that the Eomans. struck with terror, were retreating from them, the more so, as the day before, though they had seized on the higher grounds, they had. not joined battle; or because they flattered themselves that they might' be cut off fi'om the provisions, alteiing their plan and changing their route, began to pursue, and to. annoy our men in the rear.

Chap. XXIV. — Ceesar, when he observes this, draws off his forces to the next hill, and sent the cavalry to sustain the attack of the enemy. He himself, meanwhile, drew up on the middle of the MU a triple line of his four veteran legions iu such a manner, that he placed above him on the very summit the two legions, which he had lately le^*ied in Hither Gaul.f and all the auxiliaries ;t and he ordered that the whole mountain should be covered with men, and that mean- while the baggage § should be brought together into one place, and the position be protected by those who were posted in the upper line: The Helvetii, having followed with all their waggons, collected their baggage into one place : they them selves, after having repulsed our cavalry and formed a phalanx, advanced up to our front line in very close order.

Chap. XXV. — Caesar, having removed out of sight fii-st liis own horse, then those of all, that he might make the danger

• The regular complement (j'-istus equitatus) of cavalry' in a legion in CjBsar's time (the legion then was 5000 foot) was 300, i e. 10 tnrms of 30 horsemen each. [There -were for each turm 3 decuriones, fKapxai.'] But in Caesar's time the decurio tsems to have been captain of the whole tumi, according to Vegetius.

+ As is stated in chap. x. of this book.

J All the foreign socii were obliged to send subsidies in troops when Rome demanded them ; these did not, however, like those of the socii Italici, serve in the line, but were used as light-armed soldiers, and were called •* aurilia."

§ Sarcinae (lit. "packages") is used of each soldier's own baggage. which he caTies for himself; but impedimenta is the army's baggage, carried on waggons or beasts of burden. The Boman soldier carried a vast load, 60 pounds weight, besides his r.rmour, which last was considered i)art And parcel of the man himself. (Cic. Tusc. Qu. ii. \6.\

G

x8 CESAR'S COMMENTABIES [bOOK t

of all equal, and do away with tine hope of flight, after eu- couraging his men, joined battle. His soldiers, hurhng their javelins from the higher ground, easily brolvo the enemy^s phalanx. That being dispei-sed, they made a charge on them "with d^a^vn swords. It was a great liindrance to tlie Gauls in fighting, that, when several of their bucklers * had been by ono stroke of the (Roman) javehnsf pierced through and pinned fast together, as the point of the iron had bent itself, they could neither pluck it out, nor, with their left hand entangled, fight with sufficient e-ase ; so that many, after ha\-ing long tossed their arm about, chose rather to cast away the buckler from their hand, and to fight with their pei-son unprotected. At length, worn out with wounds, they began to give way, and, as there was in the neighbourhood a mountain about a mile off, to betake themselves thither When the moun- tain had been gained, and our men were advancing up, the Boii and Tulingi, who with about 15,000 men closed the enemy's line of march and served as a guard to their j-eai*, having assailed our men on the exposed flank as they advanced [prepared] to surround J them ; upon seeing which, the Hel- vetii, who had betaken themselves to the mountain, began to press on again and renew the battle. The Romans having &ced about, advanced to the attack in two divisions ;§ the first and second line, to withsjtand those who had been de-

• Scutum, BvpiOQ of Polybius, was the (oblong) wooden (or wicker-work) buckler (strengthened with an iron rim and an iron boss) of the Roman heavy-armed infantry. It co%'ered the left shoulder, and was 4 ft. long ty 2^ broad. It was distinct from the (Greek) clypcu^ (shield), which was round, and was by the Romans discontinued for the Sabine scutum, about B. c. 400 (after the soldiers began to receive pay).

+ The pilum, or ponderous javelin, v(T<jbQ (of which the Roman soldier carried two), to throw or to thrust with, was about 6 feet 9 inches in length. The shaft was 4^ ft. long ; and of the same length was the barbed (three- square) iron head, which extended half-way down the shaft. This thick javelin was peculiar to the Roman heavy-armed soldier (with his long Jance), as the (losum was to the Gauls.

X Circumvenire seems preferable to — venCTC.

6 "Romani con versa signa b'partito intulerunt," are the wot^. "Signa inferre," " to bear the standards on," means to attack ; and •* signa con- vertere," '* to turn the standards round," means to face about. The Ro- mans, having faced about, advanced to the attack " — bipartito, *<firomU'U vlifferent quarters,' ' or " in two divisions."

OHAP. XXVn.^ THE GALLIC WAE. 19

fc-ated and diiven off the field ; the thii-d to receive tliose who were just arriving.

Chap. XXVI. — Thus, vras the contest long and vigorously carried on with doubtful success.-" When tliej could no longer -withstand the attacks of our men, the one division, as thej had began to do, betook themselves to the moun- tain ; the other repaired to their baggage and waggons. For during the whole of this battle, although the fight lasted from the seventh hour [i. e. 12 (noon) — 3 p. m.] to eventide, no one could see an enemy with his back turned. The tight was cairied on also at the baggage till late in the night, for they had set waggons in the way as a rampart, and from the higher ground kept throwing weapons upon our men, as they came on, and some from between the waggons and the uheels kept darting their lances and javelins from beneath, and wounding our men. After the fight had lasted some time, our men gained possession of their baggage and camp. There ^.he daughter and one of the sons of Orgetorix was taken. After that battle about 1 30,000 men [of the enemy] remained alive, who marched incessantly during the whole of that iiight; and after a march discontinued for no part of the night, aiTived in the territories of the Lingones on the fourth iay, whilst our men, having stopped for three days, both on iiccount of the wounds of the soldiers and the burial of the (ilain, had not been able to follow them. Caesar sent letters ;ind messengers to the Lingones [with orders] that they should not assist them with corn or viith anything else ; for that if they should assist them, he would regard them in the same light as the Helvetii. After the three days* interval he began to follow them himself with all his forces.

Chap. XXVII. — ^The Helvetii, compelled by the want of ^very thing, sent ambassadors to him about a surrender. When these had met him on the way and had thrown them- Kelves at his feet, and spealdng in supphant tone had with tears sued for peace, and [when] he had ordered them to await his arrival, in the place," where they then were, they obeyed

• The sense of " ancipiti prR»lio,''' to which the best commentators incline.

+ Loco quo turn esseitt, " where they " (the whole body of the fugitive Helvetii) '•' then werg," essera^ (according to the ambassador's statements, ** wherecer " on the faith of their statement " they were," though where exactly Caesar knew not.) This is the force of the subjunctive in tllP

20 CiESAR's COMlIENTiRIES. [BOOK t.

his commands. When Cossar arrived at that place, he de- manded hostages, their arms, and the slaves -who had deserted to them. Whilst those things are being sought for and got together, after a night's interval, about 6000 men of that canton which is called the Verbigene, -whether terrified by fear, lest, after delivering up their arms, they should suffer punishment, or else induced by the hope of safety, because they supposed tliat, amid so vast a multitude of those "who had surrendered themselves, ihcir flight might either be concealed or entirely overlooked, having at night-fall departed out of the camp of the Helvetii. hastened to the Khine and the territories of the (jrcrmans.

Chap. XXVIII. — But when Cajsar discovered this, he commanded those through whose territories they had gone, to seek them out and to bring them back again, if they meant to be acquitted before him ; and considered them, when brought back, in the light of enemies; he admitted all the rest to asiurender, upon then- dehvering up the hostages, arms, and deserters. He ordered the Helvetii, the Tulingi, and the Latobrigi, to return to their territories from which they had come, and as there was at home nothing whereby they might support theii' hunger, all the productions of the earth having been destroyed, he commanded the Allobroges to let them have a plentiful supply of com ; and ordered them to rebuild the towns and villages which tiiey had bimit. This he did, chiefly, on this account, because he was unwilling that the country, from which the Helvetii had departed, should be untenanted, lest the Germans, who dwell on the other side of the Ehine, should, on account of the excellence of the lands, cross over from their own territories into those of the Helvetii, and be- come borderers upon the province of Gaul and the Allo- broges. He granted the petition* of the ^dui, that they might settle the Boii, in their own (i. e. in the jEduan) terri- tories, as these were known to be of distinguished valour, to whom they gave lands, and whom they afterwards admitted to die same state of rights and freedom as themselves.

Chap. XXIX. — In the camp of the Helvetii, lists were

* Lit. '•'he granted to the ^dui, requesting it, that they (the ^dui) shall settle the Boii," &.&,. (where the ut — coUocarent is governed bjr coiv cetsit.)

CHAP. XXX.J THE GALLIC WAS. 21

found, ara^^-^L up in Greek characters, and were brought tc CsDsar, in which an estimate had been drawn up, name bv name, of the number "which had gone forth from their country oj those who were able to bear arms ; and Hkewise the boys, the old men, and the women, separately. Of all which items ilie totil was

Of the Helvetii [lit. of the heads of the Helvetii] 263,000

Of the Tulingi 36.000

Of the Latohrigi , 14,000

Of the RaurSci ' S3,000

Of the Boii 32,000

The sum of all amounted to . 368,000

Out of these, such as could bear arms, [amounted] to about 92,0 X). When the census* of those who returned home was taken, as Csesai- had commanded, the number was found to be 1U,000.

Chap. XXX. — ^When the war with the Helvetii was con- cluded, ambassadors from almost all parts of Gaul, the chiefs of states, assembled to congratulate Caesar, [saying] that they were well aware, that, although he had talcen vengeance on the Helvetii in war, for the old wrongs done by them to the Roman people.f yet that circxunstance had happened no less to the benefit of the laud of Gaul than of the Roman people, because the Helvetii, while their affairs were most flourishing, had quitted their country with the design of making war upon the whole of Gaul, and seizing the government of it, and selecting, oiit of a great abundance, that spot for an abode, which they should judge to be the most convenient and most

* Probably, only an ordinary review for the sake of a pretty accurate estimate.

*)• Helvetionim — injxuiis — populi Romani, (use of the double genitive, Wood's Madviff^s Lat. Gram. 4288), the wrongs of the Helvetii — Le. wLich they did (act.) implies the wrongs of the Roman people, — i. e. whiclj they suffered (pass.) [So " superiomm dierum Sabini cunctatio," in Book iii. 18.] " Tametsi ab iis pcenas bello repetisset," is lit. '•'although from them he had sought back (re-claimed) penal-satisfactions in war." Poenas petere, or ^xpetere, or repetere, capere or eumere, habere or persequi, to "take saiisfaclioii" by dealing punishment or vengeance. Vtsna^expiatorff punishment [or tortures].

22 Cj:sAE5 co^«rE^•TARIEs. [hook l

productive of all Gaul, and hold the rest of the states as tribu- taries. They req-aested that they might bo allowed to proclaim an assembly of "b" whole of Gaul for* a particular day, and to do that with Caesars permission, [stating] that they had some things which, Anth the general consent, they wished to ask of him. This request having been granted, they appointed a day for the asserobly, and ordained by an oath with each other, that no one should disclose [their deliberations] except those to whom this [office] should be assigned by the general ascembly Chap. XXXI. — When that assembly was dismissed, tho same chiefs of states, who had before been to C:ssar, returned, and asked that they might be allowed to treat with him pri- vately (in secret) 1- coiicemiug th-^ safety of theniselves and of all. That request having been obtained, they all threw themselves in tears at Caesar's feet, [saying] that they no less begged and earnestly desired that what they might say should not be disclosed, than that they might obtain those things which they wished for; inasmuch as they saw, that, if a dis- closm-e were made, they should be put to the greatest tortures. For these Divitiacuo the iEduan spoke and told him : — " That there were two parties in the whole of Gaul : that th« ^dui stood at the head of one of these, the Arverni of the other. After these had been violently struggling with one another for the superiorit} for many years, it came to pass that the Ger- mans were called in for hire by the Arverni and the Sequani That about 15,000, of them [i.e. of the Germans] had at first crossed the Fihine : but alter that these wild and savage men had become enamoured of the lands and the refinement and the abundance of the Gauls, mora, were brought over, that there were now as many as 1Q0,000 of them in Gaul : that with tlicse tho -£dui and their dependants had repeatedly struggled in arms, — that they had been routed, and had sustained a great calamit}— had la3t all tlieir nobility, all their senate, all their cavalry. And that broken by such engagements and calamities, although they had formerly been very powciful in Gaul, both from their ovra valour and from

• t. e. to make a proclamation, that such an assembly was to be holder) upon a fixed day.

t Oudcndorp has recreio fn occulio, but more recent texts, and anicug them Bcntley, regard in o<:<'vHo as a cinss.

CHAP. XXXI.] THE GALLIC WAS.' 23

the Roman peoples hospitality* and friendship, they were now compelled to give the chief nobles of their state, as hos- tages to the Sequani, and to bind their state by au oath, that they would neither demand hostages in return, nor supplicate aid fi'om the Eoman people, nor refuse to be for ever uuder their sv?ay and empire. That he was the only one out of all the state of the >^dui, who could not be prevailed upon to take the oath or to give his cliildren as hostages. On that account he had fled from his state and had gone to the senate at Romef tc beseech aid, as he alone was bound neither by jatli nor hostages. But a worse thing had befallen the victorious .Sequaui tii.au the vanquisiied ^dui, for Ariovistus, the king of the Gei'maus, had settled in their territories, and had seized upon a third of their land, ^\hich wasj the best in the whole of Gaul, and was now ordering them to depart from another third part, because a few months previously 24,000 men of the Hariides § had come to him, for whom room and settle- ments must be provided. Tlie consequence Avould be, that in a few years they would all be driven from the territories of Gaul, and all the Germans would cross the Rhine ; for neither must the land|| of Gaul be compared vdtli the land of the Ger mans, nor must the habit of living of the latter be put on a level Avith that of the former Moreover, [as for] Ariovistus, no sooner did he defeat the forces of the Gauls in a battle, which took place at Magetobria, thauH [lie began] to lord it haughtily and cruelly, to demand as hostages the children of all the prin- cipal nobles, and wreak on them every kind of c.uelty, if every- thing was not done at his nod or pleasure; that he was a savage, passionate, and reckless man, and that his commands could no longer be borne. Unless there was some aid in Cassar and the Roman peoph, the Gauls must all do the same thing that the Helvetii have done, [viz.] emigrate from their country, and seek auotler dwelling place, other settlements

♦ Tlie Roman " hosjnUum,''' pubLc hospitality, was miicli the same as

the Grecian -rrpo^tvla.

+ Romam ad senatum, lit. " to Rome to the senate (there)."

X Essel optimus, " was " according to the speaker s represcidatiorif

*' tlie best."

$ Lit. "twenty-four thousands of the men" [called] ^^ihe Harudes."

II Agrum, land, i.e. in the agricultural sense (arable soil).

f /.i/. "as soon as (when once) lie dcte.ited the Ga»ls, &c., hefbegaii tol

V»rd it." &c.

94 CiESARS COMMENTARIES. ^BOiK k

remote from tlie Germans, and try -wliatever fortune may fall to their lot. If these things were to be disclosed to Ariovistus, J Divitiacus adds] that he doubts not that he •would inflict the most severe punishment on all the hostages -who are in his I'ossession, [and says] that Caesar could, either by his o-wn in- fluence and by that of his anny, or by his late victory j or by name of the Roman people, intimidate him, so as to pre- vent a greater number of Gennans being brought over the Rhine, and could protect all Gaul from the outrages of Arlo- vistus,"

Chap. XXXII. — ^^Vhen this speech had been delivered by Divitiacus, all who were present began ^^ith loud lamentation to enti-eat assistance of Cassar. Caesar noticed that the Sequani were the only people o^ all who. did none of those things which the others^^id, but, with their heads bowed down, gazed on the earth in sadness. Wondering jwhat was the reason of this conduct, he inquired of themselves. Tso reply did the Se t|uaui make, but silently continued in the same sadness. Wheu he had repeatedly iuqiiiied of them and could not ehcit an^- answer at all. the ^ame Divitiacus the ^duan answered, thai I — *'the lot of the Sequani was more wretched and giievoui* than that of the rest, on this account, because they alona dm"si not even in secret complam or supplicate aid; and shud bered at the cruelty of A.novistu3 [even when] absenr, just as if he were present ; for, to the vest, despite of eveiything,* there was an opportunity of flight given; but- all torturea must be endured by the Sequani. who had admitted Ario %ustus within their territories, and whose tuwus were all in hi;* power."

Chap. XXXIIR — Cassar. on teing informed of these things, cheered the minds of the Gauls with his words, and promised that this afiair should be an object of his concem, [saying i that he had great hopes that Ariovistus, induced both by his kindness and his power, would put an end to his oppression After delivering this speech, he dismissed the assembly ; and, besides those statements, many circumstauces induced liim t-j think that this affair ought to Le ronsidereil and taken up by him ; especially as he saw that the ^dui, stj'led [as they had

* This, elliptical ixse of lar.ieu. (I) '-iienertheJes:,." (2) '' yet at leasi,' (Z) " did after all,' tiiav lie comuared with tLat of the Greek p/i'«>ff-

'<;HAi». XXXIII.] THE GALLIC WAE, 25

been] repeatedly by the senate " brethren " and " kinsmen,^* were held m the thraldom and dominion of the Gennans, ;uid understood that their hostages were with Ariovistus and the Sequani, which in so mighty an empke [as that] of the Eoman people he considered veiy disgraceful to him- self and the republic. That, moreover, the Germans should by degrees become accustomed to cross the Khine, and that a great body of them should come into Gaul, he saw [would be] dangerous to the Eoman people, and judged, that wild and savage men would not be likely to restrain themselves, after they had possessed themselves of all Gaul, from going forth into the province and tlience marching into Italy, (as tlie Cimbri and Teutones* had done before

* The CiiuLri, says Niebuhr, were not real Gauls but C} mri (Celts in fact) of the same stock to'which belong theWelsh — Basbretoiis- -early Cumbrians, and inhabitants of the western coast of England. [The Picts of Scotland and the Belgae were Cy mri.] "^hey extended eastwards as far as the river Dnieper, where they were called Galatians. And he is equally sure that the Teut6- nes or (Teutbni) were Germans. It is thought thdt Jutland and the regi(ms whence came the Anglo-Saxons were the original seats of these Cimbri, who \-^Te driven from them by the progress of the Sarmatians. and migrated southwards. They appeared b. c. 11 o in Noricum, and thence descended into ]llyricum, where, near Noreia (in the modern Carinthia), they defeated the consul Cn. Papirius Carbo, b. c. 11 3, who had been sent with a large arm.y to protect the Camians. They, however, now moved westward into Helve- tia, and on their desolating course seem to have been joined by the TeutCru, Ambrones, Tigurini, to the number of about 300,000 fighting men, besides a vast muliitude of women and children. With this nomad horde they spread over South Gaul. South-west Gaul (i. e. Languedoc and Provence, l)auphinc and Savoy, the country of the Allobrbges) was now a Roman province, " prov'ncia nostra," ai.d the consul, M. Junius Silanus, was sent to protect it. He was defeated in 109 e. c. b} the Cimbri. We have seen in previous chapters [§ 7 and 12] of these commentaries, that in 107 b. c. the Tiguiini defeated the consul L. Cassius I onginus, whose army was nearly cut to pieces, and himself slain, near the lai<e of Geneva. In 105 B.C. M. Aurelius Scaurus, then consular legate in Gaul, was taken pri:oner by the Cimbri, and put to death on the spot by Bor6rix (one of their leaders), for having warned them not to cross the Alps. In the same } ear. B. c. 105, on Oct, Gth, the Roman forces under Ihe proconsul, Q. Scrsilius Caepio, and the consul, Cn. Manlius Maximus, sustamed a dreadful defeat, owing to the discord of the two generals ; of the two consular armies, con- eisting of 80.000 soldiers, only ten men survi\ed. After this, the Cimbri turned to Spain, which for two or tl:ree years they ravaged as ruthlessly .as they had ra\ased Gaul. They then, long-expected, moved into Italy, and mingled again with the TeutOnes. The in\aders ad\anced in two columns Tlie Cimbri entered I'aly on the north-east, crossing the passes of the Ty rolese Alps near Triderltum, {JTrcnt,) to the Plain of the Po ; wliile tli«

2f» C^SAB'S COMMENTARIES. [jBOOR I.

tliem) particularly as tlie Ehone [was the sole barrier that] separated the Sequani from our province. Against which events he thought he ought to proAdde as speedily as possible Moreover, Ariovistus, for liis part, had assumed to himself such pride and arrogance, that he was felt to be quite insuffer- able.

Chap. XXXIV. — He therefore determined to send ambas- sadors to Ariovistus to demand of him to name some inter- mediate spot for a conference between the two, [saying] that he wished to treat with him on state-business and matters of the highest importance to both of them. To this embassy Ariovistus rephed, that if he himself had had need of any- thing from Csesar, he would have gone to him ;* and that if Caesar wanted any tiling from himf he ought to come to him.

Teut6ni [and Ambrones] penetrated into Italy by Nice^ round the coast of the Sinus Ligusticus (or Gziif of Genoa). The famous C. Marius, in his fourth consulate, B. c. 102, opposed the Teut^net,, and, by means of an am- bush of 3000 men under Claudius Marcellus in the barbarians' rear, van- quished and annihilated their immense army with terrible slaughter in a bat- tle, fought on the banks of the Rhone near Aquse Sextiae, {Aixxn Provence.) Marius's colleague, Q,. Lutatius Catulus, who with (the afterwards cele- brated) Sulla for his lieutenant had gone against the Cimbri and had taken up a strong position near the sources of the Ath^sis (Adige,) was much less successful, for he was dislodged by a sudden onset of the Cimbri — forced to retreat — fall back behind the Po— and leave the whole of Transpadane Gaul (the rich plain of Lombard!/) to the mercy of the enemy. This was in the spring of 1 01 B.C. Catulus this year was pro-consul ; and Marius, now con- sul for the fifth time, started from Rome, (where he had declined a triumph for his victory while the Cimbri were yet in Italy,) to join his late colleague. Their united forces, amounting to 50,000 men, came up with the Cimbri neat Vercell£B {Vercelli westward of Milan,) and in the Raudii Campi (on July 30th) completely routed and destroyed the barbarian host, as Marius had the Teutcnes. _ The brunt of this fearful conflict, and therefore the honour of the decisive victory which crowned it, belonged to Catulus, who with 20,000 men had occupied the centre : iMarius with the remainder, being posted on the wings, had (on account of a prodigious blinding dust which arose) quite missed the enemy^ yet at Rome the whole merit wa3 given to him. [Juvenal Sat. viii. 253.] The Tigurini, who had been stationed at the passes of the Tyrol, fled and dispersed, when they heard of the overthrow and destruction of their allies — the Teutdnes ami Cimbri.

* "Sese ad eum venfurum fuisse ;" on this see Wood's translation of Madviff's Lat. Gramm. § 409 (the Obs. particularly), p. 357.

t " Si quid ille" (CjBsar) " se" (Ariovistum) '* velit," where se is the accusative case ; for " vellc aliquem aliqnid " is " to want something cj (or with) 8<>mebcd\ ."

'.] THE OALLIO MTAIL. 27

That, besides, neither dare he go -mthout an army into thoso parts of Ga.nl -which Caesar had possession of, nor could he, %vithout great expense and trouble, draw his aiTuy together to on6 place ; that to him, moreover, it appeared strange, what business either Csesar or the Roman people at all had in his own Gaul, which he had conquered in war.*

Chap. 7iXXV. — When these answers were reported, to CaBsar, ho sends ambassadors to him a second time with thi^ message. " Since, after having been treated witli so much idndness by hiniself and the Roman people, (as he had in his consulship [b. c. 59] been styled 'king and friend' by the senate), he- makes f this recompence to [Caesar] himself and the Roman people, [viz.] • that when invited to a confe- rence he demurs, and does not think that it concerns him to advise and inform himself about an object of mutual interest, these are the things which he requires of him; first, that he do not-j- any more bring over any body of men across the Rhine into Gaul ; in the next place, that he restore the hos- tages, which he has from the -^dui, and gi-ant the Sequani permission I to restore to them with his consent those hostages which they have, and that he neither provoke the ^dui by outrage nor make war upon them or their aUies ; if he would accordingly do this,"§ [Caesar says] that "he himself and the Roman people -wiU entertain a perpetual feeling of favour and friendship towards liim ; but that if he [Caesar] does not obtain [his desires] that he (forasmuch as in the consulship of Marcus Messala and Marcus Piso [b.c. 61] the senate had decreed that, whoever should have the administration of the pro-\rince of Gaul should, as far as he could do so consistently with the interests of the republic, protect the ^dui and tho

• Lit. " What (sort) of business tliere -was either to Caesar, or to the Roman people at all, (i. e. what sort of business they had) in his" (^Ario- vistits^s) " ovm. Gaul," &c.

•f- The imperfecls sub], of the L.^tin oralio ohiiqua, are here translated by present tenses in English, this seeming better suited to our idiom. The imperfect is used in the Latin, because, the principal tense, legatos miltitf as an historic present, is equivalent to a past tense, which would require the subj. imperf.

$ Lit. — " grant permission that they should be allowed td restore."

§ Lit. — "if he should have done that so," i. e. "if he ahoaid have aiited so in that casa "

23 C^SAIl's COMilExNTARILS, \j\0OK I

Other friends of tlie Eomau people,) ^viil not ovcnook tLo v;rongs of the -^diii."

Chap. XXXVI. — To tliis Ariovistus replied, that "the right of war vru3, that they "svho had conquered shoidd govern those whom they had conquered, in what manner they pleased ; that iu that way the Roman people were wont to govern the nations which they had conquered, not according to the dictation of any other, but according to their own discretion. If he for his part did not dictate to the Roman people as to the manner in which they were to exercise their right, he ought not to be obstructed by the Roman people in his right ; that the -^dui, inasmuch as they had tried the fortune of war and had engaged in ai-ms and been conquered, had become tributaries to him ; that Caesar was doing a great injustice, in that by his arrival he was making his revenues less valuable to him ; that he should not restore their hostages to the ^dui, but should not make war wrongfully either upon them or then- alhes, if they abided by that wliich had been agreed on, and jiaid their tribute annually : if they did not continue to do that, the Roman people's name of ' brothers ' would avail them nought.* As to Cassar's threatening him that he would not overlook the wrongs of the jEdui, [he said] that no one had ever entered into a contest with Jiim [Ariovistus] without utter ruin to himself. That Cassar might enter the lists when he chose ; he would feel what the invincible Germans, well trained [as they were] beyond aU others to arms, who for four teen yearsf had not been beneath a roof, could achieve by their valour."

Chap. XXXVII. — At the same time that this message was delivered to Caesar, ambassadors came fi'om the >dEdui and the Treviri ; from the -^dui to complain that tho Harudes, who had lately been brought over into Gaul, were ravaging their territories ; that they had not been able to pur- chase peace from Ariovistus, even by giving hostages : and from the Treviri, [to state] that a hundred cantons of the Suevi had encamped on the banks of the Rliine, and were attemntuig

• Lit.— "if they should not have done that, the Roman people's titio of " brothers " -n-ould be far from being of any avail to them. " Longe — procul — multum abesse," often means " to be utterly impotent, or disin- •clined, to be of no service."

+ Inter annos XIV means this : intra annos XIV would be " u-itkin [in less than] fourteen ye.irs"

CHAP. XXXXS.] THE GALLIC WAB. 'J»

to cross it ; that the brothers. Xasuas and CiniLcrius. headed them. Being gi-eatlv alarmed at these things, Coesar thought that he ought to use all JespaK-h, lest, if this new band of Suevi should unite \Yith the old troops of Ariovistus, he fAriovistus] might be less easily -withstood. Having, ' there lore, "as- quickly as he could, provided a supply of com, he liastened to Aiiovistus by forced marches.

Chap. XXXVIII. — When he Lad proceeded three days' journey, ^vord was brought to him that Ariovistus was hasten- ing \yiih all his forces to seize on Yesoutio,* which is the largest town of the Sequuni, and had advanced three days' journey from his tenitories. Coesar thought that he ought to take the greatest precautions lest this shoidd happen, for there was in that to\vu a most ample supply of everj-tliing which was rerviceable for war: and so fortified was it by the nature of the ground, as to afford a great facility for pro- tracting the war, inasmuch as the rive;- Doubs almost sur- rounds the whole to^-n, as though it were ti'aced round it with (I pair of compasses. A mountain of great height shuts in fhe remaining space, which is not more than 600 fcet.f where the river leaves a gap, in such a manner that the roots of that mountain extend to the river's bank on either side. A Avail thrown around it makes a citadel of this [mountain], and tcnnects it with the town. Hither Cajsar- liastens by forced mar'^.hos by night and day, and, after having seized the town, /Stations a gamson there.

Chaf, XXXIX. — Wiiilst he is tan-ying a fcAV days at Ve- ijontiu, cu account of corn and provisions ; from the inqiuries of our men and the reports of the Gauls and traders, (who Hsserteu that the Germans were men of huge stature, cf incredibL valour and practice in arms, — that ofttimes they, ou encountenng them, could not bear even their countenance, and the neroenes? of then- eyes,) — so great a panic on a sudden seized the whoie ai"my, as to discompose the minds and spuita uf all in no slighi degree. Tliis first ai'ose from the tribunes

• Modern Besangon.

+ Cssar seems to have infant here not the common foot, but the ffradua or pes sestertius (= L'4 f(^t)^. $t3 the base of the mountain actually measures lo^O feet.

30 CCSAB's COMMENTAMES. I^BOOKf.

of the soldiers, the prefects and the rest, who, having followed Caesar from the city [Rome] from motives of friendship, had no great experience in militaiy affairs. And alleging, some of them one reason, some another, which they said made it necessary for them to depart, they requested that by his consent they might be allowed to withdraw ; some, infiixenced by shame, stayed behind in order that they might avoid the suspicion of cowardice. These could neither composo their countenance,* nor even sometimes check their tears: but hidden in their tents, either bewailed their fate, or de- plored -with their comi-ades the general danger. Wills were sealed universally thi-oughout the whole camp. By the ex- pressions and cowardice of these men, even those who pos- sessed gTeat experience in the camp, both soldiers and centu- rions, and those [the decurions] who were in command of the cavalry, were gradually disconcerted. Such of them as wished to be considered less alarmed, said that they did not dread the enemy, but feared the narrowness of the roads and tho fastness of the forests which lay between them and Ariovistus, or else that the supplies could not be brought up readily enough. Some even declared to Caesar, that when he gave orders for the camp to be moved and the troops to advance,t the soldiers would not be obedient to the commaiid, nor advance t in consequence of their fear.

Chap. XL. — "When Csesar observed these things, having called a council, and summoned to it the centurions of all the companies, he severely reprimanded them, " particularly, for supposing that it belonged to them to inquire or conjecture, either ia what direction they were mai-cliing, or with what object. That Ariovistus, during his [Caesar's] consulship, had most anxiously sought after the friendship of the Roman people ; why should any one judge tha,t he would so rashly depart from his duty ? He for his part was persuaded, that, ■when his demands were known and the fairness of the terms considered, he would reject neither his nor the Roman people's

• With Caesar's " vultum fingere " conf. vXaaafievoQ ry o»p«, Thuc. 'ii, §58. & Dem. 1122. 12,20. t i. e. that his men should decamp from that place aiid march fonranL J Lit. ** would not bear tlie blanJards."

CHAr. Xl"i> r«HB GALLIC VTASi ' 31

favour Butcvnn if, diivcn ou by rage ancl madr.ess, lie shoulJ make war upon them, wliat after all were tliej afraid of ? — ^r why should they despau- eitlier of thek own valour or of his zeal ? Of that enemy a trial had been made within our fathers' recollection, when, on the defeat of the Cimbri and Teutones by Caius Marius, tlie army was regarded as having deserved no less praise than their commander himself. It had been made lately, too, in Italy, during the rebehion of the slaves, whom, however, the experience and training which they had received from us, assisted in some respect. I'rom wliich a judgment might be formed of the advantages which rcso lution carries with it, — inasmuch as those whom for some nme they had groundlessly dreaded when unarmed, they had afterwards vanquished, when well armed and flushed with suc- cess. In short, that these were the same men whom the Hel- vetii, in frequent encounters, not only in then' own temtories, but also in theirs [the German], have generally vanquished, and yet cannot have been a match for our ai-mj. If the unsuccessful battle and flight of the Gauls disquieted any, these, if they made inquiries, might discover that, when the Gauls had been tired out by the long duration of the war, Aiiovistus, after he had many months kept liimself in his cap^p and in the marshes, and had given no opportunity for an €ngagement, fell suddenly upon them, by this time despairing of a battle and scattered in all directions, and was -sdctorious more through stratagem and cunning than valou- . But though there had been room for such stratagec? against savage and unskilled men, not even [Ariovistus] himself expected that thereby om- armies could be entrapped. That those who ascribed their fear to a pretence about the [deficiency of] supphes and the narrowness of the roads, acted presumptuously, as they seemed either to disirust their general's discharge of his duty, or to dictate to him. That these things were his concern; that the Sequani, the Leuci, and the Lingones were to furnish t\v. com ; and that it was already ripe in the fields ; that as to the road they would soon be able to judge for them selves. As to its being reported that the soldiers would not be obedient to command, or advance, he was not at all distm-bed at that; for he knew, that in the case of all those whose army had not been obedient to command, either •unoii eome mismanagement of an affau*, fortuiiQ had deserted

32 CfiSAB's COMMENTARIES. [BOOK I.

them, or, that upon some crime being discovered, covetousness had been clearly proved [against themj. His integiity had been seen throughout his whole life, his good fortime in the war with tho Helvetii. That he would therefore instantly set about what he had intended to put off till a more distant day, and would break up his camp the next night, in the fouith watch, that he might ascertain, as soon as possible, whether a sense of honom* and duty, or whether fear had more in- fluence with them. But that, if no one else should follow, yet he would go with only the tenth legion, of which he had no misgivings, and it should be his praetorian cohort." — This legion Caesar had both greatly favoured, and in it, on account of its valour, placed the greatest corfidence.

Chap. XLI. — Upon the dehvery of this speech, the minds of all were changed in a surprising manner, and the highest ardour and eagerness for prosecuting the war were eugen^- dered; and the tenth legion was the first to return thanks to him, through their mihtary tribunes, for his having expressed this most favourable opinion of them ; and assured him that they were quite ready to prosecute the war Then, the other legions eudeavom-ed, through their military tribunes and the centurions of the principal companies, to excuse themselves to Csesar, [saying] that they had never either doubted or feared, or supposed that the determination of the conduct of the war was theu-s and not their generals. Having accepted their excuse, and having had the road carefully reconnoitred by Divitiacus, because in him of all others he had the greatest faitb. [he found] that by a circuitous route of more than fifty miles-^ he might lead his army through open parts ; he then set out in the fourth watch, as he had said [he would]. On the seventh day, as he did not discontinue his march, he was informed by scouts that the forces of Aricvistus were only four and twenty miles distant from ours.*

Chap. XLII. — Upon being apprized of Caesar's arrival Ariovistus sends ambassadors to him, [saying] that what he had before requested as to a conference, might now, as far as his permission went, take place, since he [CaesarJ had approached uearer, and he considered that he might now do it without

• See the Note on p. S.

CRAT. XLin.] THE GALLIC WAB.

33

danger Cassar did not reject the proposal and began to think that he -was now retuiTiing to a rational state of mind, as he spontaneoudy proffered that which he had previously refused to him when requesting it ; and was in great hopes that, in consideration of his own and the Roman peoples great favours towards him, the issue would be that he would desist from his obstinacy upon his demands being made known The fifth da} after that was appointed aa the day of con ference. Meanwhile, as ambassadors were being often sent to and fro between them, Ariovistus demanded that Caesar fihould not bring any foot-coldier with him to the conference, [saying] that "he was afraid of being ensnared by him through treachery; that both should come accompanied by cavalry; that he would not come on any other condition. " Caesar, as he neither wished that the conference should, by an excuse thrown in the way, be set aside, nor durst trust his life to the cavalry of the Gauls, decided that it would be most ex- pedient to take away from the Gallio cavalry aU their horses, and thereon to mount the* legionary soldiers of the tenth legion, in which he placed the greatest confidence ; in order tliat he might have a body-guard as trustworthy as possible shoula there be any need for action. And when this was done, one of llie soldiers of the tenth legion said, not without a toueli of humour, " that Caesar did more for them than he had pro- mised; he had promised to have the tenth legion in place of his prsstorian cohort ; but he now converted them into horse."

Chap. XLIII.—There was a large plain, and in it a mound •>f earth of considerable size. This spot was at nearly an equal tlistance from both camps. Thither, 83 had been appointed, they came for the conference. Csesar stationed the legion, which he had brought [with him] on horseback, 200 paces from this mound. The cavalry of Ariovistus also took their stand at an equal distance. Ariovistus then demanded, that they should confer on horseback, and that, besides themselves, they should bring with them ten men each to the conference. When they were come to the place, Caesar, in the opening of his speech, detailed his own and the senate's favours towards liim [Ariovistus], " in that he had been styled king, in that [ho

♦ The regular troops of the legion are here called ** legionaiy S(>!dieis,*'tO distinguish them from the Velites, or light-armed infentry, D

34 CUSAB'S CO!tIMENtABIES. \ V90K 1

Lad been styled] fiiend, by the senate, — m that very conside: able presents had been sent him ; which ciixunistance he in- formed him had both fallen to the lot of few, and had usually been bestowed in consideration of important pei-sonal seiTices; that he, although he had neither an introduction, nor a just ground for the request, had obtained these honoiu's through the kindness and munificence of himself [Caesar] and the senate. He informed liim too, how old and how just were tli j grounds of connexion that existed between themselves [the Pvomans] and the ^dui, what decrees of the senate had been passed in their favour, and how frequent and how honourable ; how from time immemorial the ^dui had held the supremacy of the whole of Gaul ; even [said Caesai-] before they had sought our friendship; tbat it was the custom of the Komaj) people tc desire not only that its allies and friends should lose none of their property, but be advanced in influence, dig- nity, and honour : who then could endm-e that what they had brought with them to the friendship of the Roman people, should be torn from them ?" He then made the same demands which he had commissioned the ambassadors tc make, that [Ariovistus] should not make war either upon the iEdui or their allies, that he should restore the hostages ; that, if he could not send back to their country any part of tlic Germans, he should at all events suffer none of them any more to cross the Eliint.

Chap. XLIV. — Ariovistus repUed briefly to the demanas of CtPsai- ; \;\it expatiated lai'gely on his own virtues, " that he had crossed the Rhine not of his own accord, but on being united and sent for by the Gauls ; that he had not left home and knidred without great expectations and great rewards; that he had settlements in Gaul, gi-anted by the Gauls themselves ; that the hostages had been given by their own good--s\ill; that he took by right of Aar the tribute which conquerors are accustomed to impose en the conquered ; that be had not made war upon the Gauls, but the Gauls upon him ; that all the states of Gaul came to attack him, and had encamped against him : that all their forces had been routed and beaten by him in a single battle; that if they chose to make a second trial, he was ready to encounter them again; but if they chose to enjoy peace, it was unfaif to refuse the tribute, which o£ thcu: own free-will they had

CUAP. XLV. CESAR'S COMMENTAEIES. 35

paid up to that time. That the friendship of the Roman people ouGfht to prove to him an ornament and a safeguard, not a detriment ; and that he sought it with that expectation. But if through the Roman people the tribute was to be dis- continued, and those who surrendered to be seduced from him, he would renounce the friendship of the Roman people no less heartily than he had sought it. As to his leading over a host of Germans into Gaul, that he was doing this with a view of securing himself, not of assaulting Gaul : that there was evidence of this, in that he did not come without being invited, and in that he did not make war, but. merely warded it off. That ho had come into Gaul before the Roman people. That never before this time did a Roman army go beyond the frontiers of the province of Gaul. "What [said he] does [Cas- sar] desire ? — why come into his [AriovistusJ domains ? — that this was his prosnnce of Gaul, just as that is ours. As it ought not to be pardoned in him, if ho were to make an attack upon our territories; so, likewise, that we were imjust, to obstruct liim in his prerogative. As for Caesar's saying that the JEdui had been styled ' brethren' by the senate, he Avas not so unciv- ilized nor so ignorant of affairs, as not to know that the ^dui in the very last war with the AUobroges had neither rendered assistance to the Romans, nor received any from the Roman people in the struggles which the .^lui had been maintaining with him and with the Scquani. He must feel suspicious, that Caesar, though feigning friendship as the reason for his keeping an army in Gaul, was keeping it with the view of crushing him. And that unless he depart and withdraw his army from these parts, he shall regard him not as a friend, but as a foe ; and that, even if he should put him to death, he should do what would please many of the nobles and leading men of the Roman people ; he had assurance of that from themselves through their messengers, and could pur- chase the favor and the friendship of them all by his [Caesar's] death. But if he would depart and resign to him the free possession of Gaul, he would recompense' him with a great reward, and would bring to a close whatever Avars he wished to be canned on, without any trouble or risk to him."

Chap. XLV. — Many things were stated by Caesar to the effect [to show] ; " why he could not waive the business, and that neither his nor Ihe Roman people's i>racticc vould

no CJE'^'ARS COAiMFNTAIlIES ^BOOK 1.

suffer him to ab.MuKin most meritoiious allies, nor did ho deem that Gaul belonged to Ariovistus rather than to tho Koman people ; that the Arverai * and the Ruteni f had been subdued in ^\-ar by Quintus Fabius Ma.-iimus.t a-^d that the Roman people had pardoned them and had not reduced them iuto a province or imposed a tribute upon them. And ii the most ancient period was to be regarded, — then was the sovereignty of the Roman people in Gaul most just : if the decree of the senate was to be observed, then ought Gaul to be free, which they [the Romans] had conquered in war, and had permitted to enjoy its own laws."

Chap. XL VI. — While these things are being transacted in the conference, it was aimoimccd to Caesar that the cavalry of Ariovistus were approaching nearer the movmd, and were riding up to our men, and casting stones and weapons at them. Caesar made an end of his speech and betook himself to his men ; and commanded them that they should by no means return a weapon upon the enemy. For though he saw that an engagement with the cavalry would be without any danger to his chosen legion, yet he did not think proper to engage, lest, after the enemy were routed, it might be said that they had been ensnared by him under the sanction of a conference. When it was spread abroad among the common soldiery with what haughtiness Ariovistus had behaved at the conference, and how he had ordered the Romans to quit GaiJ, and how his cavalry had made an attack upon our men, and hew this had broken off the conference, a much greater alacrity and eagerness for battle was infused into our army.

Chap. XL VII.— Two days after, Aiiovistus sends ambas- sadors to Caesar, to state "that he wished to trgat with him about those things which had been begun to be treated of between them, but had not been concluded ; " £and to beg] that "he would either again appoint a day for a conference; or, if he were not willing to do that, that he would send one of his [ofl&cers] as an ambassador to him." There did not appear to Caesar any good reason for holding a conference ; and tho more so as the day before the Germans could not be

♦ Modem Auvergne.

t Modem Le Roiiergue. . .

% We find mention made of this victory in the Epitomes of Livy, lib. J". and in Strabo, lib. ir.

CHAP. XLVIII.] THE GALLIC WAE. 37

restrained from casting weapons at oui- men. He tbouglit ho should not without great danger send to him as ambassador ono of his [Roinan] ofi&cers, and should expose him to savage men It seemed [therefore] most proper to send to him C. Valerius Procillus, the son of C. Valerius Caburus, a young man of the highest courage and accomplishments (whose father had been presented with the freedom of the city by C. Valerius Flaccus), both on account of his fidelity and on accoiait of his know- ledge of the Gallic language, which Ariovistus, by long practice, now spoke fluently ; and because in his case the Germans would have no motive for committing violence ; * and [as his colleague] M. Mettius, who had shared tlie hospitality of Ariovistus. f He commissioned them to learn what Ariovistus had to say, and to report to him. But when Ariovistus saw them before him in his camp, he cried out in the presence of his army, " Why were they come to him? was it for the pur- pose of acting as spies ?" He stopped them when attempting to speak, and cast them into chains.

Chap. XLVIII. — The same day he moved his camp forward and pitched xmder a hill sbc miles from Caesar's camp. The day follo^Ying he led his forces past Caesar's camp, and en camped two miles beyond him; with this design, — that he might cut off Caesar from the com and provisions, which might be conveyed to him from the Sequani and the .^Edui. For five successive days from that day, Caesar drew out his forces before the camp, and put them in battle order, that, if Ario ristus should be wiling to engage in battle, an opportunity might not be wanting to him. ArioTistus all this time kept his army in camp : but engaged daily in cavalry skirmishes. The method of battle in which the Germans had practised themselves was this. There were 6,000 horse, and as many vory active and courageous foot, one of whom each of the horse S3lected out of fiie whole armv for his own protection.

* Inasmuch as he was not a Roman, but a Gaul.

t Classical -writers bear continual testimony to the sanctity of this relation. It appears from Aul. Gellius (1 — 13) to have ranked next to that of ))arent8 and clients. A league of the same nature, and bearing the same name, was somtilmes entered into by persons at a distance from each other. The Roman people, at large, formed such a league with foreign States, The Slst section of the present book of Caesar's Commentaries fumiahes an allusion to this.

38 CJBSAB*S COMMENTABIES. [fiOOK U

By these [foot] they -were constantly accompanied in their en gagements ; to these the horse retired ; these on any emergency rushed forward; if any one,. upon receiving a very severe wound, had fallen from his horse, they stood around him : if it was ne- cessary to advance farther than usual, or to retreat more rapidly, so great, from practice, was their swiftness, that, supported by the manes of the horses, they could keep pace with their speed.* Chap. XLIX.-r-Perceiving that Ariovistus kept himself in camp, Csesar, that he might not any longer be cut off from provisions, chose a convenient position for a camp beyond that place in which the Germans had encamped, at about 600 paces from them, and having drawn up his army in three Hues, marched to that place. He ordered the first and second lines to be under arms ; the third to fortify the camp.f This place was distant from the enemy about 600 paces, as has been stated. Thither Ariovistus sent light troops, about 16,000 men in number, with all his cavalry; which forces were to intimidate our men, and hinder them in their fortification. Csesar nevertheless, as he had before arranged, ordered two linea to drive off the enemy: the third to execute the work. The camp being fortified, he left there two legions and a

• Strange as this account may appear to us modems, into ■whose military tactics nothing similar enters, it does not need the explanation which some have given of it, — that the foot-soldiers here spoken of threw themselves into a body, when an engagement began, and supported the cavalry in that form. They were, Caesar expressly says, chosen individually to assist mTD.Q particular cavalry soldier ; and their duty was rather to perform that part, as occasion required, than to renderany direct service against the enemy. The Romans had, before this time,, practised, in a more scientific form, this piece of warfare. Livy relates, lib. xxvi. 41, that at the siege of Capua, upon the discovery that from all their engagements the legions re- turned victorious, -while the cavalry were worsted, they adopted the plan of mounting behind each horse-soldier a man armed with a small shield and seven darts, who, upon a given signal, alighted and charged the enemy. This was attended with great success, and led, -says Livy, to the origin of ftie Velites. Sallust, too, in his Bell. Jugurth., tells us that Marius in- termingled the Velites with the cavalry. Caesar appears to have resorted to this plan in the encounter with Pompey at the river Genusus, after his defeat at Dyrrachium.

•f" The care with which the Romans fortified their camp is a remarkable feature in their military discipline. They never encamped even for a single night, without fortifying themselves with a rampart and a ditch. The en- campment of a few hoxirs presented the systematic and complete ordci of a Ktation.

<T?AP. IT."! THE OALLIC "WAB. 39

portion of the auxiliaries ; and led back the other four legions into the larger camp.

Chap. L. — The next day, according to his custom, Caesar led out his forces from both camps, and having advanced a little from the larger one, drew up his hne of battle, and gave the enemy an opportunity of fighting. When he found that they did not even then come out [from their entrench- ments], he led back liis army into camp about noon. Then at last Anovistus sent part of his forces to attack the lesser camp. The battle ■n-as vigorously maintained on both sides till the evening. At srniset, after many -svoimds had been inflicted and received, Ai'iovistus led back his forces into camp. When Caesar inquii-ed of his prisoners, -wherefore Anovistus did not come to an engagement, he discovered this to be the reason — that among the Germans it was the custom for their matrons to pronounce from lots and divination, whether it were expedient that the battle should be engaged in or not ; that they had said, " that it was not the will of heaven that the Germans should conquer, if they engaged in battle before the new moon."*

Chap. LI. — The day following, Cssar left what seemed suf- ficient as a guard for both camps ; [and then] drew up all the auxiliaries in sight of the enemy, before the lesser camp, because he was not very powerful in the number of legionary Boldiers, considering the number of the enemy ; tliat [thereby]

* Some suppose the •women here refeiTed to were Druidesses ; but we know that the ancient Germans believed there was something sacred and prophetic (^guid sacrum) in the female character. See Tacitus, Germania, cap. viii. Among the Romans, divination by " sortes " was usually per- formed by means of counters {tessercE), mostly made of wood, thrown into an um {sitella). To this, among other instances, Plautus aUudes in his Casina, act iii. so. v. The presage was drawn from the order in which tlie counters were taken out of the um. There are many interesting records of the use of " sortes" in later times. The ''sortes Virgilianae," which are among these, derive their name from the custom of placing versa of the poet Virgil in an urn, or of opening his writings at chance, and discern, tag the events inquired into by the order in which the verses appeared in the former, or the passage on which the eye first rested in the latter method. To this St. Augustine alludes in the 4th book of his Confessions. The Mahometans used the Koran, and the Christians the Bible,for the same purpose. Tliislatter wasforbiddenbysomeof the early Ecclesiastical Councils. Tacitus Bays that the Germans were much given to divination (auspicia fiortesque, ut qui maxime observant, Ger. 10). Plutarch relates that these German falidicce drew their observations from the motion of the water in rivers.

40 Cesar's commentaries- [book i.

he might make use of his auxiliaries for appearance. He himself, having drawn up his army in three lines, advanced to the camp of tihe enemy Then at last of necessity the Ger- mans drew their forces out of camp, and disposed them canton by canton, at equal distanres, the Harudes, ilartomanni, Tri- hocci, Vangiones, Nemetes, Sedusii, Suevi ; and surrounded their whole army with their chariots and v/aggons, that no hope might be left in flight. On these they placed their women, who, with dishevelled hair and in tears, entreated the soldiers, as they went forward to battle, not to deliver them into slavery to the Piomans.

Chap. LII. — Cassar appointed over each legion a lieutenant and a questor, that every one might have them as witnesses of hj3 valour. He himself began the battle at the head of th*^ right wing, because he had obsei-ved that part of the enemy to be the least strong. Accordingly our men, upon the signal being given, vigorously made an attack upon the enemy, and the enemy so suddenly and rapidly rushed forward, that there was no time for casting the javelins at them. Throwing aside [therefore] their javelins, they fought with swords hand to hand. But the Germans, according to their custom, rapidly forming a phalanz, sustained the attack of om' swords. There were found very many of our soldiers who leaped upon the phalami, and with their hands tore away the shields, and wounded the enemy from above. Although the army of the enemy was routed on the left wing and put to High--, thev [still] pressed heavily on our men from the right wing, by the great number of their troops. On observing which, P. Crassus, a young man, who commanded the cavalry, — as he was more dis- engaged than those who were employed in the fight, — sent the iMrd line as a relief to om' men who were in distress

Chap. LII I. — Thereupon the engagement was renewed, and an the enemy turned their backs, nor did they cease to flee until they arrived at the river Ehine, about fifty miles from that place.* There some few, either relying on their strength, en- deavoured to swim over, or, finding boats, procured their safety. Among the latter -was Ariovistus, who meeting with a small vessel tied to the bank, escaped in it: om: horse pursued and slew all the rest of them. Ariovistus had two wives, one a Suevan by nation, whccn he had brought with him fi:om home; the othel • Dion. Cassius, 38 — 48, narrates thu war between Caeaar and Ariovistuk

CHAP. IIV.5 TUB GALLIC WAB. 41

0 Norican, the sister of king Vocion, whom he had married in Gaul, she having been sent [thither for that purpose] by her brother. Both perished in that flight. Of their two daughters, one was slain, the other captured. C. Valerius ProciUus, as he was being dragged by his guards in the flight, bound with =1 triple chain, fell into the hands of Csesar himself, as he was pursuing the enemy with his cavalry. This circumstance indeed afforded Caesar no less pleasure than the victory itself ; because he saw a man of the first rank in the province of Gaul, his intimate acquaintance and friend, rescued fi'om the hand of the enemy, and restored to him, and that fortune had not diminished aught c^ the joy and exultation [of that day] by his destruction. He [Procillus] said that, in his o\^'n presence, the lots had been thrice consulted '^ respecting him, whether he should immediately be put to death by fire, or be reserved for another time : that by the favour of the lots ho was uninjured. M Mettius, also, was found and brought back to him [Caesar].

Chap. LIV. — This battle having been reported beyond the Ehine, the Sue\'i, who liad come to the banks of that river, began to return home, when the Ubii, f who dwelt nearest to the Bhine, pursuing them, while much alarmed, slew a great number of them. Caesar having concluded two i-ery important wai's in one campaign, conducted his army into \?iater-quaiters I among the Sequani, a little earher than the season of the year required. He appointed Labienus

* Perhaps three was witli the Germans, as with some other nations of an- tiquity, a sacred or mystical number.

t The Ubii vere dtuated on the west side of the Rhine. Cologne h supposed to occupy the site of thehr capital.

X The winter-quarters (hiberna) of the Romans present one of the most t'Tiking characteristics of the warfare of antiquity. They were fortified with astonishing strength, and, besides being constructed with due regard to thu relative dignity of the several ranks in the Roman army, were furnished, no Ic33 than the civilized towns of the period, with every accommodation. They covered a great space of ground. To Roman encampments many towns owe their origin. In our country (where this portion of military discipUno wa3 by no means remissly obser^-ed), those places in the names of which cester or chesler appear, bespeak their having existed there. Nor is it on the authority of the name alone (where cester or Chester is certainly from { 'astra, and not from a Saxon word) that this assertion is made. In_ those places, particularly, have Roman implements of war and other vestiges of the Roman sojourn in this island been discovered.

42 Ci:SAB*S COSMENTARIESi ^^BOOK 1

over the winter-quarters, and set out in person for liitaer Gaui to hold the assizes. *

* The word ** conventus " in the original, refers to those courts which the policy of the Romans established in countries which they had con- qucicd. These may be represented by the expression, provincial assizes. Their business was to administer justice, to hear petitions, prescribe regulations as to taxes and levies, and affix seals to documents which required that process to render them legal. Over these it was the office of the proconsul to preside, assisted, usually, by twenty persons, selected, for the most part, from the Romans resident in that particular portion cf tho province, as his "flssesiores" or "coracj7iMn«," or body of advisers. The proceedings of these courts, like all those of the governors of provinces, were conducted in Latin. (Val.Maximus, ii.2.) Hence the proconsul was on these occasions attended by an interpreter. To this allusion is made, amongst other places, in Cicero's Third Oration against Verres, sect. 37.

It will prove interesting to compare the Commentaries of Caesar, as regards the Gauls, with the history of their wars with the Romans, given in the second Book of Polybius, and to read the account of their participation in the Punic war^ givou in his third Bco"lc«

CHAP. I.] THE GALLIC WAR.

BOOK II.

THE ARGUMENT.

». i'ne tielgx, from various motives, enter into a confedewicy agaiiffit tli€ Roman people. — II. Caesar, having received intelligence of it, proceeds against them. — III. IV. The Remi submit to Ceesar, and give him information respecting the other Belgae. — V. He crosses the river Aisnf and encamps beyond it. — VI. VII. The attack on Bibrax by the Belg£E, and its relief by the Romans. — VIII.-X. State of affairs be- tween the Romars and the Belgae. — XI. The Bellovaci, withdrawing from the warfars to return home, are pursued by the Romans and suffer severely. — XII. Ctesar proceeds against the Suessiones. — XIII. Then against the Bellovaci, and receives the surrender of both. — XIV. Divitiacus pleads in behalf of the Bellovaci. — XV. Caesar's reply ; the character of the Nervii. — XVI.-XXIII. Engagements with them ; a peculiarity in their mode of warfare ; their extraor- dinary courage ; they are finally subdued. — XXIX. The Aduatuci. — XXX. Their ridicule of the Roman engineering. — XXXI. Their pretended submission to the Romans. — XXXH. Caesar's reply to their embassy. — XXXIII. Their treachery and overthrow. — XXXIV. P. Crassus announces that several nations had submitted to the Romau power. — XXXV. Caesar returns to Italy ; a solemn thanks- giving is decreed by the senate.

Chap. I. — While Coesar -ft-as in mnter quarters in Hithei Gaul, as we have sho^^'n above, frequent reports were brought to him, and he was also informed by letters from L^bienus, that all the Belgse, who we have said are a third part of Gaul, were enteiing into a confederacy against the Roman people, and giving hostages to one another ; that the reasons of the con federacy were these — first, because they feared that, after all [Celtic] Gaul was subdued, our army would be led against them ; secondly, because they were instigated by several of the Gauls; some of whom as [on the one hand] they had been \m will- ing that the Germans should remain any longer in Gratil,* so

* The circumstances which led to the Germans going iatQ Qftul, SAd the result of their introduction, are bri^f^Y give°4 book ^-^h

44 C-ESAB'S COMMENTARIES. 1 BOOK 11

[on tho other] they were dissatisfied that t"^ie araiy of tho ilornaa people should pass the winter in it, and settle there ; and others of them, from a natural instability and fickleness of disposition,* were anxious for a revolution; [the Belgae were instigated] by several, also, because the government m Graul was generally seized upon by the more powerful persons •md by those who had the means of hiring troops, and they 30uld less easily effect this object under om* dominion.

Chap. II. — Alarmed by these tiduigs and lettei-s, Caesar levied two new legions in Hither GrauJ, and, at the begin- ning of summer, sent Q. Pedius, liis lieutenant, to conduct them further into Gaul. He himself, as soon as there began to be plenty of forage, came to the anny. He gives a commission to the Senones and the otlier Gauls who were neighbours of the Belgae, to leai-n what is going on amongst them [i. e the Belgae], and inform him of tibese matters. These all uniformly reported that troops wore being raised, and that an army was being collected in one place. Then, indeed, he thought Lhat he ought not to hesitate about proceeduig towards them, and having provided supplies, moves his camp, and ui about fifteen days anives at the tenitorics of the BelgcC. CiiAP. Ill — As he arrived there miexpectedly and sooner tliau any one anticipated, the Remi, who are the nearest of the Belgaa to [Celtic] Gaul, sent to him Iccius and Antebrogius, [two ofj tlie principal persons of the state, as their ambassadors : to tell him that they surrendered themselves and all their posses- sions to the protection and disposal of the Roman people : and that they had neither combined with tlie rest of the Belgae, nor entered into any confederacy against the Roman people: and were prepared to give hostages, to obey his commands, to receive him into their towns>, and to aid him with corn and other things ; that all the rest of the Belgoe were in arms ; and that the Germans, who dwell on this side the Rhine, had joined themselves to them; and that so great was the infatuatiou of them all, that they could not restrain even the Suessiones, their own brethren and kinsmen, who enjoy the same rights, and the same laws, and who have one government and one magistracy [in common] with themselves, from uniting witli them.

• Polybius represents the Gauls, in general, as characterized bv tick!© uess of mind and impetuosity of action. Hist. lib. ii. 35.

QAP. IV.] THE GALLIC WAR. 46

Chap. IV". — When Caisai- inquired of tbcm what states -wero 1 arms, how powerful they were, and what they could do in wai", he received the following infonnation: that the greater »<art of the Belgae were sprung from the Germans, and that idvmg crossed the Rhine at an early period, they had settled there, on accomit of the fertility of the co'intrj^ and had driven MX, the Gauls who inhabited those regions ; and that they were the only people who, in the memoiy of our fathers, when all Gaul was overrun, had prevented the Teutones and the Cimbri from entering their territories ; the effect of which was, that, from the recollection of those events, they assumed to them- selves great authority and haughtiness in mihtary matters. The Remi said, that they had known accm-ately everything respecting their number, because, being imited to them by neighbourhood and by aUiances, they had learnt what number each state Jiad in the general council of the Belgae promised for that war. That the Bellovaci were the most powerful umongst them in valour, influence, and number of men ; that these could muster 100,000 armed men, [and had] pro- mised 60,000 picked men out of that number, and de- manded for themselves the command of the whole war. That the SuessiSnes * were their nearest neighbours and pos- .sessed a very extensive and fertile country ; that among them, even in our own memory, Divitiacus, the most powerful man of all Gaul, had been king ; who had held the govern- ment of a great part of these regions, as well as of Britain ; (hat their king at present was Galba; that the direction of the whole war was conferred by the consent of all, upon him, on account of his integrity and pradence ; that they had twelve towns; that they had promised 50,000 armed men; and that the Nervii, who are reckoned the most warhke among them, and are situated at a very great distai.ce, [had promised] as many; the Atrebates 15,000; the Ambiani.l- 10,000; the Morini, 1 25,000; the Menapii,§ 9,000; the Caleti,]|

• A people of Gallia Belgica. Suessiones, their capital, is the modem Soissons.

t Ambiani. The territory of these people lay along the British Channel, Atrebates, (Arras) their capital, is by the Flemings called Atrecht.

X Morini. Their country lay along the coast opposite Kent.

^ Menapii. They lay near the Mosa (the Meuse).'

n Calftti or Caletes. They lay to the north of the mouth of the Seine.

40 Cesar's coimENTARTKbt [|book ii.

10,000; the Velocasses* and the Veromandui f as many; the Aduatiici 19,000; that the Condi'usi, the Eburones, the Caerffisi, the Paemani, who arc called by the common name of Germans [had promised], they thought, to the number of 40,000.

Chap. V. — CfBsar, having encoui^aged the Eemi, and ad- dressed them courteously, ordered the whole senate to as- semble before him, and the cliildren of their chief men to be brought to him as hostages ; all which commands they punctually performed by the day [appointed]. He, addressing himself to Divitiacus, the ^duan, with great earnestness, points out how much it concerns the republic and their com- mon security, that the forces of the enemy should be divided, so that it might not be necessaiy to engage with so large a number at one time. [He asserts] that tins might be effected if the iEdui would lead their forces into the tenitories of the Bellovaci, and begin to lay waste their country. With these instructions he dismissed him fi-om liis presence. After he perceived that all the forces of the Belgae, which had been collected in one place, were approacliing towards him, and learnt from the scouts whom he had sent out, and [also] from the Remi, that they were not then far distant, he hastened to lead his army over the Aisne, wliich is on the borders of the Eemi, and there pitched his camp. This position fortified one side of his camp by the banks of the river, rendered the country which lay in his rear secure from the enemy, and fm'thermore ensured that provisions jnight without danger be brought to him by the Eemi and the rest of the states. Over that river was a bridge: there he place -s a guard ; and on the other side of the river he leaves Q. Titurus Sabinus, his lieutenant- with six cohorts. He orders him to

* Velocasses, or Bellocassi. Their territories wero of considerable extent, and were bounded on the cast by ihe Iscre; on the south, by the Seine ; on the west, by the regions of the Caleti, and en the north, by those of the BelJovicL

■f* Veromandui, &c. The Veromandui lay between the NerAdi and the Sues- slones. Their capital, Augusta Veromanduorum, is the modem St. Quent'm. The Aduatuci lay on the west banic of the Mouse. The Condrusi lay on tho Meuse; modern Condrolx derives its name from their territories. Ebur6ne« (in some Greek authors, Euburones), the greater par>, of whose territories lay on the west of the Meusc. The Cserssx and the Peemaiu also lay en the Meuse.

CHAP. VII.J THB GALLIC WAIt. f7

furiify a ramp with a rampart twelve feet in heightj and a trench eighteen feet in breadth

Chap. VI. — There was a town of the Re mi, by name Ui brax,* eight miles distant from tliis camp. This the Belgae on their march began to attack with great ^igou^. [The assault] was with difficulty sustained for that day. The Gauls' mode of besieging is the same as that of the Belgte : when after having drawn a large numl"^r of men ai'ouud the whole of the fortifications, stones have begun to be cast against the wall on all sides, and the wall has been stript of its defenders, [theuj, forming a testudo,f they advance to tlie gates and undermine the wall, which was easily effected on this occasion; for while so large a number were casting stones and darts, no one^ was able to maintain his position upon the wall. When nigh; had put an end to the assault, Iccius, who was then in com mand of the to\Mi, one of the Ilemi, a man of the highest rank and influence amongst his people, and one of those who had come to Coesar as ambassador [to sue] for a peace, sends mes- sengers to him, [to report] " That, unless assistance were sent to him he could not hold out any longer."

Chap. VII. — Thither, immediately after midnight, Ciosar, using as guides the same persons who had come to him ab messengers from Iccius, sends some Numidiaji and Cretan archers, and some Balearian slingers§ as a relief to the

* Bibrax. Bievre, a town of the Retni, on the Aisno, nrnsc net be con- founded with Bibractc, one of the largest and richest towns of the yEdui.

t A body of soldiers, in forming a testudo, held their shields firmly to gether over their heads, and were thus protected from such missiles as might be thrown from above, while those of the outer files held their shields sloping in such a manner as to protect the flanks of the entire body. They thus presentea an appearance not unlike the bnck of a tortoise, "testudo;" frora'^'.ich circumstance the name was deri\ed. By the tes- tudo was also meant a penthouse moving on wheels, under cover of Avhich the besiegers worked the battering-ram. The name in this case was readily suggested by the resemblance which the ram presented to a tortoise thrust ing its head forward from its shell and drawing it back again.

J Liteially, " No one had the power of standing his giound."

$ Frequent mention is made by ancient miters of the Numidians and Cre- tans fts archers, and of the Balearians as slingers. These last took their name from three islands in the Mediterranean ; two of which, from their distinctive titles of Major and Minor, are called Majorca and Minorca ; the third Yvica. Pliny ascribes the invention of the sling to these people. Uiodorus Siculus tells us that they could break a target or helmet, or, in- deed, any piece of annour, with their national weapon. Nor will that ai*-

48 O^SAR'8 C0MWKNTARIE8. [BOOK tt]

towns-people, by whose arrival both a desire to resist togethei with the hope of [making goo« their] defence, was infused into the Reuii, and, for the same reason, the hope of gaining the- town, abandoned the enemy. Therefore, after staying a short time before the town, and laying waste the country of the Remi, when all the villages and buildings which they could approach had been burnt, they hastened with all their forces to the camp of Caesar, and encamped within less than two miles [of it]; and their camp, as was indicated by the smoke and fires, extended more than eight miles in breadth.

Chap VIII. — Caesar at first determined to decline a battle, as well on account of the great number of the enemy as tlieir distinguished reputation for valour : daily, however, in cavalry actions, he strove to ascertain by frequent trials, what the enemy could effect by their prowess and what our men would dare. When he perceived that our men were not inferior, as the place before the camp was naturally convenient and suit- able for marshalling an army, (since the hill where the camp was pitched, rising gradually fi-om the plain, exteuiled forward in breadth as far as tlie space which the marshalled army could occupy, and had steep declines of its side in either direction, and gently sloping in front gradually sank to the plain;) on either side of that hill he drew a cross trench of about four hundred paces, and at the extremities of that trench built forts, and placed there his mihtary engines, lest, after he had mai-shalled his army, the enemy, since they were so powerful in point of number, should be able to suiTound his men in the flank, while fighting. After doing this, and leaving in the camp the two legions which he had last raised, tliat, if there should be any occasion, they might be brought as a reserve, he formed the other six legions in order of battle before the camp. The enemy, likewise, had Jrawn up their forces which they had brought out of tlie camp.

Chap. IX. — There was a mdrsh of no great extent between our army and that of the enemy. The latter were waiting to S9e if our men would pass this; our men, also, were ready ii.

pear wonderful if we receive the assertion of Suidas, that they would cast a stone of a pound weight. Their usual missiles, however, were small stones and leaden bullets. The inhabitants of those islands are reported to excel iu -■iie uae of the slinj; at the present day.

CHAP, XI.] ^B OAILIO WAft^ -^

films to attiick tliem wliile disordered, if the first attempt to pass should be made by them. In the meantime battle was commenced between the two armies by a cavalry action. When neither army began to pass the marsh, Caesar, upon the eldi'mishes of the horse [proving] favourable to our men, led back his forces into the camp. The enemy immediately hastened from that place to the river Aisne, which it has been Btatcd was ■ behind our camp. Finding a ford there, they endeavoured to lead a part of tlieir forces over it; with tho design, that, if they could, they might carry by storm the fort which Q. Titurius, Caesar*s lieutenant, commanded, and might cut off the bridge ; but, if they could not do that, they shoulfl lay waste the lands of the Remi, which were of great use to us in carrying on the "war, and might hinder our men from foraging.

Chap. X. — Caesar, being apprised of this by Titurius, leads all his calvary and light-armed Numidians, slingers and archers,' over the bridge, and hastens towards them. There was a severe struggle in that place. Our men, attacking in the river the disordered enemy, slew a great part of them. By the immense number of their missiles they drove back the rest, who,- in a most courageous manner were attempting to pass over their bodies, and surrounded with their cavalry; and cut to pieces those who . had first crossed the river.' The enemy, when they perceived that their hopes had de- ceived them both with regard to then- taking the town by storm and also their passing the river, and did not see our men advance to a more disad-vantageous place for th^ pm-pose of fighting, and when provisions began to fail them, having called a council, determined that it was best for each to retiim to hi"? country, and resolved to assemble from all quarters to defend those into whose territories the Romans should first march an army ; that they might contend in their own rather than in a foreign coiintry, and might enjoy the stores o- provision which tiiey possessed at home. Together xdth other causes, this consideration also led them to that resolution, viz. : that they had learnt that Divitiacus and the jEdui were approaching the territories of the Bellovaci And it «vas impossible to persuade the latter to stay any longer, )r to deter them from conveying succoiu- to their own people.

Chap. XI.— That matter bemq determined on marching

50 c^sae's commentawes. i^book it.

out of their camp at the second watch, with great noise and confusion, in no fixed order, nor under any command, sinco each sought for himself the foremost place in the journey, and hastened to reach home, they made their departure ap- pear very like a flight. Caesar, immediately learning this ihrough his scouts, [but] fearing an ambuscade, because lie had not yet discovered for what reason they were de- parting, kept his army and cavalry within the camp. At day- break, tho intelligence having been confirmed by the scouts, he sent forward his cavalry to h^ass their rear; and gave the com- mand of it to two of his lieutenants, Q. Pedius, and L. Aurun- <-ideiu3 Cotta. llo ordered T Labienus, another of his lieu- tenants, to folloNY them closely with three legions. These, at- tacking their rear, and pursuing them for many miles, slew a great number of them as they were fleeing; while those in the rear with whom they had come up. halted, and bravely sustained the attack of our soldiers ^ the van, because they appeared to be removed from danger, and were not restrained by any necessity or command, as soon as the noise was heard, broke their ranks, and, to a man, rested their safety in flight. Thus without any risk [to themselves] our men killed as great a number of them as the length of liie day allowed ; and at sunset desisted from the pursuit, and betook themselves into the camp, as they had been commanded.

Chap. XII. — On the day following, before the enemy could recover from their terror and flight, Csesar led his army into the tenitories of the Suessiones, which are next to tho Remi, and having accomplished a long march, hastens to the town named Noviodunum.* Having attempted to take it by storm on his march, because he heard that it was destitute of [sufficient] defenders, he was not able to carry it by assault, on account of the breadth of the ditch and the height of tho wall, though few were defending it. Therefore, having forti- fied the camp, he began to bring up the vineae, and to provide ^yhatever things were necessary for the storm. In the mean- time, the whole body of the Suessiones, after then: flight.

* There were three cities of this name in Gaul :— 1. Noviodunum Sues* Einum,^ called also simply Suessiones and Augusta, the modem Soissons, uliich IS meant here. 2. Noviodunum .(Eduoum or Nevimum, a city of the .rEdui on the Loire, the modem Nevers. 3. Noviodunum Bituriguni, ihe modem Neuvy or Neufiy, about twenty miles vest from Nevers.

DHAP. XrV.] THE GAIXIO VTAIU 51

came the ncx night into the tovm. The \ine8Q ha\iug been (juickly hrought up against the town, a mound thi-own up, and lowers buUt, the Gauh, amazed Ly the greatness of thf» %Yorks, such as they had neither seen nor heard of before, and struck, also, by the despatch of the Eomans, send ambassadors to Cassar respecting a "=;m-reniier, and succeed in consequence of the Kemi requesting that they [the Suessiones] might be spared.

Chap. XIII. — Cxsai, having received as hostages the first men of the state, and even the two sons of king Galba liimself ; and all the arms in the town having been delivered up, admitted the Suessiones to a sun-ender, and led his army against the Bellovaci. Who, when they had conveyed them- selves and all their possessions into the town called Lratus- pantium,* and Caesar with his army was about five miles distant from that town, all the old men, going out of the town, began to stretch out then: hands to Cfosar, and to intimate by their voice that they would throw themselves on his protection and power, nor would contend in arraa against the Roman people. In like manner, when he had come up to the town, and there pitched his camp, the boys and tlin women from the wall, w'tb outstretched hands, after (Jieir custom, begged peace fi'om the Romans.

Chap. XIV. — -For these I»ivxtiacus pleads (for after the departure of the Bclgae, having dismissed the troops of the .(Edui, he had returned to Caesar). " The Bellovaci had at all times been in the <illiance and friendship of the JEdnan state ; that they had revolted from the -^dui and made war upon the Roman people, being urged thereto by their nobles, v/ho said that the ..Sidui, reduced to slavery by Caesar, were suffering every indignity and insult. That they who had been the leaders of that plot, because they perceived liow great a calamity they had brought upon the state, had fled into Britain. That not only the Bellovaci, but also the /Edui, entreated liim to use his [accustomed] clemency and lenity towards them [the Bellovaci] : which -if he aid, he would increase the influence of the ^dxd among aU the Belgaa, by whose succour and resom'ces they had been accustomed to support themselves whenever any wars occurred." t

• This town 13 supposed to have stood beiween Caesai-omagus, after- wards Belvacus, Beauvais, and Samarobriva, Amiens.

t For the grammatical constniction of the original of Ibis passage (** Qw

52 Caesar's comment abies. [book lu

Chap. XV. — Caesar said that on accoiint of his respect for Divitiacus and the ^duans, he "^vould receive them into his protection, and -would spare them ; hut, hecause the state was of great influence among the Belgae, and pre-eminent in the number of its population, he demanded 600 hostages. When these were delivered, and all the arms in the town collected, he went from that place into the territories of the Ambiani, who, without delay, surrendered themselves and all their posses- sions. Upon their territories bordered the Nervii, concerning whose character and customs when Caesar inquired he received the following information: — That "there was no access for merchants to them; that they suffered no wine and other things tending to luxury to be imported ; because they thought that by their use the mind is enervated and the courage impaired: that they were a savage people and of great bravery: that they upbraided and condemned the rest of the Belgae who had sur- rendered themselves to the Roman people and thrown aside their national courage : that they openly declared they would neither send ambassadors, nor accept any condition of peace."

Chap. XVI. — After he had made three days' march through their territories, he discovered from some prisoners, that the river Sambre was not more than ten nules fiim his camp ; that all the Nervii had stationed themselves on the other side of that river, and together with the AtrSb^tes and the Veromandui, their neighbours, were there awaiting the arrival of the Romans ; for they had persuaded both these nations to tiy the same fortune of war [as themselves]: that the forces of the Adua- tuci were also expected by them, and were on their march; that they had put their women, and those who through ago appeared useless for war, in a place to which there was no approach for an army, on account of the marshes.

Chap. XVII. — Having learnt these things, he sends for- ward scouts and centurions to choose a convenient place for the camp. And as a great many of the surrounding Belgae and other Gauls, following Cccsar, marched with him; some of these, as was afterwards learnt from the prisoners, having accurately observed, during those days, the arra/s method of marching, went by night to the Nervii, and informed them that a great number of baggage-trains passed between

hujas," &c—*' foissent •* — " intuliisent " — " conraerint,"^ see '-he noter on the " oratio obliqua" and "a-atio recta." book i. pp. 6, 1 0, 20.

CHAP. XIX.] THB GALLIC WAK. 53

The several legions, and that there Avould be no difiQculty, ulien the first legion had come into the camp, and the »tther legions were at a great distance, to attack that legion while under baggage, wliicli being routed, and the baggage-traiu seized, it would ccme to pass that the otlier legions would not dare to stand their ground. It added weight also to the advice of those who reported that circum- fstance, that the Nervii, from early times, because they were weak in cavalry, (for not even at this time do they attend to it, but accomplish by their infantry whatever they can,) in order that they might the more easily obstruct the cavalry of their neighbours if they came upon them for. the purpose of plundeiing, having cut young trees, and bent them, by means of their numerous branches [extending] on to the sides, and the quick-briars and thorns springing up between them, had made these hedges present a fortification lilce a wall, through which it was not only impossible to enter, but even to pene- ti-ate with the eye.* Since [therefore] the march of our army would be obstructed by these things, the Nervii thought that the advice ought not to be neglected by them.

Chap. XVIII. — The nature of the ground which our men had chosen for the camp was this : A hill, declining evenly from the top, extended to the river Sambre, which we have men- tioned above : from this river there arose a [second] hill of like ascent, on the other side and opposite to the former, and open for about 200 paces at tJie lower part; but in the upper part, woody, (so much so) that it was not easy to see through it into the interior. Withiji those woods the enemy kept them- selves in concealment ; a few troops of horse-sol(fiers appeared on the open gi'ound, along the river. The depth of the river was about three feet.

Chap. XIX. — Csesai*, having sent his cavalry on before, followed close after them with all his forces ; but the plan and order of the march was different from that which the Belgaj liad reported to the Nervii. For as he was approaching the enemy, Caesar, according to his custom, led on [as the van]

* I have here adopted Anthon's reading and interpretation. Pren- cleville retains enatis in the text, punctuates differently, and translates as follows : " Having half cut young trees and tv,-isted their thick branches in a lateral direction, aud briars and thorns gi-owing up and being dispersed between them (the trees), caused that these hedges could form a barrier like a wall "

54 Cesar's commentaries (_B<jon ii.

six legbns unencumbered by baggage ; behind them ho had placed the baggage-trains of the whole army ; then the two legions "which had been last raised closed the rear, and were a guard for the baggage-train. Our horse, witli the slingers and archers, having passed the river, commenced action with the cavalry of the enemy. While they from time to time betook themselves into the woods to their compauions, and agaia made an assault out of the wood upon our^ rrjeu, who did not dare to follow them in their retreat further tliau the limit to which the plain and open parts extended, in the meantime the si;^ legions which had arrived first, having measured out the work, began to foiiify the camp. When the first part of the baggage train of our army was seen by those who lay hid in the woods, which had been agreed on among them as the time for com- mencing action, as soon as they had arranged their line of battle and formed their ranks within the woods, and had encouraged one another, they rushed out suddenly with all their forces and made an attack upon our horse. The latter being easily routed and thrown into confusion, the Nervii ran down to the river with such incredible speed that they seemed to be in the woods, the river, and close upon us almost at the same time. And with the same speed they hastened up the Mil to our camp and to those who were employed in the worlvs.

Chap. XX. — Caesar had everything to do at one time:* the standard to be displayed, which was the sign when it was necessary to run to arms ; the signal to be given by the trumpet; the soldiers to be called off from the works; those who had proceeded some distance for the purpose of seeking materials for the rampart, to be summoned ; the order of battle to be formed; the soldiers to be encouraged ;t

• Literally, " all things were to be done by Caesar at one time." f " When a general, after having consulted the auspices, had dclermined to lead forth his troops againsttheenemy, ared flag was displayed {vexillum. vel signum pugncs proponebatur,) on a spear from the top of the IVaitori- um, Caes. de Bell. Gall. ii. 20, Liv. xxii. 45, which was the signal to pre- pare for battle. Then hamg cedled an assembly by the sound of a trumpet (classico, i. e. tuba, condone advocatu, Liv, iii. 62), he harangued the sol- diers, who usually showed their approbation by shouts, by nosing their right hands (Lucan i. 386,) or by beating on their shields with their spears. This address was sometimes made in the open field from a tribunal raised of turf (e trihunali cespiiilio, aut viride cespite exstrticto). Tacit. Ann. i^ 18. . Plin. Paneg. 50. Stat. Silv. v. 2— 144."— Adam's Rom. Antiquities/

CHAP. XXI.] THE GALLIC WAB. 65

iho watcliworJ to be given. A great part of tliesc arrange- ments was prevented by the shortness of time and the sudden approach and charge of the enemy. Under these difficulties f?,\o things proved of advantage ; [first] the sldll dnd expe- rience of the soldiers, because, having been trained by foraier e.Jgagements, they could suggest to themselves what ought to be done, as conveniently as receive information from others; and [[secondly] that Cassar had forbidden his several lieutenants to depart from the works and their respective legions, before ^he camp was fortified. These, on account of the neai' approach and the speed of the enemy, did not then wait for any command from Ctesar, but of themselves executed whatever appeared proper.

Chat. XXI. — Caesar, having given the necessary orders, hastened to and fro into whatever quarter fortune earned him, to animate the troops, and cauie to the tenth legion. Having encouraged the soldiers with no iiu-ther speech than that " they should keep up the remembniutv of their wonted valour, and not be confused in mind, but valiantly sustain the assault of the enemy;" as the latter were not farther from them than the distance to which a dart could be cast, he gave the signal for commencing battle. And having gone to another quarter for the piuT^ose of encouraging [the soldiers], he finds them fighting. Such was the shortness of the time, and so de- termined was the mind of the enemy on fighting, that time was svanting not only for affij^ang the military insignia,* but even for putting on the helmets f and drawing off the covers front the shields. I To whatever part any one by chance came from the works (in which he had been employed), and whatever standards he saw first, at these he stood, lest in seeking his own company he should lose the time for fighting.

* ''Insignia" here means those ornaments and badges of distinction worn by the Roman soldiers ;— probably it here refers especially to the de- vices upon the helmets. " The fictitious employment '* of insignia " to deceive and mislead an enemy was among the stratagems of war. (Pans, iv. 28 ; Virg. ^n. ii. 389—392)." Smith's Diction, of Greek and Roman Antiq.

+ It was the practice of the Roman soldiers an hen on the march, not to wear their helmets, but to carry them slung over their backs, or chests.

t As the shields of the soldiers, even at that period, were embellishcil with curious and expensive ornaments, they kept them, when either in camp nr on the march, covered with leather, as a defence agafaist the dust or raiiu

.'6 CiTSAB'S COMMI3STAEIE8. BuOU 1!

CiiAP. XXII. — The army ha\iiig been marshalled, rathei as the nature of the grounil and the declivity of the hill and the exigency of the time, than as the method and order of military matters required; whilst the legions in the different places were Avithstanding the enemy, some in one quarter, some in another, and the view was obstructed by the very thick hedges intervening, as we have before remarked, neither could proper reserves be posted, nor could the necessary measures be taken in each part, nor could all the commands be issued by one person Therefore, in such an unfavourable state of s^irs, vai-ious events of fortune followed.

Chap. XXIII. — The soldiers of the ninth and tenth legions, lis they had been stationed on the left part of the army, casting then* weapons, speedily drove the Atrebates, (for that division had been opposed to them,) who were breathless with running and fatigue, and worn out with wounds, from the higher groimd into the river; and following them as they were endeavouring to pass it, slew with their swords a great part of them while im- peded (therein). They themselves did not hesitate to pass the river ; and having advanced to a disadvantageous place, when the battle was renewed, they [nevertheless] agam put to flight the enemy, who had returned and were opposing them. In like mannef, in another quarter two different legions, the eleventh and the eighth, havmg routed the Veromandui, with whom they had engaged, v/ero fighting from the higher ground upon the very banks of the river. But, almost the whole camp on the front and on the left side being then exposed, since the twelfth legion was posted in the right whig, and the seventh at no gi-eat distance from it, all the Nervii, in a very close body, with Boduognatus, who held the chief command, as their leader, hastened towards that place ; and part of them began to burrouud the legions on their unprotected flank, part to make for the highest point of the encampment.*

Chap. XXIV. — ^At the same time our horsemen, and light armed infantry, who had been with those, who, as I have re- lated, were routed by the first assault of the enemy, as they were betaking themselves into the camp, met the enemy face to face, nnd again sought flight iAto another quarter; and

• The highest point, perhaps, of the hill on which the camp wua. The Greek paraphrast has irpbg rd iiKpa 7t\vov(fu

CHAP. XXV.]' THE GALLIC WAB. 67

tue camp-followers* ulio from the Decmuau Gate,f and from the highest lidge of the hill had seen our men pass the river as \dctors, when, after going out for the pui-poses of plunder- ing, they looked hack and saw the enemy parading in our camp, committed themselves precipitately to flight; at the same time there arose the cry and shout of those who came with the baggage-traui ; and they (affrighted,) were carried fiome one way, some another. By all these circumstances the cavahy of the Treviii were much alarmed, (whose reputa- tion for courage is extraordinary among the Gauls, and who liad come to Caesar, being sent by their state as auxiliaries.) and, when they saw our camp filled with a lai'ge number of the enemy, the legions hard pressed and almost held sur- rounded, the camp-retainers, horsemen, slingers, and Numi- dians fleeing on all sides divided and scattered, they, despairing of our affaks, hastened home, and related to then- state that the Romans v/ere routed and conquered, [and] that the enemy 'were in possession of their camp and baggage-train. Chap. XXV.— Caesar proceeded, after encouragmg the tenth legion, to the right wing ; where he perceived that his men were hai'd pressed, and that in consequence of the standards of the twelfth legion being collected together in one place, the cirowded soldiers were a hlndi'ance to themselves in the fight ; that aU the centurions of the fourth cohort were slain, and the standard- bearer killed, the standard| itself lost, almost all the centurions of the other cohorts either wounded or slain, and among them the chief centurion of the legion,§ P. Sextius Baculus, a very valiarit man, who was so exhausted by many and severe woimds,

* These calones, it is generally supposed, were slaves. From continual attendance upon the army they an-ived at a considerable degree of skill in military matters. Ceesar, for the most part, uses the word calorics by itself; whereas Tacitus uses it in conjunction with lixcs, as if the two words implied the same class of persons. The lixa, however, were quite distinct from the calones. They were freemen, and followed the army for the purpose of trade ; " lixae, qui exercitum sequebantur, quaestus caus^." Festus. Thus Hirtius, de Bello Afric. 75, classes them with " mercatores ." " lixarum mercatorumque qui plaustris merces portabant."

+ The Roman camp had four gates : "porta prcsloria,'" nearest to tie erejny ; "porta Decumana," opposite to that, and thus farthest from them ; ** porta principalis dectra," and ''porta principalis sinistra."

i Besides the aquila, or standard of the legion, there were the subordinate fltarvdards of the cohorts and the manipuli.

i The primopilus was the first centurion of the first maniple of the

58 c^sab's commektaries. [book h

that he was already unable to support himself; he likewise per- ceived that the rest were slackening their efforts, and that some, deserted by those in the rear, were retirmg from the battle and avoiding the weapons ; tha. the enemy [on the other hand] though advancing from tlio lower ground, were not re- laxing in front, and were [at the same time] pressing hard, on both flanks; he also perceived that the affair was at a crisis, and that there was not any reserve which could be brought up; having therefore snatched a shield from ote of the soldiers in the rear (for he himself had come Avithout a shield), he advanced to the j&ront of the line, and addressing the centurions by name, and encouraging the rest of the soldiers, he ordered them to carry forward file standards, and extend the cr)mpanies, that they might the more easily use their swords. On his arrival, as hope was brought to the soldiers and their courage restored, whilst every one for his own part, m the sight of his general, desired to exert his utmost energy, the impetuosity of the enemy was a little checked.

Chap. XXVI. — Caesar, when he perceived that the seventh legion, which stood close by him, was also hard pressed by the enemy, directed the tribunes of the soldiers* to effect

Triarii (centurio primi pili), also called primus centurio, a person of great distinction in a legion. He had authority over the other centurions ; ranked next to the tribuni miliium, and had a place in the council of war. To him was committed the charge of the principal Btandard of the legion, whence he is, amongst other instances, referred to by TacitiB, Ann. i. 39, Hist. i. 56, by the title of aquilifer. To the lucrative nature of hia ofiice, r.t least under the empire, Juvenal alludes, wheo, Sat. xiv. 1 97, he says, " locupletem aquilam.*'

* The tribunes of the soldiers. In each legion there were in the time of Polybius, six tribuni militum, who commanded uuxler the consul, usually in turns of a month each. During that period the tribuuy's authority ex- tended over the whole legion. Up to the year b. o. ob'J, these officers were chosen, during the monarchy, by the kings ; upon the histitution of the consulate, by the consuls- and under the dictatorship, by the dictator. That year the people claimed the right of electing either the whole, or tha greater part of them. From that period down to B. C. 207, they continued to elect them in this manner. Subsequently, several changes took place in the appointment of these officers. In battle, a military tribime had com- mand of 1,000 nen ; whence their name in Greek is x'^^^'PXOQ or XtXiapxijc. The office was for many years the reward of merit and long service. This rule was afterwards fatally -violated. The later emperors, in order to oblige as many of their friends as possible, frequently conferred the office for the period of six months only. Hence, Piny, Epist. iv. 4, has " temestri tribunatu ;" and Juvenal, Sat. vii. 8, alluding at once to

CHAP. XXVIII. J THE GAXLIC WAB. 50

a junction of the legions gradually, and make their charge upon the enemy with a double front ; which having been done since they brought assistance the one to the other, nor leai'ed lest their rear should be surrounded by the enemy, they began to stand their ground more boldly, and to fight more courageously. In the mean time, the soldiers of the two legions which had been in the rear of the army, us a guard for the baggage -train, upon the battle being reported to them, luickened their pace, and were seen by the enemy un the top of the hill; and Titus Labienus, having gained, possession of tho camp of the enemy, and observed from the higher ground what was going on in our camp, sent the tenth legion as a relief to our men, who, when they had learnt from the flight of the horse and the sutlers in what position the affair was , and iu how great danger the camp and the legion and the com- mander were involved, left undone nothing [which tended] to flespatch.

Chap. XXVII. — By their arrival, so great a change o. matters was made, that our men, even those who had fallen down exhausted with wounds, leant on their shields, and renewed the fight : then the camp-retainers, through unarmed, seeing the enemy completely dismayed, attacked [them though] armed; the horsemen too, that they might by their valom- blot out the disgrace of their flight, thrust themselves before the legionary soldiers in all parts of the battle. But the enemy, even in the last hope of safety, displayed such great* corn-ape, that when the foremost of them had fallen, the next stood upon them prostrate, and fought from their bodies ; when these were overthrown, and their corpses heaped u^. together, those who survived cast their weapons against our men [thence,] as from a mound, and returned our darts which had fallen short between [the armies]; so that it ought not to be concluded, that men of such great corn-age had injudiciously dared to pass a veiy broad river, ascend ^ery high banks, and come up to a very disadvantageous place ; since their greatness of spirit had rendered these actions easy, although in themselves very difficult.

Chjlp XXVIII. — This battle bemg ended, and the aii.

that practice and the gold ring which was one of the insignia of the tribune, has '^semeslri aurc." Ths sisth boot of Polvbiu3 may be here coii-

CO CiJSAr.'s COM-MENTAKIKS. [bOOK II.

tion and uaint of the Nervii Leiug almost reduced to an- nihilation, their old men, whom together with the boys and women we have stated to have been collected together in the fenny places and marshes, on this battle having been reported to them, since they were convinced that n .(thing was an obstacle to the conquerors, and nothing safe to the conquered tjent ambassadors to Caesar by the consent of all who remained and surrendered themselves to him ; and in recounting th( calamity of their state, said thiit then- senatoi-s were reduced from 600 to thi-ee ; that from 60,000 men they [were reduced^ to scarcely 500 who could^ bear arms; whom Caesar, that ho might appear to use compassion towards the ^^Tetched and the suppUant, most carefully spared ; and ordered them to enjoy their o^vn territories and towns, and commanded their neigh- bours that they should restrain themselves and then- depend- ants from offering injiuy or outrage [to them].

Chap. XXIX. — ^7hen the Aduatuci, of wnom we have written above, were coming "^ith all their forces to the as- sistance of the Xervii, upon this battle being reported to them, they retmned home after they were on the march ; deserting all their towns and forts, they conveyed together all their pos- sessions into one town, eminently fortified by nature. While this town had on all sides around it very high rocks and precipices, there was left on one side a gently ascending approach, of not more than ^JOO feet in width ; which place they had fortified with a very lofty double wall : besides, they liad placed stones of great weight and sharpened stakes upon the walls. They were descended from the Cimbri and Teu- tones, who, when they were marching into our province and Italy, haviug deposited on this side tiie river Ehine such of then- baggage- trains as they could not drive or convey mth them, left 6,000 of their men as a guard and defence for them. These having, after the destruction of their country- men, been harassed for many years by their neighbours, wliile one time they waged war offensively, and at another resisted it when vvaged against them, concluded a peace with the consent of all, and chose tliis place as their settlement

Chap. XXX. — And on the first arrival of our army they Qiade frequent sallies from the town, and contended with our men in trifling skirmishes afterwards, when hemmed in by a tampart of twelve feet [in height], and fifteen miles in circuit.

CHAP, xxxil] the gallic ttab. CI

they kept themselves ^tliin the towu. "When, vmeJB* having been brought up and a mound raised, they observed that a tower also was bemg built at a distance, they at first began to mock the Eomans from their wall, and to taunt them -^ith ihe following speeches. "For what purpose was so vast a machine constructed at so great a distance ? " With what liands," or "with what strength did they, especially [as they were] men of such very small stature " (for our shortness of statm-e, in comparison with the great size of their bodies, is generally a subject of much contempt to the men of Gaul' " tnist to place against their walls a tower of such great weight."

Chap. XXXI, — But when they saw that it was being moved, and was approaching their walls, startled by the new and 'vm- accustomed sight, they sent ambassadoi-s to Cffisar [^to treat] about peace ; who spoke in the following manner : " That they did not believe the Il<jmans waged war without divine aid, since they were able to move forn-ard machines of such a height with so great speed, and thus fight from close quarters : that they resigned themselves and all their possessions to (^Csesar'sj] dis- posal : that they begged and earnestly entreated one thing, \'iz., that if perchance, agreeably to his clemency and humanity, which they had heard of from others, he should resolve that the Aduatuci were to be spared, he would not deprive them of their arms ; that all their neighbours were enemies to them and envied their courage, from whom they coiild not defend them- selves if their aiTos were delivered up: that it was better for tliem, if they should be reduced to that state, to suffer any fate from the Roman people, than to be tortured to death, by those among whom they had been accustomed to rule."

Chat. XXXII.— To these things Caesar replied, " That he.

• The vinecB was a machine xinder the protection of which the besieging soldiery advanced to the walla of a town. It consiBted of a roof, (formed of planks and wickerwork, covered over with raw hides or wet cloth,) about sixteen feet long and seven broad, and resting upon posts eight feet in height. The sides of this were guarded also by wickerwork. Though usually so light that the men might carry it, *he vinetB was, in extraordinary cases, made so strong as to be too heavy for that mc^e of advancing it, arC was then moved by wheels attached to the posts. Frequently, as perhapi in the above case, several of the«e were joined together; the besiegers bein^ defended against the darts, etont'^ and fire of the town by the vinea, con- ^urted their operations of under Ining or of attack by the battering-ran?.

62 Cesar's coMirEXTARiKS. [book ir

in accordance with liis custom, rather than owing to their desert should spare the state, if they should surrender themselve. before the battering- i-am* should touch the wall ; but that there was no condition of surrender, except upon their arms being delivered up ; that he should do to them that which he had done in the case of tlie Nervii, and would command theii neighbours not to offer any injury to those who had surren- dered to the Roman people " The matter being reported to their countrymen, they said that they would execute his commands. Having cast a very large quantity of their arms fi'om the wall into the ti-ench which was before the towii, so that the heaps of anns almost equalled the top of the wall and the rampart, and jievertheless having retained and concealed, as we afterwards discovered, about a third part jn the town, the gates were opened, and they enjoyed peace for that day.

Chap. XXXIII. — Towards evening C^sar ordered tne gates to be shut, and the soldiei-s to go out of the town, lest Sie towns-people should receive any injury fi'om them by night. They [the Aduatuci], by a. dcsiga before entered into as we afterwards understood, because they believed that, as a surrender had been made, nn r men would dismiss their guai'db. or at least would keep watr.h less carefully, partly witli those arms which they !':ad retained and concealed, partly with shields made of bark or interwoven wickers, which they had hastiU covered over with sldns, (as the shoitness of time requu-ed) lu the tliird watch, suddenly made a sally from the town with all their forces [in that du'ectionl in which the ascent to our foitiii-

* The battering-ram (aries) was, perhaps, the most effective instrument of ancient irarfarc. It may be called the artillery of olden times. The bas-reliefs on the column of Trajan at Rome present a portraiture ot this war engine in its simpler form ; borne and impelled that is, by human <"orce alone. In its more efficient form, iron rings vere placed around the beam of the ram, by which it was suspended by means of ropes, or chains, U> another beam fitted transversely over it. Velocity, and consequently power, were thus greatly increased. The head was made of iron or some hard metal, and formed to represent the head of a goat. Hence, as well as from its application, it was called by the Romans aries. The Romaus borrowed il from the Greeks. They do not, however, appear to have made very much iwe of it before the siege of Syracuse, in the second Punic war. The beam to which the head was attached varied from eighty to a hundred and twenty feet in length, and the umted strength of more than a li.mdrea mcu wns sometimea engaged in its operation.

CHAP. XXXV.] THE GALLIC WAR. fi3

cations seemed the least ditficulL. The signal having been immediately given by fires, as Caesar had previously com- manded, a rush Tvas made thither [i. e. by the Eoman soldiers] from the nearest fort; and the battle Tvas fought by the enemj as vigorously as it ought to be fought by brave men, in the last hope of safety, in a disadvantageous place, and against those who were throwing their weapons from a rampart and fi-om towers; since aU hope of safety depended on their corn-age alone. About 4,000 of the men having been slain, the rest were forced back into the town. The day after, Caesar, after breaking open the gates, which there was no one then to de- fend, and sending in om* soldiers, sold the whole spoil of that town. The nimiber of 63,000 persons was reported to him by those who had bought them.

Chap. XXXIV.— At the same time ho was informed by P. Crassus, whom he had sent ^^ith ono If^gion against the Veneti,'^ the Unelli, the Osismii. tho CuriosolitsB, the Sesuvii, the Aulerci, and the Rhedonos, \vhich are maritime states, and touch upon the [Atlantic] ocean, that all these nations were brought under the dominion and power of the Eoman people.

Chap. XXXV. — These thingj^ being achieved, [and] all Gaul being subdued, so high an opinion of this war was spread among the barbarians, that ambassadors were sent to Caesar by those nations who dwelt beyond the Rhine, to promise that they would give hostages and execute his com- mands. Which embassies Caesar, because he was hasten ing into Italy and Illyricum, ordered to return to him at the beginning of the following summer. He himself, having led his legions into winter quartei*s among the Camutes, the Andes, and the Turoues, which states were close to those regions in which he had waged war, set out for Italy ; and a thanksgiving 1 of fifteen days was decreed for those achieve-

* Veneli, &c. These were nations of Gallia Celtica. The Veneti were situated in the ■west. The Unelli possessed a territor)' lying on the north-west of what is now called Normandy. OS their coast lay the islands Caesarea, Jersey ; Samia, Guernsey ; and Reduna, Alderney. The Osismii occup'ed a territory afterwards forming a part of the province of Bretagne, and now called Finisierre. The Curiosolitae also occupied a part of the same province. The Sesuvii are supposed to have been situated on the coast near the Bay of Biscay,

• This {snpplicatio or supplicium) '"as a great religious solemnity decreed oy the senate^ upon an extraordinary victory. It was designed as an act

64 C-ESABS C0MMEKTAEIE8. [BOOK U.

ments, upon receiving Caesar's letter; £an honour] wliich before that time * had been conferred on none.

of thanksgiving to the gods. The temples were then thrown open, an: the statues of the deities placed in public upon couches. Before these the people gave expression to their thankfulness. This part of the solemnity was called lectislernium. The value of the victory was sup posed to determine the period of the duration of this sacred festival Though sometimes decreed for one day, its usual period was three or fiv« days. Pompey had a supplicatio of ten days decreed upon the conclusion of the war with Mithridates. Csesar, as we read in the text, obtained one of fifteen days. This, he tells us, w»? the first occasion on which a Roman general had enjoyed that honour. Upon his victory over Vercingetorix, that illustrious enemy of the Roman power in Gaul, a supplicatio of twenty days was decreed him, as we reiul, De Bell. Gall. vii. 90. Dion Cossius mentiona instances in which a forty, fifty, and even sixty days' sup- pUeatio \vas decreed. Cicero obtained a supplicatio upon the suppression of the Cataline conspiracy, — an honour which he took fi'equent oppor- tunity of observing had never before been granted to manful achievements.

There was another solemnity bearing this name. The occasion of it, however, was very different from that already spoken of. In times of public distress or danger, and at the appearance of imcommon prodigiesj the senate decreed a supplicatio to appease the deities and remove tho present, or avert the anticipated evil.

• Literally « happened to none.**

BOOK Ilf.

THE ARGUxMENl.

I. — Caesor, at the ciose of the iate campaign, sent Servius Gaiha I'nio tli9 territories of the Nantuates, Veragri, and Seduni, with permission to winter there, if expedient ; his reason for this. Galba resolved to winter at Octodurus. — II. The Seduni and Veragri combine against him. — III. And attack his camp. — IV.-VI. A fierce battle ensues; in which, as well as in several other engagements, Galba is successful. — VII. VIII. An unexpected war in Gaul ; the occasion of it. The Veneti are the principal instigators. — IX. Caesar gives orders for the equip- ment of a fleet. The Veneti and other states augment their navy,and extend their alliances. — X.-XII. Cajsar's difficxilties ; arising chiefly from the position of the Venetic towns. — XIII. The structure of the Venetic ships accommodated to that position. — XIV.-XV. Csesar sur- mounts these disadvantages ; and in a naral engagement obtains a nctory. — XVI. Wliich terminated the war with the Veneti — XVII.-XIX. Titurius Sabinus is sent into the territories of the Unelii. Conduct of then: king, Viridorix. Sabinus is compelled to resort to stratagems ; he defeats the Unelii. — XX., XXI. P. Crassus enters Aquitania, and is attacked by the Sotiates, who are signally worsted.— XXII. The "Solaui-ii." — XXIII. Crassus proceeds into the territories of the Vocates and Tarusates ; who engage in measures of oppo^tion. - -XXIV. He draws up his forces for a battle ; which the enemy decline. — XXV., XXVI. He then attacks their encampment, and is victorious. — XXVIII. Caesar advances against the Morini and Menapii ; his motives for this : the enemy make a sudden assault on the Roman forces, and are repelled with great loss. — XXIX. Cajsar's provision ngainst such attacks : his operations intermptcd by the in clemency of the season : the army is led into mnter quarters.

Chap. I. — When Cresar was setting out for Italy, he %ent Serviiis Galba with the twelfth Tegion and part of th<: cavalry, against the Nantuates,-? the Veragri, and Seduni, whc

• The Nantuates were an Alpine race, on the south of the lake ol Geneva-; the Veragri, a tribe of the Koman province, also south of that lake, whose chief town, Octodurus, is the modem Mzriigni, and the Seduni, a people lying between the east coast of it and the Rhone, wbose capitulj Seduni, ii the modem Sion,

56 CJISAR'S COATMENTAlUEt. ^BOOK ni

extend from the territories of the Allobrogcs, and the lake of Geneva, and the river Rhone to the top of the Alps. The reason for sending him -was, that he desired that the pass along the Alps, thi-ough ■\\hich [the Roman] merchants hfid been accustomed to travel with great danger, and luider great im- posts, should be opened. He pennitted him, if he thought it necessary, to station the legion in these places, for the purpose of \yintering Galba having fought some sue- < cssful battles, and stonned several of their forts, upon ambassadors being sent to him from all parts and hostages given and a peace conclujJed, determined to station two cohorts among the Nantuates, and to winter in person with the other cohorts of that legion in a village of the Veragri, which is called Octodurus ; and this village being situated in a valley, with a small plain annexed to it, is bounded on all sides by very high mountains. As this village was divided into two parts by a river, he granted one part of it to the Gauls, and assigned the other, which had been left by them unoccupied, to the cohorts to winter in. He foitified this [latter] part with a rampart and a ditch.

Chap. II. — When several days had elapsed in winter quarters, and he had ordered com to be brought in he was suddenly informed by liis scouts that all the people had gone off in the night from that part of the town which he had given up to the Gauls, and that the mountains which hung over it were occupied by a very large force of the Seduni and Veragri. It had happened for several reasons that .the Gauls suddenly foi-med the design of renewing the war and cutting off that legion. First, because they despised a single legion, on account of its small number, and that not quite full (two cohorts having been detached, and several individuals being absent, who had been despatched for the pm-pose of seeking pro- vision) ; then, lilvewise, because tliey thought that on account of the disadvantageous chai'acter of the situation, even their first attack could not be sustained [by us] when they would rush from the mountains into the valley, and discharge their wea- pons upon us. To this was added, that they were indignant that their children were torn fi'om them under the title of hostages, and they were pei-suaded that the Romans designed to Bcize upon the summits of ^ae Alps, and unite those parts to

CHAP, v.] THB QALLIO WAB. 6/

the neighbauring province [of Gaul], not only to secure tlio passes,* but also as a constant possession.

Chap. III. — Having received these tidings, Galba, since the worlvs of the winter-quarters and the fortifications were not fully completed, nor was sufficient preparation made mth regard to corn and other proN-isiona (since, as a surrender had been made, and hostages received, he had tliought he need entertain no ap- prehension of a war), speedily summoning a council, began to anxiously inquire their opinions. In which council, since so much sudden danger had happened contrary to the general expectation, and almost all the higher places were seen already- covered with a multitude of armed men, nor could [either] troops come to tlieu' relief, or provisions be brought in, as the passes were blocked up [by the enemy ;] safety being now nearly despaired of, some opinions of this sort were delivered : that, " leaving their baggage, and making a sally, they should hasten away for safety by the same routes by which they had come thither." To the greater part, however, it seemed best, re^ serving that measure to the last, to await the issue of the matter, and to defend the camp.

Chap. IV. — A short time only having elapsed, so that time was scarcely given for arranging and executing those things which they had determined on, the enemy, upon the signal being given, rashed down [upon our men] from all parts, and discharged stones and darts f upon our rampart. Our men at first, while their strength was fresh, resisted bravely, nor did they cast any weapon inefiectually from their higher station. As soon as any part of the camp, being destitute of defenders, seemed to be hard pressed, thither they ran, aud brought assistance. But they were over-matched in this, tliat the enemy when wearied by the long continuance of the battle, went out of the action, and others with fresh strength came in their place ; none of which things could be done by our men, owing to the smallness of their number; and not only was permission not given to the wearied [Roman] to retu-e from tha fight, but not even to the wounded [ras hberty granted] to quit the post where he had leen stationed, and recover.

Chap. V. — When they had now been fighting for mere thau

• Literally " for the possession of the passes."

•{• The gasumt a Celtic weapon, was adopted by the Romr oe

QQ CiESAB's COMMENTARIES, f BOOK lit

six hours, without cessatiou, and not only strength, but even ■weapons were failing our men, and the enemy were pressing on moro rigorously, and had begun to demolish the rampart and to fill up the trench, while our men were becoming exhausted, and the matter was now brought to the last extremity, P. Sextius Baculus, a centurion of the first rank, whom we have related to have been disabled by severe wounds in the engage- ment with the Nervii, and also C. Volusenus, a tribune of fiie soldiers, a man of great skill and valour, hasten to Galba, and assure him that the only hope of safety* lay in making a sally, and trying the last resource. Whereupon, assembling the centurions, he quickly gives orders to the soldiers to dis- continue the fight a short time, and only collect the weapons flung [at them], and recruit themselves after their fatigue, and afterwards, upon the signal being given, sally foilh from the camp, and place in their valour all ^eir hope of safety.

Chap. VI. — They do what they were ordered; and, making a sudden sally from all the gates [of the camp], leave the enemy tliO means neither of knowing what was taking place, nor of collecting themselves. Fortune thus taking a txum, [our men] surround on every side, and slay those who had entertained the hope of gaining the camp and having killed more than the third part of an army of more than 30,000 men (which number of the barbarians it appeared certain had come up to our camp), put to flight the rest when panic- stricken, and do not suffer them to halt even upon the higher groimds. All the forces of the enemy being thus routed, and stripped of their arms, [om- men] betalce themselves to their camp and fortifications. Which battle being finished, in- asmuch as Galba was unwilling to tempt fortune again, and re- membered that he had come into winter quarters with one design, and saw that he had met with a different state of affairs ; chiefly however ui-ged by the want of com and provision, having the next day burned all the buildings of that village, he hastens to return into the pro\ince ; and as no enemy opposed or hindered his march, he brought the legion safe into the [countiy of the] Nanttiates, thence into [that of] the Allo- broges, and there wintered.

Chap. Vii. — These things being achieved, while Cassar had every reason to suppose that Gaul was reduced to a state of tran-

* Literally, " the only hope of safety was, if a sally being made, they tried the last resource."

CJHAP. IX.] THE GALLIC WAR 69

quillity, the BelgsB being overcome, the Gennans expelled, the Seduni among the Alps defeated, and when he had, therefore, in the beginning of winter, set out for lUyricum, as he wished to visit those nations, and acquire a knowledge of their countries, a sudden war sprang up in Gaul. The occasion of that war was this : P. Crassus, a young man, hkd taken up his winter quarters with the seventh legion among the Andes, who- border upon the [Atlantic] ocean. He, as there was a scarcity of com in those parts, sent out some officers of cavalry, and several mili- tary tribunes amongst the neighbouring states, for the pm-pose of procuring com and provision ; in which number T. Terrasi- dius was sent amongst the Esubii ; M. Trebius GaUus amongst the Curiosolitag ; Q. Velanius, with T. Silius, amongst tiie Veneti.

Chap. VIII. — The influence of this state is by far tne most considerable of any of the countries on the whole sea coast, because the Veneti both have a very great number of ships, %7ith which they have been accustomed to sail to Britain, and [thus] excel the rest in their knowledge and experience of nautical affairs ; and as only a few ports lie scattered along that stormy and open sea, of which they are in possession, they hold as tributaries almost all those who are accustomed to traffic in that sea. With them arose the beginning Qof the revolt] by their detaining Silius and Velanius ; for they thought that they should recover by their means the hostages which they had given to Crassus. The neighbouring people led on by tbeir influence (as the measures of the Gauls are sud- den ".and hasty), detain Trebius and Terrasidius for the same motive ; and quickly sending ambassadors, by means of then- leading men, tiiey enter into a mutual compact to do nothing except by general consent, and abide Jie same issue of for- tune ; and they solicit the other states to choose rather to con- tinue in that Hberty which they had received from then* ancestors, than endure slavery under the Romans. AU the sea coast being quickly brought over to their sentiments, they send a common embassy to P. Crassus [to say], " If he wished to receive back his officers, let him send back to them their

Chap. TX. — Caesar, being informed of these things by Cras- sus, since he was so far distant himself, orders ships of war to be built in the meantime on the river Loire, which flows into the ocean ; rowers to be raised £rom the province ; sailors

IP 0.fflSAP.S COMMENTAEIES. [ BOOK HI.

aiid pilots to be provided. These matters being quickly executed, he himself, as soon as the season of the 3 ear per- mits, hastens to the army. The Veueti, and the other statca also, being informed of Ccesar'a arrival, -when they reflected how great a crime they had committed, in that, the ambas- sadoi^s (a character which ^ad amongst all nations ever been sacred and inviolable)* had by them been detained and thrown into prison, resolve to prepai*e for a war in pro- portion to the greatness of their danger, and especially to provide those things which appertain to the service of a navy, with the greater confidence, inasmuch as they greatly relied on the natm-e of their situation. They knew that the passes by land were cut off by estuaries, that the ap- proach by sea was most difficult, by reason of our ignorance of the localities, [and] the small number of the harbours, and they trusted that our army would not be able to stay very long among them, on account of the insuinciency of com ; and again, even if all these things should tmn out contraiy to then- expectation, yet they were very poT.-erful fn their navy. They well understood that he Romans neuLer hkd any number of ships, nor were acquainted witli the shal- lows, the harboui-3, or the islands of those parts where they would have to carry on the war ; and that navigation was very different in a naiTOW seaf from what it was in the vast and open ocean. Having come to this resolution, they fortify their towns, convey com into them from the coimtiy parts, bring together as many ships as possible to Venetia, where it appeared Caesar would at first carry on the war. They unite to Themselves as allies for that war, the Osismii, the Lexovii, the Nannetes,t the AmbiHati, the Morini, the Diablintes,§ and the Menapii; and send for auxiliaries from Britain, which is situated over against those regions.

Chap. X. — There were these difficulties which we have men-

* Frequent mention is made of the sacred and holy character of am- bassadors by Roman writers.

t Literally, " fiw different in a narrow sea and in the vast and ope«

% The Narmetes, or Namnetes, were a Celtic tribe, whose capital, Con- divicnum, afterwards Nannetes, is the modern Nantes^ which preserves the ancient name with a slight modification.

§ The Diablintes were a division of the Aulerci. Their capital, the name of which was changed from Neodunum to Diablintes, is the modem ^alliens. - ~

OBAP.xa.} THB OALLIO WAS. 7i

tioned above, in carrying on the Tvar, but many tHngs, never- theless, urged CaDsar to that war : — the open insult ofifered to the state in the detention of the Roman knights, the rebellion raised after surrendering, the revolt after hostages were given, the confederacy of so many states, but principally, lest if [the con duct ofj this part was overlooked, the other nations should think that the same thing was permitted them. Wherefore, smce he reflected that almost all the Gauls were fond of revolution, and easily and quickly excited to war ; that all men likewise, by nature, love hberty and hate the condition of slavery, he thought he ought to divide and more widely distribute his army, before more state -^ sho'ild join the confederation.

Chap. XI. — He therefor sends T. Labienus, his Heutenant, with the cavahy to the Treviri, who are nearest to the river Rhme He charges him to visit the Eemi and the other Belgians, and to k ep them in their allegiance and repel the Germans (who vrcn said to have been simaraoned by the Belga to their aid,) if they attempted to cross the river by force in their ships. He orders P. Crassus to proceed into Aquitania with twelve legionary cohorts and a great number cf the cavalry, lest auxiliaries should be sent into Gaul by these states, and such great nations be imited. He sends Q. Titurius Sabinus his Heutenant, with three legions, among the Unelli, the Cu- riosolitae, and the Lexavii, to take care that their forces should be kept separate from the rest. He appoints D. Brutus, a young man, over the fleet and those Gallic vessels which he had ordered to be furnished* by the Pictones and the Santoni, and the other provinces which remained at peace ; and commands him to proceed towards the Yeneti, as soon as he could. He himself hastens thither with tjie land forces.

Chap. XII. — The sites of their towns were generally such that, being placed on extreme points f [of land] and on pro- montories, they neither had an approacli by land when the tide had nishsd in from the main ocean, which always happens "^ce in the space of twelve hours ; nor by ships, because, apon the tide ebbing again, the ships were likely to be dashed upon the shoals. Thus, by either circumstance, was tho stonning of their towns rendered difficult ; and if at any time

• Lit. " to assemble from among," &c. + Ut. " small tonnes."

7Q CM6AR S COMJIEN'TAEIES. [BOOK lH.

perchance tlie Teneti overpowered by the greatness of our •works, (the sea having been excluded by a mound and large dams, and the latter being made almost equal m height to thf walls of the town,) had begun to despair of their fortunes, bringing up a large number of ships, of which they had a verj great quantity, they carried oflf all their property and betook themselves to the nearest towns; there they again defended themselves by the same advantages of situation. They did this the more easily during a great part of the summer, be- cause our ships were kept back by storms, and the difficulty of sailing was very great in that vast and open sea, with its strong tides and its harbours far apart and exceedingly few in number.

Chap. XIII. — For their ships were built and equippea after this manner. The keels were somewhat flatter than those of our ships, whereby they could more easily encounter the shallows and the ebbing of the tide : the prows were raised very high, and, in like manner the stems Avere adapted to the force of the waves and .storms [v.hich they were formed to sus- tain]. The ships wore built wholly of oak, and designed to endure auy force and violence whatever; the benrhes which were made of planks a foot in breadth, were fastened by iron spikes of the thickness of a man's thumb; the anchors were secured fast by iron chain's instead of cables, and for sails they used skins and thin dressed leather. These [were used] either through their want of canvas and thek ignorance of its application, or for this reason, which is more probable, that they thought that such storm? of the ocean, and such violent gales of wiud cnuld not be resisted by sails, nor ships of such great burden be convemently enough managed by them. The en- counter of our fleet with these ships* was of such a nature that our fleet excelled in speed alone, and the plying of the oars ; other things, considering the nature of the place [and] the violence of the stonns, were more suitable and better adapted oa their side; for neither could our ships injure theirs with ^heir beaks f (so great was their strength), nor on account of

* i. e. tne relative character of the two -was, &c.

t " For neither could," &.c. A similar remark is made in the next chapter. And yet the rostrum (more commonly rostra, Greek ipto\og, ox ilitoXov) suijpiied a very formidable instrument of ancient naval warfare. It was a beam Springing from a part just below the prow, and topped with sharp

«HAP. XIV.] THE GALLIC WAB. 73

their height was a ^veapon easily cast up to them ; and for tho

same reason they -^'ere less readily, locked in Ly rocks. To /his was added, that -whenever a storm began to rage and they ran lefore the wind, they both could weather the storm more /easily and heave to securely in the shallows, and when left by the tide feared nothing from rocks and shelves: the risk of all tvhich things was much to be dreaded by our ships.

Chap. XI Y. — Caesar, after taking many of their towns, perceiving that so much labour was spent in vain and that the tlight of the enemy could not be prevented on the capture of their towns, and that injury could not be done them, he deter- mined to wait for his fleet. As soon as it came up and was first seen by the enemy, about 220 of their ships, fully equipped and appointed with every kind of [navaJ] implement, sailed forth from the hai'bour, and drew up opposite to ours ; nor did it appear clear to Brutus, who commanded the fleet, or to the tribunes of the soldiei^ and the centurions, to whom the se- veral ships were assigned, what to do, or what system of tactics to adopt; for they Imew that damage could not be done by their beaks; and thai, although turrets were built [on their decks], yet the height of the stems of the barbarian ships exceeded these; so that weapons could not be cast up from [bur] lower position with sufficient effect, and those cast by the Gauls fell the more forcibly upon us. One thing pro- vided by our men was of great service, [viz.] sharp hooks * inserted into and fastened upon poles, of a form not unlike the l.i.ooks used in attacking town walls. Wlien the ropes which fastened the sail-yards to the masts were caught by them and pulled, and our vessel vigorously impelled with the oars, theyf [the ropes] were severed; and when they were cut aw a}, the

iron points or an iron figure of a lani's head. Though formerly alu-ays above the water they were in lattef times placed below it, and thus rendered more dangerous.

* " Sharp hooks." (fakes prceacutcE), The falces here spoken of were, probably, those arms which were much used under that name. The falx was a large dagger with, a coulter, or bill, projecting from one eide. Such implements, when fixed upon poles, were employed at the siege of towns. One service of them was to loosen the stones of the walls. To this practice <::a>sar refers, De Bell. Gall. vii. 22. But Vegetius, iv. 14, tells us that a /arge falx was sometimes employed, instead of the more common ram's head, for the purpose of attacking towns.

t Literally " gave themselves to tne ;viad.*»

y^t CSSAIL'S COMMENTARIES. [BOOK U\

yards necessarily fell down, so that as all the hope of tho Gallic vessels depended on their sails and rigging, upon these being cut away, the entire management of the ships was taken from them at the same time. The rest of the contest depended on * courage ; in ■which our men decidedly had tho advantage ; and the more so, because the whole action w?5 carried on in the sight of Ceesar and the entire army ; so that no act, a little more valiant than ordinarv, could pass Tinob £er\-ed, for all the hills and higher grounds, from which ther6 was a near prospect of the sea, were occupied by our ai-my.

Chap, XV. — The sail-yards [of the enemy], as we have said, being brought down, although two and [in somo cases] three ships [of iheirs] surrounded each one [of ours], the soldiers strove with the greatest energy to boai'd the ships of the enemy and, after the barbarians observed tliis taking place, as a great many of their ships were beaten, and as no relief for that evil could be discovered, they hastened to seek safety in flight. And, having now turned their vessels to that quarter in which the wind blew, so great a calm and lull suddenly arose, that they could not move out of their place, which cir cumstance, truly, was exceedingly opportune for finishing the business ; for our men gave chase and took them one by one, so that very few out of all the number, [and those] by the inter- vention of night, arrived at the land, after the battle had lasted almost from the fourth hourf till sun-set.

Chap. XVI.— By this battle the war with the Veneti and the whole of the sea coast was finished ; for both all the youth, and all, too, of more advanced age, in whom there was any discretion or rank, had assembled in that battle; and they had collected in that one place whatever naval forces they had anywhere; and when these were lost, the survivors had no place to retreat to, nor means of defending their towns. They ac- cordingly surrendered themselves and all their possessions to Caesar, on whom Caesar thought that punichment should bt inflicted the more severely, in order that for the future the rights of ambassadors might be more carefully respected by barbarians : having, therefore, put to death all their senate, he sold the rest for slaves.

Chap. XVII. — "While these things are going on amongst the Veneti, Q Titurius Sabinus with those troops which he

• Lit. •* was placed in." + Lit. " about ten in the morning."

CHAP. XVin.] THE GAIilC WAB. ^

lad received from Caesar, arrives in the territories of tho Unelli. Over these people Viridovix ruled, and held tho cTiief command of all those states -which had revolted : from which he had collected a large and povi-erful army.* And in those few days, the Aulerci and the Sexovii, having slain their senate hecause they vrould not consent to be promoters of the war, shut their gates [against us] and united themselves to Viridovix; a great multitude besides of desperate men and robbers assembled out of Gaul from all quarters, whom the hope of plundering and the love of fighting had called away from husbandry and their daily labour. Sabiaus kept himself •within his camp, which was in a position convenient for every- thing ; v/hile Viridovix encamped over against him at a dis- tance of two miles, and daily bringing out Ids forces, gave him an opportunity of fighting; so that Sabiaus had now not only come into contempt with the enemy, but also was somewhat taunted by the speeches of our soldiers ; and furnished so great a suspicion of his cowardice that the enemy presumed to ap- proach even to the very rampart of our camp. He adopted this conduct for the following reason : because he did not think that a Keutenant ought to engage in battle with so great a force, especially while he who held the chief command was absent, except on advantageous ground or some favourable circumstance presented itself.

Chap. XVIII. — After haviag established this suspicion of his cowardice, he selected a certain suitable and crafty Gaul, who was one of those whom he had with him as auxiliaries. He induces him by great gifts and promises to go over to the enemy ; and informs [him] of what he wished to be done. Who, when he arrives amongst them as a deserter, lays before them the fears of the Romans; and informa them by what difficulties Caesar himself was harassed, and that the matter was not far removed from this — that Sabinus would the next night privately draw off his army out of the camp and set forth to Gsesar, for the purpose of carrying [him] as- sistance, which, when they heard, they all cry out together that an opportunity of successfully conducting their enterprise, ought not be throvm away: that they ought to go to the [Roman] camp. Many things persuaded the Gauls to this measure; the delay of Sabinus during the previous daysj the • Lit. " an army and large forces."

Jj3 CfiSAB's COMMENTARIIiS. LbOOK IIL

positive asseiliou of the [pretended] deserter; want of pro- visions, for a si'pply of which they had not taken the requisite precautions ; the hope springing from the Venetic war ; and [also] because in most cases men willingly believe what they wish. Influenced by these things, they do not dis- charge Viridovk and the other leaders from the council, before they gained permission from them to take up arms and hasten to [our] camp ; which being granted, rejoicing as if victory were fully certain, they collected faggots and brush- wood, with which to fiU up the Iloman trenches, and hasten to the camp.

Chap XIX. — The situation of the camp was a rising ground, geutly sloping from the bottom for about a mile. Thither they proceeded Avith great speed (in order that as little time as possible might be given to the Romans to collect and arm themselves), and arrived quite out of breath. Sabinus having encouraged his men, gives them the signal, which they earnestly desired "While the enemy were encum- bered by reason of the burdens which they were carrying, he orders a sail} to be suddenly made from two gates [of the camp]. It happened, by the edvantage of situation, by the imskilfuluess and the fatigue of the enemy, by the valouj of our soldiers, and their experience in former battles, that they could not stand one attack of om' men, and immediately tui-ned their iiacks . and our men with full vigour followed them while disor- <lered, and slew a great number of them ; tho horse pui-suing the rest, left but few, who escaped by flight. Thus at the same time, Sabiniis was informed of the naval battle and Caesar of victory gained by Sabinus • tod all the states immediately surrendered themselves to Tituiius : for as the temper of the Gauls is impetuous and ready to mideilake wars, so their mind is weaJj, and by no means resolute in endui'ing calamities.*

Chap. XX. — About the same time, P. Crassus, when he had anived in Aquitauia (which, as has been before eaid, both fi-om its extent of tenitory and the great num- ber of its people, is to be reckoned a third part of Gaul,t) understanding that he was to wage war m these pai'ts, where a few years before, L, Valerius Praocouinus, the lieu-

• Polybius*^ character of the Gauls perfectly agrees with that of CasariB Sn both the points spoken of ia the passaee abov* + Book LI.

CB&F. XiL] THE GALLIC WA&, Tt

tenant had been killed, and his army routed, and firoDi whioh L Manilius, the proconsul, had fled with the loss of his baggage, he perceived that no ordinary care must be used by huji. Wherefore, having provided com, procured puxiliaries and cavalry, [and] having summoned by name many valiant men from Tolosa, Carcaso, and Narbo, vrhich are the states of the province of Gaul, tha^ border jn these regions {Aquitania], he led his army into the territories of the Sotiates. On his arrival being known, the Sotiates having brought together great forces and [|much] ca^'alry, in which their strength principally lay,* and assailiDg our army on the march, en- gaged first in a cavalry action, then when their cavalry was routed, and our men pursuing, they suddenly display their infantry forces, which they had placed in ambuscade in a vaUey. These attacke4 our men [while] disordered, and re newed the fight.

Ckap. XXI. — The battle was long and \igorously contested, since the Sotiates, relying on their former victories, imagined that the safety of the whole of Aquitania rested on their valour ; [|and] our men, on the other hand, deshed it might be seen w]\at they could accomplish, without their general and without t)e other legions, under a very young commander; at length the enemy, worn out with wounds, began to turn their bac> 3, and a great number of them being slain, Crassus began to tesiege the [principal] town of the Sotiates on his march. Jnon their valiantly resisting, he raised vinese 'and turrets. They at one time attempting a saliy, at another forming mines f to our rampart and vineas (at which the Aquitani are eminently sldlled, because in many places ariiongst them there are copper mines) ; wh.en they per- ceived tliat nothing could be gained by these operations through

• It n*^ed scarcely be observed that the infantry were then regarded a-^ the main part of an army.

+ Whfcn a tovni could not be approached by vineeSi the operations of the siege ivere often carried on by the means of mines. These were some- tiines can led into the very heart of the place. When the object -was prin- cipally to sap the foimdations of the •walls, the part to be destroyed was supported by upright wooden beams, which being fired, left the wall to come dowiu This piece of warfare, we find, then, was also applied to the fortificatioi 3 of a camp. Another instance of this is found, De £ell. Grail. Tii. 22 ; whiire Caesar speaks also of skill derived from the civil i^orkings of mines applitd to militarr purppses.

78 CaSAU's COiniENTABIES. [BOOb 111

the persGverance of our men, they send ambassadors to Craa* sus, and entreat Mm to admit them to a surrender. Having obtained it, they, being ordered to deliver up their aims, comply.

Chap. XXII.^ — And while the attention of our men is en- gaged in thai matter, in another part Adcantuanuus, who lield the chief command, with 600 devoted followers whom they call soldmii,* (the conditions of whose association are these, — that they enjoy all the conveniences of life Nvith those to whose fiiendship they have devoted themselves : if anjthuig calami- tous happen to them, either they endm-e the same destiny together with them, or commit suicide : nor hitherto, in the memory of men, has there been found any one who, upon hig being slain to whose friendship he had devoted himself, refused to die ;) Adcantuannus, [I say] endeavouring to make a saUy with these, when om- soldiers had laished together to aims, upoT> a shout being raised at that part of the fortification, and a fierce battle had been fought there, was driven back into the town, yet he obtained from Crassns [the indulgence] that he snould enjoy the same terms of surrender [as the other inhabitants].

Chap. XXIII. — Crassus, having received their arms and hostages, marched into the territories of the Vocates and the Tarusates. But then, the barbarians being alarmed, because they had heard that a town fortified by the nature of the place and by ail,t had been taken by us in a few days after oiur arrival there, began to send ambassadors into all quarters, to combine, to give hostages one to another, to raise troops. Am- bassadors also are sent to those states of Hither Spain which are nearest to Aquitania, and auxiliaries and leaders are sum- moned from tliem ; on whose arrival they proceed to carry on the vvar with great confidence, and with a great host of men. They vyho bad been with Q. Sertcrius the whole period [of his war in

• Soldurii. This seems a Celtic word. That the sold-orii were persons lying under feudal obligations to the persons whom they attended in battle, and are to be regarded in the same light as the persons (ambacti clientes- que) spoken of in book vi. 15, is at least doubtful. Pluta'ch speaks of persons among the Egyptians devoting themselves to the service of others for life and death {(TvvaiTo9vi]<jKovTtQ). It is probable that the soldurii acted only on sacred principles in this self-devotion, and were thus »di Ugog "yoxoQ.

+ Lit. «bv hand."

CHAP. XXV.] THE OALLIO WAB, 7®

Spainl and were supposed to have very great skill in miKtar/ matters, aro chosen leaders. These, adopting the practice of the Pioman people, begin to select [advantageous] places, to fortify their camp, to cut off our men from provisions, which, when Crassus observes, [and likewise] that his forces, on account of their small number, could not safely be sepa- rated; that the enemy both made excursions and beset the passes, and [yet] left sufficient guard for their camp ; that on that account, com and provision could not very conveniently be brought up to him, and that the number of the enemy was daily increased, he thought that he ought not to delay in giving battle. This matter being brought to a council, when he dis- covered that all thought the same thing, he appointed the next day for the fight.

Chap. XXIV. — Having drawn out all his forces at the break of day, and marshalled them in a double line, he posted the auxiliaries in the centre, and waited to see what measures the enemy would take. They, although on ac- count of their great number and their ancient reno^-n in war, and the small number of our men, they supposed they might safely fight, nevertheless considered it safer to gain the vic- tory without any wound, by besetting the passes [and] cuttmg off the provisions : and if the Romans, on account of the want of com, should begin to retreat, they intended to attack them while encumbered in their march and depressed in spirit [as being assailed wmle] under baggage. This measure being approved of by the leaders and the forces of the Romans drawn out, the enemy [still] kept themselves in their camp. Crassus having remarked this circumstance, since the enemy, intimi- dated by their o^vn delay, and by the reputation [i. e. for cow ardice arising thence] had rendered our soldiers more eager for fighting, and the remarks of all were heard [declaring] that no longer ought delay to be made in going to the camp, after encouraging his men, he marches to the camp of the enemy, to the great gratification of his own troops.*

Chap. XXV. — There, while some were fillingup the ditch, and others, by throwing a large number of darts, were driving the defenders from the rampart and fortifications, and the auxilia- ries, on whom Crassus did not much rely in the battle, by sup- plying stones and weapons [to the soldiers], and bf conveying

♦ Ut. "ail earnestly wifihing it.'*

80 - - O^SAE'S eOSniENTAEIES. [BOOK III

turf to the mound, presented the appearance and charac- ter of men engaged in fighting ; while also the enemy were fighting resolutely and boldly, and their -weapons, discharged from their higher position, fell* with great effect ; the horse, having gone round the camp of the enemy, reported to Crassus that the camp was not fortified with equal care on the side of the Decuman gate, and had an easy approach.

Chap XXVI. — Crassus, having exhorted the commanders o| the horse to animate their men by great rewards and promises, points out to them what he wished to have done. They, aa they had been commanded, having brought out the four cohorts, which, as they had been left as a guai'd for the camp, were not fiitigued by exertion, and having led them round by a some- what longer way, lest they could be seen from the camp of the enemy, when the eyes and miads of all were intent upon tho battle, quickly arrived at those fortifi.cations which we have spoken of, and, having demolished these, stood in the camp of the enemy before they were seen by them, or it was known what, was going oil. And then, a shout being heard in that quarter, our men, their strength having been recruited, (which f asually occurs on the hope of victory), began to fight more vigorously. The enemy surrounded on all sides, [and] all then: affairs being despaired of, made great attempts to cast them- selves down over the ramparts and to seek safety in flight. These the cavalry pursued over the very open plains, and after leaving scarcely a fourth part out of the number of 50,000, which it was certain had assembled out of Aquitania and from the Cantabri, returned late at night to the camp.

Chap. XXVII. — Ha^^ng heard of this battle, the greatest part of Aquitania surrendered itself to Crassus, and of its own accord sent hostages, in -which number -vs-ere the Tarbelh,^ tho Bigerriones, the Preciani, the Vocasates, the Tanisates, the Elurates, the Garites, the Ausci, the Garumni, the Sibiizates, the Cocosates. A few [^and those] most remote nations, rel}ing on the -time of the year, because -winter was at hand, neglected to do this.

Cha?. XXVIII.— About the same time Caesar, although the summer was neajly past, yet, since, all Gaul being re-

• Literally, " not ineffectively."

+ Literally, " which generally is accustomed to happen."

$ For the situations of these several people, see the map.

CHAP. XXIX.l THE GAILIO WAE. 81

duced, the Moriiii and the Menapii alone remained jn arms, and had never sent ambassadors to him [to make a treaty] of peace, speedily led his army thither, thmMng that that war might soon be terminated. They resolved to conduct the war on a very different metho*^ from the rest of the Gauls , for as they perceived that the greatest nations [of Gaul] who had engaged in war, had been routed and overcome, and as they j'Ossessed continuous ranges of forests and morasses, they removed themselves and aU their property thither. When (■^aesar had arrived at the opening of these forests, and had I egun to fortify his camp, and no enemy was in the meantime fceen, while our men were dispersed on their resj. active duties, they suddenly rushed out from all paits of the forest, and made an attack on our men. The latter quickly took up arms jmd drove them back again to their forests ; and having killed \i great many, lost a few of their own men while pursuing them too far through those intricate places.

Celap. XXJX. — During the remaining days after this, Caesar began to cut down the forests ; and that no attack might be made on the flank of the soldiei-s, while unarmed and not fore- seeing it, he placed together (opposite to the enemy) all that timber which was cut down, and pLed it up as a rampai't on either flank. When a great space had been, with incredible speed, cleared hi a few days.whcn the cattle [of the enemy] and the rear of their baggage train were already seized by our men. and they themselves were seeking for the thickest parts of the forests, storms of such a kind came on that the work was necessarily suspended, and, through the continuance of the rains, the soldiers could not any longer remain in their tents. Therefore, having laid waste all their country, [and] having burnt their villages and houses, Caesar led back his army and stationed them in winter quarters among the Aulerci and Lexovii, and the other states whicJi had made war upon him last.

CJCSAR*S COMMENTARIES. [bOOK IV

BOOK IV

THE ARGUMENT.

I.-III. The Usipetes and Tenchtheri, oppressed by tie Suevi, migrate fioin Germany into Gaul ; the national character of the Suevi. — IV. The Usipetes and Tenchtheri possess lemselves of the estates of tho Mcnapii. — V., VI. Caesar resolves to make war upon the Germans. — VII.-IX. Receives an overture of peace from them; their treacherous designs. — X. Description of the Meuse and the Rhine. — XI.-XV. The perfidy of the Germans ; their overthrow and retreat. — XVI.- XVIJ. Caesar's bridge over the Rhine.— XVIII., XIX. C^sar leads his ai-my into Germany